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LIBRARY 

PRINCETON.    N.  J 

No.  Case,-/19£)--^--:- 

No.  Shelf, .Ss,^-^         _- 


No.  Book, 


BX    955    .K54    1853 

The  Lives  of  the  popes  from 
A.D.  100  to  A.D.  1853 


y 


/ 

THE    LIVES 


OF 


THE     POPES. 


FROM  A.  D.    100  TO   A.    1>,   1858. 


REVISED    BY    DANIEL    P.    KIDDER. 


Jf^tD-lJork  : 


PUBLISHED   BY   CARLTON   &   PHILLIPS, 

200    MULBERRY-STREET. 

1853. 


5( 


EDITOR^S   PREFACE. 


TiiE  jDresent  work  was  originally  published,  in  four 
small  volumes,  by  the  Religious  Tract  Society  of 
London. 

On  examination,  it  has  been  found  well  adapted 
to  supply  a  previous  lack  in  the  current  literatm'e  of 
the  age. 

We  take  pleasure  in  placing  the  work  before 
American  readers  in  a  more  convenient  form  than 
that  of  its  first  publication,  and  trust  that  it  T\dll  be 
extensively  perused  by  young  and  old  throughout 
our  land.  'No  nation  ought  to  be  better  acquainted 
than  ours  with  the  history  of  the  Popes,  and  the  sys- 
tem of  religion  of  which  they  are  acknowledged 
heads;  for  none  has  more  to  fear  from  the  move- 
ments of  Romanists. 

Here,  within  a  narrow  compass,  will  be  found 
what  elsewhere  can  only  be  learned  by  consulting 
numerous  volumes.  The  work  is  planned  and  exe- 
cuted in  keeping  with  the  spirit  of  the  age.  It  will 
be  found  useful  for  reference,  as  well  as  for  reading. 
"We  trust  that  it  is  destined  for  extensive  instruction 
and  usefulness. 

New-Yokk,  September f  1853. 


CONTENTS. 


PART  I. 

FROM  THE  HISE  OF  THE   ROMAX  CHURCH  TO  THE  AGfE  OP 
GREGORY  VII.— A.  D.  100-1046. 

CHAPTER  I. — Origin  of  the  title  of  pope— First  "bishops  of  Rome — Linus — 
Clement — Their  simplicity  and  piety — How  long  these  qualities  were  pre- 
served— Comparative  unimportance  of  the  Roman  bishop)s — Ignatius  of  An- 
tioch — Polycarp  of  Smyrna — Anicetus — The  martyrs  and  confessors — Fabi- 
Axrs — CoRXELius — Lucius Page  13 

CHAPTER  II. — Excessive  homage  paid  to  bishops — They  become  a  priesthood 
— Growth  of  ihe  Roman  Church — Arrogance  of  Victor  I.  and  of  Stephen  L 
— Temptations  to  the  Roman  bishops — Wealth  of  the  Church — Benefits  of 
persecution — Paul  of  Samosata — Constantine  the  Great — Results  of  his  reign 
—Toleration — Patronage — Sylvester,  the  first  patriarch  of  Rome — Injury  to 
the  spirituality  of  the  Church 20 

CHAPTER  III. — Preeminence  of  the  Roman  bishops— Signs  of  corruption — 
— They  seek  to  enlarge  their  powers — Mark — -Julius — Arian  controversy — 
— Occasional  admissions  of  the  supremacy  of  Rome — Liberius — Contest  with 
Felix — Damasus  and  Ursicinus 28 

CHAPTER  IV. — SiRicius  enjoins  celibacy — Restricts  baptism  to  certain  days 
— Introduction  of  several  abuses — Monachism — Anthony  the  hermit — Pacho- 
mius  the  monk — Priestly  assumptions  of  the  clergy — Sanctioned  by  Chrysos- 
tom  and  others — Illustrated  in  Martin  of  Tours — Respect  paid  to  saints  and 
their  relics — Decline  of  Paganism — Anastasius — Alaric  and  the  Goths — De- 
generacy and  immorality  of  the  Romans — Sack  of  Rome — Innocent  I. — 
The  Goths  professors  of  Christianity — Innocent's  authority  over  foreign 
Churches 34 

CHAPTER  V. — ZosiMus — Pelagian  controversy — Ccelestius  and  Pelagius  appeal 
to  the  bishop  of  Rome — Augustine  and  the  African  Churches  remonstrate — 
Zosimus  changes  sides — Baptismal  regeneration — Boniface  I. — Celestine — 
The  clergy  of  France — Nestorian  controversy — Celestine's  arrogance — Coun- 
cil of  Ephesus— Cyril — Storj'  of  Dalraatius 44 

CHAPTER  VI.— Sixtus  III.— Story  of  Patrick— Leo  the  Great— His  noble 
qualities — Theological  labors — Haughtiness  toward  Hilary — Monophysite 
controversy — Dioscurus — Eutyches — Flavian — The  "  Council  of  Robbers  '* — 
Flavian  deposed — Contempt  shown  to  Leo's  advice 50 

CHAPTER  VII. — Leo's  resentment — Invasion  of  southern  Europe  by  the  Huns 
— Attila — Battle  of  Chalons — Its  effects  on  European  history — Attila  enters 
Italy — Leo  becomes  ambassador — Invasion  of  Italy  by  the  Vandals — Leo 
again  intercedes — Great  wealth  of  the  Roman  Church — Fall  of  the  Roman 
empire — Ascendency  of  the  popes — Results  of  Leo's  popedom — Corruptions 
multiplied — Antichrist  manifested 56 

CHAPTER  VIII. —  Hilary  —  Simplicius  —  Felix  II.  —  Gelasius  —  Miserable 
state  of  Italy — Reign  of  Theodoric  the  Goth — Anastasius — Symmachus — 
HoRMisDAS — John  L — Felix  III. — Benedict  the  recluse  founds  a  new  order 
of  monks — Its  character — Boethius — Anarchy  after  Theodoric's  death — Bon- 
iface II. — John  IT. — .\gapetus — Reign  of  Justinian — Sylverius — Belisarius 
invades  Italy — Tergiversation  of  the  pope — Vigilius  obtains  office  by  simony 
— Historical  obscurity  of  the  age — Lombards  invade  Italy — Effects  of  fre- 
quent invasion 63 


6  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  IX.— Pelagius  I.— John  III.— Benedict  I.— Pelagius  II.— Geeg- 
ORY  I.,  styled  the  Great — His  early  life — Becomes  pope — His  qualifications 
for  the  oftice— His  charitableness — Bebukes  the  bishop  Natalis— His  '•  Eulcs" 
— Sends  Augustine  to  convert  the  Anglo-Saxons— Success  of  the  mission — In- 
dignation of  the  ancient  British  Churches— Deynoch  of  Bangor— Augustine's 
bigotry — Gregory  aims  at  controlling  the  Spanish  and  French  Churches — Al- 
ters the  forms  of  '.vorship— Improves  the  singing — "  Canon  of  the  mass" — 
Sanctions  the  use  of  images — His  superstitious  tendencies — Letter  to  the 
Empress  Constantina— His  servility  to  monarchs Page  74 

CHAPTER  X.—  Twenty-four  popes,  all  of  little  note  —  Saeini  anl's  —  Boniface 
III. — Boniface  IV. — Deodatus — Bqniface  V. — Honorius  I. — Seveeinus— 
John  IV. — Theodore  I. — Martin  I. — Eugene  I. — Vitalian — Adeodatus — 
DoNus  I. — Agathon — Leo  II. — Benedict  II. — John  V. — Conon — Sergius  I. 
— John  VI. — Sisinius — Constantine — Steady  increase  of  the  power  of  the 
Church — Oppression  of  Martin  I.  by  the  emperor — Boniface  III.  styles  him- 
self "  universal  bishop" — Church  increases  in  wealth — Darkness  of  the  age 
— Way  paved  for  papal  supremacy  in  Britain 85 

CHAPTER  XL — Rise  and  spread  of  Mohammedanism — Prevalence  of  image 
worship — Gregory  II. — Leo  the  Isaurian — The  iconoclasts — Image  worship 
forbidden — Consequences  at  Constantinople — At  Rome — Gregory's  letter  to 
the  emperor — Separation  of  Rome  and  its  territory  from  the  Gieek  empire 
— The  pope's  first  essay  at  sovereignty 92 

CHAPTER  XII. — Incursions  of  the  Lombards  on  the  Roman  district— Greg- 
ory III. — Zachary  holds  an  interview  with  Liitprand — Interferes  in  the  af- 
fairs of  France — Charles  Martel — Pepin — Stephen  III.  annoyed  by  the  Lom- 
bards— Aided  by  Pepin — Lombards  humbled — Pepin  crowned  by  the  pope — 
— The  Lombards  revolt — Stephen's  letter  to  Pepin — Pepin  returns  and  sub- 
dues the  Lombards — Gives  territory  to  the  pope — The  popedom  a  real  sov- 
ereignty, and  the  " Church"  no  longer  a  spiritual  body 98 

CHAPTER  XIII. — Early  character  of  Charlemagne — Paul  I. —  Constantine 
— Stephen  IV.  advises  Charlemagne  to  repudiate  his  wife — Resentment  of 
her  father — Adrian  I. — Lombard  incursions — Charlemagne  visits  Rome    104 

CHAPTER  XIV. — Adrian  cultivates  Charlemagne's  friendship — The  pseudo- 
isidorian  Decretals  and  Donation  of  Constantine — Adrian's  share  in  the  image 
controversy — The  Emperor  Leo's  death — The  Empress  Irene — Charlemagne 
again  visits  Rome— His  patronage  of  the  priesthood  and  interference  with 
their  liberties 109 

CHAPTER  XV. — Leo  III.  courts  the  favor  of  Charlemagne — Precariousness  of 
his  seat — Charlemagne's  victories — Charlemagne's  third  visit  to  Rome — His 
coronation  as  emperor 1 14 

CHAPTER  XVI.— Charlemagne's  death— Louis  the  Meek— Stephen  V.— Pas- 
chal I. — Eugene  II. — Valentine — Gregory  IV. — Rebellion  of  Louis's  sons 
— Sergius  II.  aims  to  make  the  papacy  independent — The  Saracens  attack 
Rome — Leo  IV. — His  victory  over  the  Saracens — Fabulous  story  of  Pope 
Joan 117 

CHAPTER  XVII. — Nicholas  I. — His  arrogance  to  the  Emperor  Louis  IL— 
Commencement  of  the  "Great  Schism" — Prohibits  King  Lothaire's  divorce 
of  Thietberg — Adrian  II.  also  insists  on  Lothaire's  submission — Abject  cre- 
dulity of  the  age — Anarchical  state  of  Europe — John  VIII. — Charles  the  Bald 
leaves  Italy  to  the  pope — Martin  II. — Adrian  III. — Stephen  VI. — Arnulf 
elected  emperor — Guide  crowned  emperor  by  Stephen — Formosus  crowns 
Arnulf — Stephen  VII. — Schism  between  Romanus  and  Theodore — John  IX. 
— Commencement  of  a  reign  of  terror 122 

CHAPTER  XVIII. — Benedict  IV. — Leo  V.  deposed  and  murdered  by  Chris- 
topher— The  licentious  Theodora  and  Marozia — Popes  elected  by  them — 
Sergius  III. — Anastasius  III. — Lando— John  X.  murdered— Leo  VI. — 
Stephen  VIII — John  XL  and  his  brother  Alberic— Alberic's  popes — Leo  VII. 
— Stephen  IX. — Martin  II. — Agapetus — John  XII.'s  profligacy — Otho  the 
Great  enters  Italy — Leo  VIII. — Benedict  V.— John  Xlll 1.30 


CONTENTS.  7 

CHAPTER  XIX.— Death  of  Otho  the  Oreat— Renewal  of  anarchy  in  Italy— 
Benedict  VI.  murdered  by  Boniface  VII. — Bonus  II. — Benedict  VII.  and 
Boniface  VIII.  anti-popes — Crescentius  supports  Boniface — John  XIV. — John 
XV.  assumes  the  power  of  creating  a  saint — Gerbert  and  Arnulf— Gregohy  V. 
and  John  XVI.  antipopes — Gregory  lays  France  under  interdict — Sylvester 
II. — General  panic  at  the  approach  of  the  year  1000 — Death  of  Otho  III. 

Page  137 

CHAPTER  XX. — Struggles  of  Italian  nobles  for  power — Their  disunion — John 
XVII. — John  XVIII.— Seegius  IV. — The  counts  of  Tusculum — Benedict 
VIII. — John  XIX.  offers  to  sell  his  office — Benedict  IX.  a  monster  of  prof- 
ligacy— Sells  the  tiara  to  Gregory  VI. — But  it  is  claimed  by  Sylvester  III. 
— Three  popes  at  once — The  Emperor  Henry  III.  deposes  them  all  at  Sutri, 
and  nominates  Clement  II. — General  review 144 


PART  n. 

FROM  THE  AGE  OF  GREGORY  VII.  TO  THE  DAWN  OF  THE 
REFORMATION.— A.  D.  1046-1431. 

CHAPTER  T. — Power  of  the  papacy  in  the  eleventh  century — General  mur- 
murs at  the  vices  of  the  priesthood — Clement  II. — Effects  of  the  emperor's 
interference — Hildebrand's  rising  influence — Damasus  II. — Imperial  nomi- 
nation of  Leo  IX. — His  election  by  the  Romans — He  aims  at  preventing  si- 
mony, and  enforcing  celibacy  among  the  clergy 153 

CHAPTER  II. — Origin  of  the  Normans  in  Italy — The  pope  opposes  them — 
Battle  of  Civitella — Victor  II. — Death  of  the  emperor — Duke  Godfrey  and 
his  brother,  Pope  Stephen  IX. — Nicholas  II. — Papal  election  vested  in  the 
cardinals — Robert  Guiscard  espouses  the  papal  cause — Efforts  of  the  reformers 
—Ariald  of  Milan 160 

CHAPTfiR  III. — Alexander  II.  chosen  by  the  reforming  party — HonoeiusII. 
nominated  by  the  Empress  Agnes  — Warfare  of  the  popes  —  Seizure  of  the 
yoang  Emperor  Henry  IV. — Alexander's  subserviency  to  Hildebrand — Arro- 
gance of  the  latter — Papal  sanction  to  the  invasion  of  England  by  William  the 
Conqueror — The  young  emperor's  profligate  habits— Disaffection  of  the 
nobles — Miracle  of  St.  Remaclus — The  emperor's  companions  excommuni- 
cated   169 

CHAPTER  IV. — Election  of  Hildebrand  as  Gregory  VII. — His  cautious  policy 
— Strengthens  papal  relations  in  Italy — Conforms  the  Spanish  liturgy  to  the 
Romish  breviary — Interferes  in  French  affairs — Watches  the  emperor — Hen- 
ry's quarrels  with  the  Saxons — Gregory  takes  open  measures  for  reforming 
the  clergy 180 

CHAPTER  V. — Gregory  remonstrates  with  the  emperor — Disturbed  state  of 
Rome — Revolt*  of  Cencius— Gregory  summons  the  emperor  to  a  council — 
Henry's  defiance — Saxon  rebellion — The  pope  secretly  foments  it — The  coun- 
cil condemns  the  emperor — Henry's  passage  of  the  Alps  in  winter — His  wel- 
come in  Italy — His  penance  in  Canossa — Arrogance  of  Gregory 185 

CHAPTER  VI. — The  emperor  meditates  revenge — Rudolf  crowned  as  emperor 
— Gregory's  caution — Berenger  of  Tours — The  pope  promotes  a  uniformity  of 
liturgies— Rebuffed  by  William  the  Conqueror — Declares  war  against  the  em- 
peror— Imperial  party  elect  an  anti-pope — Battle  of  the  Elster — Henry  enters 
Italy — Captures  Rome — Is  crowned  by  the  anti-pope — Gregory  rescued  by 
Robert  Guiscard — Retreat  to  Salerno  and  there  dies 195 

CHAPTER  VII.— Decided  success  of  the  papal  party— Victor  III.— Urban  II. 
— System  of  penance  gives  rise  to  indulgences — And  pilgrimages — Peter  tho 
Hermit — Council  of  Clermont — First  Crusade 204 


8  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VIII.— Pabchal  II.— Eevolt  of  the  emperor's  son— Death  of  Henry 
IV. — Anti-papal  measures  of  the  new  emperor — Concessions  of  the  pope — 
Revoked  by  a  council — Gelasius  II. — Calixtus  II. — Treaty  of  Worms,  and 
professed  reconciliation  of  the  emperors  and  popes Page  210 

CHAPTER  IX.— HoNORius  II.— Innocent  II.— Anacletus  II.— St.  Bernard 
and  the  early  reformers,  Abelard  and  Arnold  of  Brescia — Celestine  II. — 
Lucius  II. — Eugenius  II. — Influence  of  Bernard  in  the  second  Crusade — In 
opposing  the  sectaries — Anastasius  IV. — The  English  pope,  Adrian  IV.   216 

CHAPTER  X.— An  interdict  in  Rome— Martyrdom  of  Arnold— The  Emperor 
Barbarossa  does  homage  to  the  pope — Origin  of  Guelfs  and  Ghibbelines— 
Alexander  III. — Ineffectual  struggles  of  Barbarossa,  and  final  submission  to 
the  pope — Murder  of  Thomas  a  Becket — Timid  policy  of  Henry  II.  of  England — 
Papal  arrogance  and  persecution — Lucius  III. — Urban  III. — Gregory  VIII. 
— Clement  III. — Celestine  III. — A  third  Crusade — Foolish  arrogance  of 
Celestine 223 

CHAPTER  XI. — Noonday  of  papal  power — Innocent  III. — Persecution  of  her- 
etics— Origin  of  the  Inquisition — Albigenses  and  Waldenses — New  Crusades — 
Capture  of  Constantinople — Crusade  of  the  children — Minority  of  the  empe- 
ror— Papal  policy — Pope  forbids  the  marriage  of  the  French  king — Confers 
royal  titles — And  humiliates  John,  king  of  England 229 

CHAPTER  XII. — HoNORius  III. — Another  crusade — Mendicant  orders  estab- 
lished— St.  Francis — St.  Dominic — Gregory  IX. — Pomp  of  his  inauguration — 
Celestine  IV. — Innocent  IV. — His  warlike  temper  and  great  power 239 

CHAPTER  XIIL— Thirst  of  the  popes  for  temporal  power— Alexander  IV. — 
Turbulence  of  the  barons — Urban  IV. — Quarrels  with  Manfred  of  Naples — 
Clement  IV. — Battle  of  GrandeUa — Termination  of  the  struggle  between  popes 
and  emperors — Gregory  X. — His  zeal  for  the  crusades — Innocent  V. — Adri- 
an V. — John  XXI. — Nicholas  III. — His  crafty  policy 246 

CHAPTER  XIV.— Martin  IV.— The  "Sicilian  Vespers"— Honorius  IV.— 
Nicholas  IV. — Singular  character  of  Celestine  V. — His  resignation — Bon- 
iface VIII. — Assumes  the  double  crown— Gives  away  kingdoms — Quarrels 
with  Philip  the  Fair — Institutes  jubilees — Claims  submission  from  Philip — 
Boniface  suddenly  captured — Dies  Insane — Dante's  allusions  to  him 254 

CHAPTER  XV. — Decay  of  papal  authority — Benedict  XI. — Clement  V. — Re- 
moval of  papal  court  to  Avignon — Extermfnates  the  Templars — John  XXII. 
— His  avarice — Benedict  XII. — His  moderation  and  good  intentions — Clem- 
ent VI. — His  licentiousness — Rienzi  the  tribune — Joanna  of  Naples  and  the 
pope — Another  jubilee 263 

CHAPTER  XVI. — Innocent  VI. — Urban  V.  is  persuaded  by  Petrarch  to  re- 
store the  papal  court  to  Rome — He  fails — It  is  accomplished  by  Gregory  XI. 
— Growth  of  corruption— Symptoms  of  popular  discontent 272 

CHAPTER  XVII.— Commencement  of  the  "  Great  Schism"— Urban  VI.— His 
harshness  and  violent  temper — Boniface  IX. — His  avarice — The  indulgence- 
mongers — Innocent  VII. — Gregory  XII. — His  perjury — The  Council  of  Pisa 
elect  Alexander  V. — Three  popes  at  once » 276 

CHAPTER  XVIII.— John  XXIII.  succeeds  Alexander— The  Council  of  Con- 
stance— All  the  popes  set  aside — Huss  summoned  before  the  council — His 
trial  and  martyrdom — That  of  Jerome  of  Prague — Election  of  Martin  V.— 
Who  dissolves  the  Council — His  pontificate  and  death— General  review. .  283 


CONTENTS.  4) 


PART  m. 

FROM  THE  DAWN  OF  THE  REFORMATION  TO  THE  ROMANIST 
RE-ACTION.— A.  D.  1431-1605. 

CHAPTER  I. — Introductory  remarks — Eugenius  IV. — War  with  some  of  the 
baronial  houses — Council  of  Basel — Council  at  Florence — Nicholas  V. — Re- 
volt of  the  Porcari— Patronage  of  learning — Fall  of  Constantinople  before 
the  Turks — Attempt  of  the  pope  to  revive  a  crusading  spirit Page  293 

CHAPTER  II. — Calixtus  III. — .ffineas  Sylvius  a  backslider — Becomes  pope  as 
Pius  II. — Attempts  a  crusade  against  the  Turks,  but  fails — Paul  II. — His 
vulgar  frivolity — Sixths  IV. — Conspiracy  of  the  Pazzi — Advance  of  the 
Turks 299 

CHAPTER  III. — Innocent  VIII. — His  voluptuousness — His  dependence  on 
Lorenzo  de'  Medici — Persecution  of  the  Waldenses — Alexander  VI. — His 
monstrous  and  shocking  profligacy — Invasion  of  Italy  by  Charles  VIII. — Sa- 
vanorola,  the  Florentine  reformer — Corruption  in  the  Church  at  its  hight — ■ 
Caesar  Borgia's  career  and  crimes 305 

CHAPTER  IV.— Pius  III.— Julius  II.— His  warlike  character— Conquers  Ro- 
magna  and  expels  Caesar  Borgia — Opposes  the  French — Lays  siege  in  person 
to  Mirandula — Patronizes  the  arts — Bramante,  architect  of  St.  Peter's — Ra- 
phael— Michael  Angelo — Death  of  Julius 311 

CHAPTER  v.— Accession  of  Leo  X. — His  popularity— His  intellectual  sensu- 
ality— Patronage  of  learning  and  the  arts — Leo's  pleasures— Infidelity  reigns 
at  Rome — Necessity  for  a  reformation 317 

CHAPTER  VI.— Wars  of  Leo  X.— Invasion  of  Louis  XII.— Battle  of  Novara— 
League  of  Francis  I.  with  Charles  V. — Francis  invades  Italy — Conquers  Milan 
— Meets  Leo  at  Bologna — Their  treaty — Abolition  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanction 
— Leo's  cruelty  to  the  duke  d'Urbino — Conspiracy  of  the  Petrucci 322 

CHAPTER  VII. — Outbreak  of  the  Reformation — Sale  of  indulgences — Con- 
tempt of  them  in  Germany — Luther  resists  Tetzel  and  denounces  the  corrup- 
tions of  the  Church — Leo  indifferent,  but  the  papal  court  alarmed — The  elec- 
tor Frederic  warned  not  to  protect  Luther — Interview  of  Luther  and  Miltitz 
— Luther  advances — The  pope  denounces  him  in  a  bull 328 

CHAPTER  VIII.— Progress  of  the  Reformation— Luther  burns  the  bull— The 
emperor  cites  him  to  Worms — Luther's  boldness — He  is  banished — Rescued 
and  carried  to  the  Wartburg — Leo's  love  of  letters — Henry  VIII. 's  book  on 
the  sacraments- Leo  expels  the  French  from  Milan — His  death 335 

CHAPTER  IX. — Pontificate  of  Adrian  VI. — His  attempts  at  reform  and  re- 
trenchment— His  contempt  for  the  arts — Progress  of  the  Reformation — Lu- 
ther returns  to  Wittemberg — Adrian's  letter  to  the  elector — Persecution  com- 
mences— Diet  of  Nuremberg — Adrian's  discomfiture  in  all  his  plans — His  un- 
popularity— Death 340 

CHAPTER  X.— Pontificate  of  Clement  VII.— Complicated  state  of  afiairs— 
Further  progress  of  the  Reformation— Luther's  Bible— Campeggio  sows  dis- 
sension in  Germany— Italy  the  battle-field  between  Charles  V.  and  Francis  I. 
—Clement's  tergiversation— Charles's  indignation  against  Clement— Sack  of 
Rome  by  Bourbon,  A.  D.  1527 346 

CHAPTER  XI. — Charles  conciliates  the  pope — Progress  of  the  Reformation 
alarms  Clement — Diet  of  Spires — Check  given  to  the  reformers  by  the  empe- 
ror— The  Protest — Charles  visits  the  pope — Diet  of  Augsburg — Melancthon's 
"  Confession  of  Faith" — Papal  reply— Charles's  duplicity  and  hostile  intentions 
to  the  Protestants — Clement  quarrels  with  the  emperor,  and  leagues  himself 
with  the  reformers— Clement's  death— His  misfortunes  deserved 355 


10  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XII.— Pontificate  of  Paul  III.— His  cautiousness— Influence  of  the 
Reformation  in  Italy — The  "  Oratory  of  Divine  Love" — The  Theatines — Con- 
tarini  and  Caraffa,  the  leaders  of  opposite  parties — The  continued  strife  of 
Charles  V.  and  Francis  I. — Paul  promotes  a  peace — Contarini's  hopes  of  a  re- 
form disappointed — Ignatius  Loyola  establishes  the  order  of  Jesuits — Caraffa 
revives  the  Inquisition Page  365 

CHAPTER  XIII. — Francis  again  at  war  with  the  emperor — Fear  of  Francis 
and  the  Turks  brings  concessions  to  the  Protestants  from  Charles — First  sit- 
tings of  the  Council  of  Trent — Reform  set  aside  for  doctrinal  discussions — 
Rule  of  faith  embraces  tradition — War  between  Charles  and  the  Protestants 
— The  pope  first  assists  one,  then  the  other — Pier  Luigi,  the  pope's  son,  assas- 
sinated— Paul's  disappointments,  and  death 376 

CHAPTER  XIV. — Pontificate  of  Julius  III.— Julius  a  man  of  pleasure — Coun- 
cil of  Trent  resumes  its  sittings — The  Real  Presence — Increasing  strength  of 
the  "reforming"  party  in  the  Church — Death  of  JuUus — MarcellusII.  cho- 
sen by  the  "  reformers  " — Dies  in  a  few  weeks 381 

CHAPTER  XV.— Pontificate  of  Paul  IV.— Reaction  against  the  Reformation 
— Influence  of  position  on  the  pope — His  ambitious  aims — His  dislike  of  for- 
eigners in  Italy — His  struggle  with  the  emperor — His  violent  temper — His 
nepotism — Battle  of  St.  Quintin — Its  effects  on  Italy,  and  on  the  pope..  385 

CHAPTER  XVI. — Development  of  the  Reaction — Paul  turns  to  ecclesiastical 
affairs — Punishes  his  nephews — Reforms  the  administration — Promotes  splen- 
dor in  worship — Issues  strict  laws  for  the  monks — Attends  dihgently  to  the 
Inquisition — Barbarities  of  that  institution — Losses  of  the  papacy  during 
Paul's  reign 392 

CHAPTER  XVIL— Pontificate  of  Pius  IV.— Pius  naturally  kind— Constrained 
to  tread  in  the  steps  of  Paul — His  nephew,  Carlo  Borromeo — Final  sittings  of 
the  Council  of  Trent — Divisions  in  the  council — How  healed — Its  decrees 
strengthen  the  papacy — Close  of  this  pontificate 398 

CHAPTER  XVIII.— Pontificate  of  Pius  V.— Pius  one  of  the  high-church  party 
— Self-denying  habits — Reforms  and  retrenches — Reform  of  the  clergy  and 
monks — Then  of  the  laity — Effect  only  external — Pius  persecutes  heretics — 
Duke  Cosmo — Milan — State  of  religion  in  France — The  Protestant  party  and 
the  Guises — Catherine  de'  Medici — Battle  of  Jarnac — Advice  of  Pius  to  the 
French  king — His  hatred  of  England 4(>t 

CHAPTER  XIX.— Pontificate  of  Gregory  XIII.— Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew 
— Rejoicingsat.Rome — Gregory's  exactions — The  states  of  the  Church  plunged 
into  anarchy  —  Gregory,  worn  out  with  mortification,  dies  —  Sixtus  V. — 
His  remarkable  character  and  genius — Early  career — Begins  his  reign  with 
acts  of  severity — Brings  back  peace  and  order — Gives  countenance  to  all  re- 
actionary movements — Roman  reaction  not  reformation  or  religion — Influ- 
ence of  the  Reaction  on  literature  and  the  arts — Si.xtus  a  thrifty  pope — De- 
vises useful  improvements  in  Rome— Instigates  Philip  of  Spain  to  a  war  with 
England — The  "Invincible  Armada" — Success  of  the  Reaction — In  France 
— In  Germany — The  Reformation  an  established  fact,  and  its  ultimate  tri- 
umph certain — Death  of  Sixtus  V 409 

CHAPTER  XX. — Accession  of  Urban  VII. — League  of  the  Guises — Gregory 
XIV. — His  efforts  to  reestablish  the  papal  authority  in  France— Supports  the 
army  of  the  League — Innocent  IX.  discovers  the  same  zeal  in  its  behalf- 
Pontificate  of  Clement  VIII. — His  activity  and  industry  in  discharge  of  the 
duties  devolving  on  him — Restoration  of  France  to  papal  allegiance — Claims 
the  city  and  state  of  Ferrara — Cesare  d'Este  :  surrenders  to  the  pope  his 
crown  and  private  estates — Contentions  within  the  Church — Jesuits  and 
Dominicans— Clement's  dissimulation— Conclusion 419 


CONTENTS.  II 


PART  IV. 

FROM  THE  ROMANIST  REACTION  TO  POPE  PIUS  IX.— A.  D.  1605-1853 

CHAPTER  I. — Striking  change  in  the  character  of  the  popes  after  the  Refor- 
mation— A  new  career  commenced — Leo  XI. — Paul  V. — The  JVundos — Op- 
position to  papal  claims  at  Venice — Conducted  by  Paolo  Sarpi — Triumphant 
or  a  time — Jesuits  quit  Venice — Reconciliation  between  the  pope  and  the  re- 
ublic Page  429 

CHAPTER  II.— Jesuit  successes — In  Poland — In  Germany — Rise  of  Jansenism 
in  France — Jansenius  and  St.  Cyran — Port  Royal  and  Angelique  Aruauld — 
Conversion  of  the  Mere  Angelique — Her  firmness — Reform  of  Port  Royal — 
Of  Maubuisson — Doctrines  of  St.  Cyran — Their  spread  thi'oughout  France 
by  Francois  de  Sales  and  Vincent  de  Paul — Outbreak  of  religious  war  in 
Germany — Battle  of  Weissberg — Death  of  Paul  V. — His  improvements  at 
Rome 436 

CHAPTER  III. — Pontificate  of  Geegobt  XV. — Jesuit  persecution  in  Bohemia, 
Moravia,  and  Hungary — And  in  the  Palatinate — Gregory's  joy — Reason  of 
these  triumphs — College  of  the  Pt-opaganda  established — Jesuit  successes  in 
France — Decline  of  the  Huguenot  party — Attempts  of  the  Jesuits  in  England 
— Favored  by  the  Stuarts — Gregory's  letter  to  Prince  Charles — Success  of  the 
Jesuit  missionaries  in  Brazil — China— Japan — India — Abyssinia 446 

CHAPTER  IV.— Pontificate  of  Urban  VIII.— Urban's  imperious  and  martial 
character — The  Emperor  Ferdinand's  edicts  of  restitution  in  Germany — Riche- 
lieu's efforts  to  extinguish  Protestantism— Capture  of  La  Rochelle— Fail  of 
the  Huguenots — The  emiieror's  aim  respecting  the  dukedom  of  Mantua — Ur- 
ban's jealous  apprehensions — His  treacherous  policy — Commencement  of  "The 
Thirty  Years'  War  "— Gustavus  Adolphus's  ^^cto^ies — Trials  of  Centini  and 
Galileo — Port  Royal  under  St.  Cyran — St.  CjTan  imprisoned — The  "■Augusti- 
nus''  of  Jansenius — Pronounced  heretical— Urbino  added  to  the  papal  states 
— Urban  seizes  on  Castro,  but  loses  it  again,  and  dies  of  vexation 452 

CHAPTER  v.— Pontificate  of  Innocent  X.— Character  of  Donna  Olympia, 
the  pope's  sister-in-law — Jealousies  in  the  pope's  household — The  Jesuits  and 
Jansenists  in  France — Innocent's  bull  against  the  Jansenists — Persecutions  in 
Piedmont — Brutal  massacres  of  the  Waldenses — Remonstrances  of  the  Protest- 
ant States  of  Europe — Chiefly  of  England — Devastation  of  Germany  by  "The 
Thirty  Years'  War" — The  "Treaty  of  Westphalia"  gives  liberty  to  the 
Protestants — Christina  of  Sweden  turns  Catholic,  and  abdicates  the  Swedish 
crown — Death  of  Innocent  X 467 

CHAPTER  VI. — Pontificate  of  Alexander  VII.— Corruption  of  the  papal  court, 
and  throughout  the  papal  states — Alexander's  vacillating  character — In- 
crease of  corruption — The  pope's  neglect  of  public  aflairs — His  quarrel  witii 
Louis  XIV. — Chastisement  inflicted  by  the  latter — Pontificate  of  Clement  IX. 
— Decline  of  the  pope's  personal  power,  and  growth  of  an  aristocracy  in 
Rome— Persecution  of  the  Port  Royalists— Protection  of  the  Duchess  de 
Lougueville— Candia  taken  by  the  Turks,  and  death  of  Clement — Pontificate 
of  Clement 'X. — Progress  of  corruption  in  the  papal  government 478 

CHAPTER  VII. — Pontificate  of  Innocent  XL — His  independent  character — 
Conduct  of  Louis  XIV.  toward  ecclesiastical  persons — His  treatment  of  the 
Jansenists — Innocent  interferes — Louis's  resentment — Manifesto  of  the  French 
clergy — Innocent  abolishes  the  right  of  asylum  in  Rome — Quarrel  with  Louis's 
ambassador — Louis  revokes  the  Edict  of  Nantes — Disastrous  results  to  France 
— Innocent's  joy — Opposition  between  the  pope's  secular  and  ecclesiastical 
interests 487 

CHAPTER  VIII.— Pontificate  of  Alexandek  VIIL— His  "Confession"  of  the 
conniptions  of  the  government — Pontificate  of  Innocent  XII. — Submission  of 
the  French  bishops— The  "Quietists"  of  France— Innocent's  patriotism.  497 


12  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  IX.— Pontificate  of  Clement  XI. — His  cautious  character— War  be- 
tween Louis  XIV.  and  England  and  Austria— The  pope  joins  Louis,  and  is 
chastised  by  the  emperor — Quesnel's  Moral  Reflections — The  Bull  Unigenitus 
— Port  Royal  destroyed — Retributions— Misconduct  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries 
exposed Page  503 

CHAPTER  X.— Pontificate  of  Innocent  XIII.— Of  Benedict  XIII.— Efforts  of 
the  pope  to  establish  a  Roman  commerce — His  moderation  and  attempts  at 
reform— Pontificate  of  Clement  XII.— Decline  of  papal  power— Increasing 
corruptness  of  the  government 510 

CHAPTER  XL— Pontificate  of  Benedict  XIV.— His  great  abilities— Makes 
wise  concessions  to  the  king  of  Sardinia— To  the  emperor— To  the  king  of 
Spain — His  skill  in  government — The  Jansenists  the  advocates  of  political 
and  civil  freedom — Jesuit  misconduct  in  Portugal  and  Paraguay — Complaints 
made  by  Pombal — Bulls  of  Pope  Benedict  against  the  Jesuits — Death  of  Ben- 
edict XIV 513 

CHAPTER  XII.— Pontificate  of  Clement  XIIL— Pursues  an  opposite  policy  to 
that  of  Benedict  XIV. — Attempt  of  the  Jesuits  to  murder  the  king  of  Portu- 
gal— Clement  reluctantly  assents  to  their  trial — The  Jesuits  expelled  from 
Portugal — Their  critical  position  in  France — Proposals  of  Louis  XV.  to  Gen- 
eral Ricci — The  Jesuits  expelled  from  France,  from  Spain,  and  from  Naples 
and  Parma — The  pope's  indignation — Dies  of  grief 518 

CHAPTER  XIIL — Pontificate  of  Clement  XIV. — His  amiable  character — Re- 
solves on  conciliating  the  offended  sovereigns — Suppresses  the  bull  In  Ccena 
Domini — His  fear  of  the  Jesuits — His  general  timidity — Grows  unpopular — 
Impatience  of  the  Spanish  and  French  courts — Florida  Blanca  sent  to  Rome 
— Clement  resolves  on  abolishing  the  Jesuits,  and  accomplishes  it  in  1773 — 
His  mysterious  illness  and  death — Was  he  pious? 524 

CHAPTER  XIV.— Pontificate  of  Pius  VL— Magnificence  of  the  new  pope— At- 
tractiveness of  Rome — Pontine  Marshes  drained — Disagreement  of  the  pope 
with  the  emperor — Liberal  measures  of  the  Emperor  Joseph  II. — Dismay  at 
Rome — Pius  pays  a  visit  to  Vienna — Reforms  of  Scipio  Ricci  in  Tuscany — 
Outbreak  of  the  French  Revolution — The  pope  submits  to  Napoleon — Is  de- 
posed and  dies  in  exile 532 

CHAPTER  XV.— Pontificate  of  Pirs  VII.— Napoleon  reconstructs  the  Romish 
Church  in  France — Ruin  of  papal  authority  there — Pliable  temper  of  Pius  VII. 
— He  sets  out  for  Paris — Meeting  of  Napoleon  and  Pius — Coronation  of  the 
Emperor  Napoleon — Disappointment  of  the  pope  at  receiving  no  recomi:>ense 
— The  pope's  temporal  dominion  infringed — His  resistance — The  States  of  the 
Church  added  to  the  French  empire — The  pontiff' seized  and  carried  to  Paris 
— Pius  kept  a  prisoner  in  France — Makes  concessions  to  Napoleon — Is  set 
at  liberty  and  returns  to  Rome — Reestablishment  of  the  old  abuses  at 
Rome — The  order  of  Jesuits  restored  in  1814 — Persecutions  in  Italy — Death 
of  Pius  VII 540 

CHAPTER  XVI.— Pontificate  of  Leo  XII.— His  worldly  and  dissipated  life— He 
persecutes  the  Jews,  and  the  liberal  party — The  victims  of  the  Inquisition 
— Resentment  of  the  pope's  subjects — Leo's  bull  against  the  Bible  Society — 
The  priesthood  courted — "Catholic  Rehef  Act"  passed — Pontificate  of  Pius 
VIII. — Subserviency  of  the  pope  to  Austria — Pontificate  of  Gregory  XVI. — 
Revolt  in  the  provinces — Austria  quells  the  revolt — The  old  policy  continued 
— Tyranny  to  the  people — Subserviency  to  Austria — Romanism  grows  bolder 
in  England — The  "Anglican"  movement — Death  and  character  of  Gregory 
XVI 551 

CHAPTER  XVII.— Pontificate  of  Pius  IX.— Political  amnesty— Reform  delayed 
— Riots — French  Revolution  of  1848 — The  pope  grants  a  constitution — War 
between  Austria  and  Charles  Albert,  king  of  Sardinia — The  pope  countenances 
the  Sardinian  king,  and  becomes  very  popular — Austria  threatens  to  abandon 
the  Church— The  pope  espouses  the  Austrian  side,  and  becomes  unpopular — • 
Assassination  of  Cardinal  Rossi — Flight  of  the  pope  and  proclamation  of  the 
republic — Restoration  of  Pius  IX.  by  French  arms — "Papal  aggression"  in 
England— Concluding  remarks 560 


*^, 


V-;?. 


THE 

LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 


PEOM  THE  RISE  OF  THE  ROMAN  CHURCH  TO  THE  AGE  OF 
GREGORY  YH -A.  D.  100-1046. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  FIRST  BISHOPS   OF  THE   ROMAN   CHURCH. 
A.  D.  100-254. 

The  Popes  ! — How  ominous  is  the  name  to  the  ear  of 
every  educated  Protestant !  What  a  train  of  fantastic  and 
strangely-assorted  images,  dismal,  comic,  and  grand,  sweeps 
rapidly  through  the  mind  at  the  very  mention  of  the  too 
familiar  word  !  All  gorgeous  emblems  of  pomp  and  power 
— the  triple  crown,  the  purple  robe,  and  the  gilded  throne, 
followed  in  close  succession  by  the  uncouth  and  hideous 
symbols  of  bigotry  and  persecution — the  gibbet,  the  wheel, 
the  thumb-screw,  and  the  rack !  What  a  tangled  web  must 
that  be  which  interweaves  such  incongruous  materials  as 
these  emblems  and  instruments  of  corruption,  cruelty,  and 
pride,  with  the  pure,  amiable,  and  meek  religion  of  Jesus ! 
Nevertheless,  it  will  be  our  aim,  in  the  following  narrative, 
to  disengage  from  this  web  one  conspicuously  glittering 
thread  that  gathers  up  its  contexture,  and  runs  through  it 
from  the  beginning  to  the  end. 

The  title  of  pope,  or  more  correctly  papa,  was,  in  the 
earliest  days  of  Christianity,  spontaneously  applied,  by  the 


14  LIVES  OF  THE  POi'ES. 

love  and  reverence  of  believers,  to  those  who  were  "  over 
them  in  the  Lord,"  and  whom  they  justly  regarded  as  their 
spiritual  fathers.  It  was  the  common  distinction  of  the 
presbyters  and  bishops  from  all  the  other  members  of 
the  Church,  who  styled  each  other,  in  the  same  spirit  of 
Christian  simplicity  and  affection,  "  brethren "  and  "  sis- 
ters," and  received  new  converts  into  their  communion,  as 
new  members  into  a  family,  with  a  fraternal  kiss.  Not  till 
the  eleventh  century  was  the  title  of  pope  claimed  by  the 
bishop  of  Rome  as  his  exclusive  right.  From  that  time, 
however,  it  has  been  generally  employed  to  distinguish  the 
Roman  bishop  from  all  others  holding  the  episcopal  office 
in  the  Christian  Church,  and  has  been  applied  to  such  as 
preceded  the  above-named  epoch,  as  well  as  to  those  who 
have  more  lately  occupied  the  papal  chair. 

The  bishops  of  Rome  did  not  attain,  during  the  first  two 
centuries,  to  any  high  degree  of  preeminence  over  their 
brethren;  and  there  is,  therefore,  considerable  doubt  re- 
specting the  very  names  of  some  who  then  sustained  the 
pastorate  of  the  Church  which  apostohcal  labors  had  culti- 
vated, though  not  planted,  in  the  metropolis  of  the  world. 
It  is  believed,  however,  that  Linus,  mentioned  by  Paul  when 
writing  from  Rome  to  Timothy,  (2  Tim.  iv,  21,)  and  Clem- 
ent, (Phil,  iv,  3,)  whom  the  same  apostle  designates  his 
"  fellow-laborers  "  during  the  time  of  his  imprisonment  at 
Rome,  were  among  the  first  who  presided  over  the  infant 
Church. 

In  those  days  of  primitive  simplicity,  there  were  few 
honors  or  emoluments  attached  to  the  office  of  a  bishop, 
whatever  of  moral  dignity  it  possessed.  Revered  for  his 
character,  and  supported  by  the  voluntary  offerings  of  the 
devout,  the  bishop  shared  with  his  fellow-Christians  in  the 
privations  and  sufferings  to  which  most  of  the  Churches 
were  subjected  during  the  reigns  of  the  persecuting  empe- 
rors. He  endeared  himself  to  the  people  by  his  soHcitude 
for  both  their  temporal  and  spiritual  welfare,  and  justly 


FIRST  BISHOPS   OF  THE  ROMAN   CHURCH.  15 

earned  the  honorable  name  of  "father,"  by  his  assiduous 
zeal  for  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  his  charge.  In 
times  of  contagious  and  pestilential  sickness,  he  often  risked 
his  own  life  that  he  might  give  consolation  to  the  dying,  in 
which  noble  example  he  was  followed  by  the  Christians 
generally,  to  the  utter  amazement  of  their  pagan  observers ; 
for  the  latter,  in  visitations  of  the  plague,  would  remorse- 
lessly abandon  their  dearest  friends,  casting  them  half-dead 
into  the  streets,  and  leaving  their  bodies  unburied. 

It  is  pleasing  to  observe  that  this  genuine  spirit  of  Chris- 
tianity continued  to  display  itself,  at  least  in  some  Churches, 
till  far  into  the  third  century ;  for  we  then  find  Cyprian,  the 
renowned  bishop  of  Carthage,  on  occasion  of  a  dreadful  pes- 
tilence, exhorting  his  Church  to  the  performance  of  similar 
acts  of  charity.  The  pagans  had,  according  to  their  habit, 
forsaken  the  sick  and  dying,  and  the  streets  were  strewed 
with  dead  bodies.  Cyprian  called  the  members  of  his 
Church  together,  and,  after  commending  them  for  the  care 
they  had  taken  of  each  other,  said  further,  "  But  if  we  do 
good  only  to  our  own  we  do  no  more  than  the  publicans 
and  heathens.  If  we  are  the  children  of  God,  who  makes 
his  sun  to  rise  and  sends  his  rain  on  the  just  and  the  unjust 
alike,  we  must  show  it  by  our  actions,  striving  to  be  per- 
fect as  our  Father  in  heaven  is  perfect ;  blessing  those  that 
curse  us,  and  doing  good  to  them  who  despitefully  use  us." 
Animated  by  such  generous  words,  the  members  of  the 
Church  quickly  divided  the  work  among  them.  The  rich 
gave  their  money,  the  poor  their  labor,  and  in  a  short  time 
the  streets  were  cleared  of  their  ghastly  incumbrances,  and 
the  city  was  set  free  from  the  plague. 

The  city  of  Rome  was  far  from  being  the  most  important 
center  of  Christianity  in  those  early  times.  Antioch  espe- 
cially, and  many  other  eastern  cities,  took  precedence  of  it 
as  places  of  Christian  resort ;  and  the  authority  of  the 
Chm'ch  of  Antioch,  in  questions  of  doctrine  or  discipline, 
was  highly  esteemed,  even  before  the  Roman  Church  could 


16  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

be  said  to  have  been  thoroughly  established.  The  earHer 
bishops  of  Rome,  therefore,  occupy  no  prominent  place  in 
the  history  of  the  Church.  The  devout  or  the  cunning 
imagination  of  monks  has  spun  many  wonderful  fables  re- 
specting them  out  of  the  fragile  thread  of  tradition;  but 
none  of  these  stories  are  worthy  of  credit  or  attention.  The 
very  names  of  the  bishops,  during  the  first  century  after  the 
apostolic  age,  are  uncertain ;  for  in  those  days  of  fiery  trial 
they  rapidly  succeeded  each  other.  Though  many  of  them 
sealed  their  testimony  with  their  blood,  they  are  not  so  dis- 
tinguished even  in  the  annals  of  martyrdom  as  the  pastors 
of  some  other  Chiu-ches.  It  is  from  the  history  of  some 
who  are  better  known  to  us  than  those  who  held  the  epis- 
copate at  Rome,  that  we  learn  how  ardent  was  the  love  of 
the  "  truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus,"  how  simple  and  blameless  the 
manner  of  life,  how  unassuming  the  deportment  and  con- 
versation, and  how  steadfast  the  adherence  to  the  ordinances 
of  Christ,  which  distinguished  the  bishops  of  the  primitive 
age. 

Of  such  cotemporary  bishops,  Ignatius,  the  second  bishop 
of  the  Church  at  Antioch,  is  among  the  worthiest  of  men- 
tion. In  that  fierce  persecution  which  the  Emperor  Trajan 
set  on  foot  in  the  year  106,  to  sweep  with  misery  and  ruin 
the  whole  Roman  empire,  the  Church  at  Antioch  was  se- 
verely tried.  Its  faithful  and  devoted  pastor  was  dragged 
away  to  Rome,  to  become  a  principal  actor  and  sufferer  in 
an  encounter  with  wild  beasts — one  of  those  tragical  enter- 
tainments with  which  the  emperors  sought  to  gratify  the 
savage  taste  of  the  citizens.  The  long  voyage  must  have 
seemed  all  the  longer  from  the  cruel  suspense  in  which  the 
poor  captive  was  held ;  but  Ignatius  was  fortified  with  a 
zeal  and  fidelity  which  bade  defiance  to  personal  sufferings, 
and  he  busied  himself  to  the  last  in  promoting  the  welfare 
of  the  Church  During  his  journey  to  Rome  he  was  strictly 
guarded  by  a  band  of  soldiers,  who  treated  him  with  such 
cruelty  that  he  wrote,  in  metaphorical  language,  "From 


FIRST  BISHOPS  OF  THE  ROMAN  CHURCH,  it 

Syria  to  Rome  I  am  contending  with  wild  beasts  by  land 
and  by  sea,  being  tied  to  ten  leopards."  Yet,  forgetful  of 
his  tormentors  and  the  gloomy  prospect  before  him,  he  pre- 
served such  admirable  serenity  of  mind  as  to  write,  while 
traveling,  seven  long  letters  of  valuable  advice  to  the  bishops 
and  members  of  as  many  Asiatic  Churches,  in  which  he  only 
refers  to  his  own  persecutions  as  a  ground  of  rejoicing  and 
hope. 

Of  like  character  was  Polycarp,  bishop  of  the  Church  of 
Smyrna,  who  closed  a  long  life  of  Christian  service  with 
martyrdom  in  the  year  167.  "  He  always  taught,"  says 
Irenaeus,  as  quoted  by  Eusebius,  "  what  he  had  himself 
learned  from  the  apostles,  what  the  Church  had  handed 
down,  and  what  is  the  only  true  doctrine."  His  zeal  for 
the  truth  was  strikingly  displayed  in  his  treatment  of  Mar- 
cion,  whose  daring  speculations  had  stirred  up  angry  pas- 
sions and  created  divisions  in  many  Churches.  On  meeting 
him  after  the  lapse  of  several  years,  during  which  the 
friendly  intercourse  of  their  youth  had  been  suspended,  the 
natural  amiableness  of  Polycarp  was  overcome  by  his  stern 
regard  for  purity  of  doctrine,  and,  to  Marcion's  salutation, 
*'  Dost  thou  remember  me,  Polycarp  ?"  the  aged  bishop 
replied,  *' Yes,  I  remember  the  first-horn  of  Satan  P* 
Polycarp  had  reached  the  age  of  ninety,  when  he  was 
called  to  set  his  Church  an  example  of  constancy  amid 
bitter  persecutions.  Many  of  the  Christians  of  Smyrna  had 
endured  the  vengeance  of  the  civil  power  for  not  acknowl- 
edging the  emperor  as  the  only  lord.  The  Jews  and  pa- 
gans, who  were  animated  with  the  same  spirit  of  hatred  to 
the  Christians,  were  only  infuriated  by  this  partial  gratifi- 
cation of  their  spite.  They  loudly  demanded  that  the  pun- 
ishment awarded  to  a  few  should  be  visited  on  all,  and 
called  for  a  general  massacre  of  Christians,  and  first  of  their 
leader  and  bishop.  Polycarp  was  hurried  to  the  tribunal 
of  the  proconsul;  but  so  venerable  and  majestic  was  his 
aspect  as  he  stood  calmly  before  it,  that  both  magistrates 


18  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

and  people  were  awed  into  silence,  and  a  long  pause  ensued 
before  the  former  could  collect  himself  sufficiently  to  speak. 
At  length  the  proconsul  urged  him  to  swear  by  the  genius 
of  the  emperor,  expecting  to  find  what  he  thought  so  trivial 
a  request  instantly  complied  with.  *'  Swear,"  said  he ; 
"  curse  Christ,  and  I  release  thee  !"  Looking  on  his  judge 
with  a  steadfast  countenance,  the  aged  saint  replied:  "Six- 
and-eighty  years  have  I  served  him,  and  he  has  done  me 
nothing  but  good,  and  how  could  I  curse  him,  my  Lord  and 
my  Saviour  ?"  The  proconsul  threatened  to  throw  him  to  the 
wild  beasts ;  but  threats  were  in  vain — his  firmness  was  un- 
movable.  Then,  amid  the  yells  and  execrations  of  the  mul- 
titude, Polycarp  was  dragged  to  the  funeral  pile,  which  had 
been  hastily  heaped  up  by  the  people.  The  shops  and  the 
baths  were  ransacked  by  the  Jewish  and  pagan  mob  for  the 
wood  and  straw  necessary  for  fuel.  The  martyr  was  fast- 
ened to  the  stake ;  and  just  as  the  fire  was  lighted,  and  the 
flames  began  to  rise,  he  breathed  his  last  prayer :  *'  Lord, 
almighty  God,  Father  of  thy  beloved  Son  Jesus  Christ, 
through  whom  we  have  received  from  thee  the  knowledge 
of  thyself,  I  praise  thee  that  thou  hast  judged  me  worthy  of 
this  day  and  hour,  to  take  part  in  the  number  of  thy  wit- 
nesses, and  in  the  cup  of  thy  Christ !" 

It  is  to  the  honor  of  Anicetus,  the  tenth  bishop  of  the 
Church  of  Rome,  that  he  called  Polycarp  his  'personal  ac- 
quaintance and  friend.  This  is  all  that  we  know  of  him ; 
but  in  the  absence  of  more  direct  information,  it  is  only  fair 
to  conclude,  from  the  character  of  his  cotemporaries,  that 
he  and  the  other  early  bishops  of  Rome  bore  an  equally 
honorable  testimony  to  the  truth,  and  were  as  faithful  and 
devoted  to  the  cause  of  the  Redeemer  as  the  bishops  of 
Antioch  and  Smyrna. 

With  regard  to  a  few  of  them,  indeed,  we  may  speak 
with  some  confidence ;  for  history  records,  though  briefly, 
their  suflierings  in  behalf  of  religion.  In  the  seventh  perse- 
cution, which  fell  upon  the  Church  in  the  reign  of  the  Em- 


FIRST  BISHOPS   OF  THE  ROMAN  CHURCH.  19 

peror  Decius,  one  of  its  first  victims  was  the  Roman  bishop 
Fabianus,  who  dared  to  continue  boldly  preaching  the  gos- 
pel, when  many  of  his  brethren  forsook  their  flocks  till  the 
fierceness  of  the  storm  should  be  spent.  This  was  in  the 
year  252  ;  and  when,  two  years  later,  Gallus,  the  successor 
of  Decius,  renewed  the  persecution  of  Christians,  the  next 
bishop  of  the  Roman  Church,  Cornelius,  was  first  banished, 
and  soon  afterward  condemned  to  death.  Lucius,  also, 
who  had  the  courage  to  succeed  him  in  these  tempestuous 
times,  became  his  follower  likewise  in  banishment  and  mar- 
tyrdom. Few  of  the  bishops  of  this  period  enjoyed  a  long 
tenure  of  authority ;  and,  indeed,  so  unsettled  was  the  state 
of  society,  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  decide  whether  the 
imperial  or  the  episcopal  chair  was  the  more  uncertain  and 
unsafe.  Emperors  were  nominated  and  dethroned  at  the 
caprice  of  the  praetorian  guards,  and  bishops  wei*e  always 
the  first  mark  for  vengeance  when  the  cruel  spirit  of  pagan- 
ism was  excited  to  persecute  the  Church.  The  very  perils 
of  the  times,  however,  tended  to  bring  into  exercise  the 
graces  of  the  tine  followers  of  Christ.  Men  were  required 
to  be  decided  for  God,  and  amid  the  fires  of  persecution 
faith  was  tried  and  purified.  Does  the  reader  ask.  What 
were  the  principles  which  sustained  these  early  martyrs  of 
the  Church  ?  The  reply  is  not  difficult  to  give.  The  love 
of  Christ  constrained  them.  They  overcame  all  by  their 
faith  in  the  blood  of  the  Lamb.  They  had  counted  the 
cost  of  their  profession ;  and,  animated  by  the  Holy  Spirit's 
strength,  they  reckoned  not  their  lives  dear  unto  them,  so 
that  they  might  finish  their  course  with  joy. 


20  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 


CHAPTER  II. 

DEGENERACY    OF   THE  ROMAN    BISHOPS    IN  THE  NICENE  AGE. 

A.  D.  254-325. 

The  undeserved  sufferings  and  heroic  endurance  of  the  first 
bishops  secured  for  them  the  reverential  and  zealous  at- 
tachment of  the  Church  ;  but  the  very  admiration  for  these 
primitive  confessors,  which  was  so  naturally  inspired  in  the 
breasts  of  their  followers,  proved  the  germ  from  which  were 
afterward  developed,  in  such  baneful  abundance,  the  fruits 
of  corrupt  doctrine  and  worldly  aggrandizement  —  fruits 
which  were  poisonous  to  those  who  first  tasted  them,  and 
became  widely  destructive  to  the  best  interests  of  mankind. 
So  liable  are  even  our  noblest  feelings,  veneration  and  grat- 
itude, to  be  perverted  and  abused. 

It  is  astonishing  to  observe  how  rapidly,  even  in  times  so 
stormy  and  apparently  ungenial,  the  Church  grew  and  mul- 
tiplied ;  and  how,  as  its  branches  spread,  the  daily  increasing 
opportunities  of  gaining  power  and  wealth  gradually  in- 
snared  men,  and  led  those  who,  in  defending  the  truth 
against  violent  opposition  were  ready  to  sacrifice  their  lives, 
to  make  their  spiritual  office  a  source  of  secular  advantage. 
It  has  been  well  said,  that  "the  evils  which  were  so  fear- 
fully developed  a  century  later  under  the  sunshine  of  impe- 
rial favor  had  reached  a  bold  height  even  while  the  martyrs 
were  still  bleeding."  Not  without  abundant  cause  had  the 
apostolic  warning  been  given — "  the  mystery  of  iniquity  doth 
already  work."  The  time  had  arrived  when  the  Antichrist 
foretold  in  prophecy  should  commence  to  exert  its  baneful 
influence  on  the  souls  of  men,  "  with  all  deceivableness  of  un- 
righteousness." Accordingly  we  shall  now,  as  we  descend 
the  stream  of  ecclesiastical  history,  watch  the  gradual  mode  in 
which  the  Church  of  Rome  manifested,  both  by  acts  and  spirit, 
that  this  appalling  designation  was  emphatically  her  own. 


ROMAN  BISHOPS  IN  THE   NICENE   AGE.  2t 

The  Roman  Church,  from  various  causes,  grew  faster 
than  many  others.  Situated  in  the  metropolis  and  mart  of 
the  world,  it  was  daily  visited  by  Christians  from  all  parts 
of  the  east  and  west,  many  of  whom  took  up  their  abode 
in  the  city  or  its  environs,  and  joined  the  communion  of  the 
Church.  By  the  middle  of  the  third  century  it  already 
rivaled  its  elder  sisters  of  Jerusalem  and  Antioch  in  magni- 
tude and  influence.  It  numbered  at  that  time  no  fewer 
than  forty-six  presbyters,  with  one  hundred  and  six  inferior 
officers.  The  authority  of  the  bishop  of  such  a  Church 
must  needs  have  been  great,  and  we  can  hardly  be  sur- 
prised if  even  the  pious  men  who  then  held  the  office  were 
sometimes  betrayed  into  arbitrary  and  oppressive  measures. 
One  of  the  first  who  distinguished  himself  in  this  unholy 
manner  was  Victor,  who  presided  over  the  Church  A.  D. 
185,  in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Commodus.  A  contro- 
versy had  arisen  between  the  Churches  of  the  east  and 
those  of  the  west,  respecting  the  proper  time  of  the  year 
for  commemorating  the  resurrection  of  the  Saviour;  and 
Victor  was  so  far  carried  away  by  zeal  for  his  own  practice 
that  he  pronounced  his  opponents  to  be  heretics,  and  even 
proceeded  to  excommunicate  all  who  did  not  follow  the  rule 
which  he  prescribed.  His  arrogance  and  want  of  charity 
were,  however,  severely  rebuked  by  Irenaeus  and  other  co- 
temporary  bishops,  who  were  far  from  acknowledging  the 
supreme  authority  of  any  particular  Church. 

The  same  spirit  of  assumption  and  pride  discovered  itself 
yet  more  ofiensively  in  the  behavior  of  Stephen,  the  suc- 
cessor of  that  Bishop  Lucius  who  was  martyred  under  Va- 
lerian. The  Churches  of  Asia,  about  the  year  256,  adopted 
a  regulation  in  reference  to  baptism,  which  Stephen  wholly 
disapproved ;  and,  not  content  with  absolutely  refusing  com- 
pliance with  the  decision  of  a  synod  held  at  Carthage,  which 
confirmed  the  Asiatic  custom,  the  Roman  bishop  boldly  set 
up  the  authority  of  his  own,  in  opposition  to  that  of  the 
universal  Church ;  and  carried  his  blind,  unchristian  zeal  so 


22  LIVKS  OF  THE  POPES. 

far  as  to  excommunicate  all  the  Churches  of  Asia  Minor. 
Nor  did  he  hesitate  to  employ  the  most  disgracefully  abus- 
ive language  toward  a  man  far  superior  to  himself — the  ex- 
cellent Cyprian,  bishop  of  the  Carthaginian  Church.  He 
afterward  refused  to  give  audience  to  the  bishops  who 
waited  upon  him  as  a  deputation  from  the  synod,  and  strictly 
forbade  his  Church  to  show  them  any  hospitality,  or  re- 
ceive them  into  their  houses  as  guests  ! 

From  these  instances  it  is  very  easy  to  perceive  that  even 
during  the  early  days  of  Christianity  the  professors  of  relig- 
ion, and  its  very  teachers  and  exemplars,  were  exposed  to 
great  temptations,  before  which  they  sometimes  fell.  These 
temptations  were  of  course  greatly  multiplied  to  the  bishop 
as  the  Church  imder  his  care  grew  larger  and  richer.  The 
smaller  communities,  formed  in  neighboring  villages  and 
towns,  were  regarded  as  offshoots  of  the  parent  tree. 
Over  these  some  presbyter  of  the  elder  Church  was  ap- 
pointed as  a  subordinate  bishop,  and  thus  the  influence  and 
importance  of  the  superior  bishop  were  necessarily  increased, 
and  the  inducements,  or  at  least  the  opportunities  for  abus- 
ing his  power  were  greatly  multiplied. 

Moreover,  in  the  third  and  fourth  centuries,  when  vehe- 
ment controversies  on  various  questions  of  faith  and  order 
began  to  agitate  the  Church,  and  conferences  and  synods 
were  of  more  frequent  occurrence,  a  new  danger  presented 
itself  in  the  spirit  of  rivalry  which  sprang  up  for  the  seat 
of  presidency  in  these  august  assemblies.  As  the  choice 
of  the  synods,  also,  not  unfrequently  fell  upon  the  bishop  of 
Rome,  in  consequence  of  the  importance  of  his  Church,  some 
color  was  given  to  the  claim  which  the  Roman  bishops 
afterward  preferred  to  precedence  over  all  other  bishops 
whatsoever.  Thus,  in  Italy  over  neighboring  Churches,  and 
throughout  the  world  over  Churches  of  longer  standing  than 
his  own,  did  the  Bishop  of  Rome  gradually  acquire  an  influ- 
ence that  eventually  became  supreme.  In  unholy  pride  and 
imchristian  deshe  of  preeminence  are  to  be  found,  therefore. 


ROMAN  BISHOPS  IN   THE  NICENE   AGE.  23 

the  root  of  this  great  apostasy  from  the  faith.  The  repeated 
exhortations  of  the  apostle  were  forgotten,  that  "  nothing 
should  be  done  m  strife  or  vainglory,"  but  that  "  m  lowli- 
ness of  mind  each  should  esteem  other  better  than  them- 
selves." The  mind  that  was  in  Christ  Jesus  was  evidently 
wanting ;  and,  as  might  have  been  expected,  envying  and 
strife  followed,  confusion  and  every  evil  work. 

The  causes  of  corruption,  however,  just  enumerated, 
though  -quite  sufficient  to  make  a  priesthood  ambitious  and 
arrogant,  were  by  no  means  all  that  combined  to  taint  the 
purity  of  the  Roman,  as  well  as  other  primitive  Churches. 

Even  in  the  days  of  persecution,  the  Churches  in  large 
cities  began  to  accumulate  wealth.  Many  who  died  in  the 
faith  bequeathed  property  to  the  Christian  community  which 
they  had  joined,  for  the  relief  of  its  poorer  members,  and  for 
the  general  expenses  of  the  Chm'ch.  As  an  avowal  of  faith 
in  Christ  generally  excluded  the  convert  from  all  intercourse 
with  his  pagan  relatives,  and  as  the  regulations  of  the  prim- 
itive Churches  rigorously  exacted  simplicity  of  life  from  all 
members,  it  was  no  uncommon  thing  for  large  sums  of 
money  to  be  thus  dedicated  to  pious  and  charitable  uses. 
About  the  year  150,  as  we  learn  from  Tertullian,  a  Chris- 
tian stranger  coming  from  Asia  Minor  to  reside  in  Rome, 
immediately  made  over  his  property,  amounting  to  two 
himdred  thousand  sesterces,  or  about  sixteen  hundred 
pounds  sterlmg,  to  the  bishop  of  the  Roman  Church  for 
the  benefit  of  his  flock.  Such  gifts  grew  larger  and  more 
numerous  when  the  laws  of  proscription  were  repealed,  and 
the  persecuting  spirit  of  the  imperial  government  gave  place 
to  a  milder  policy.  In  the  year  259  the  Church  of  Rome 
was  in  possession  of  buildings,  cemeteries,  and  lands;  and 
many  Churches  had  by  that  time  erected  splendid  edifices 
for  the  worship  of  God.  So  abundant  were  the  contribu- 
tions poured  into  the  treasury  of  the  metropolitan  Church 
of  Italy,  that  no  fewer  than  fifteen  hundred  widows  were 
supported  out  of  its  funds,  beside  the  regular  maintenance 


24  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

of  its  bishop,  presbyters,  and  many  other  officers.  The 
revenue  of  so  large  an  estabhshment  must  even  then  have 
been  very  considerable;  and  so  rapid  was  its  increase,  that, 
in  a  few  years,  the  management  of  it  became  an  object  of 
avaricious  cupidity  and  vehement  unhallowed  strife. 

To  the  bishop  in  every  Church  the  control  of  its  funds 
had  been  generally  committed  from  early  times ;  and  these 
rulers  would  indeed  have  exhibited  a  wonderful  exemption 
from  the  common  frailties  of  humanity,  if  they  had  in  every 
case  continued  proof  against  the  temptations  to  personal 
aggrandizement  which  were  thus  strewn  in  their  path. 
Accordingly,  we  find  that  when  a  long  period  of  tranquillity 
had  been  enjoyed  by  the  Churches,  a  persecution  was  really 
beneficial,  sifting  them  of  ungodly  professors,  purifying 
the  lives  of  their  members,  and  awakening  their  bishops  to 
the  solemn  responsibility  of  their  office.  Thus  Cyprian, 
writing  about  the  year  250,  respecting  the  terrific  persecu- 
tion just  begun  by  the  Emperor  Decius,  and  which  threat- 
ened apparently  to  exterminate  Christianity  from  the  earth, 
says  :  "  The  Lord  would  prove  his  people,  and,  because  the 
divinely-prescribed  regimen  of  life  has  become  disturbed  in 
the  long  season  of  peace,  a  divine  judgment  has  been  sent 
to  reestabhsh  our  fallen,  I  might  almost  say,  slumbering 
faith.  Forgetting  what  behevers  did  in  the  times  of  the 
apostles,  and  what  they  should  always  be  doing,  Christians 
have  labored  with  insatiable  desire  to  increase  their  earthly 
possessions,  and  many  of  the  bishops,  who,  by  precept  and 
example,  should  have  guided  others,  have  neglected  their 
divine  calling,  to  engage  in  worldly  concerns." 

Cyprian's  lamentation  is  fully  justified  by  the  accounts 
we  have  received  of  some  of  the  bishops  of  that  age.  It 
would  not,  indeed,  be  strictly  just  to  cite  Paul  of  Samosata, 
bishop  of  Antioch,  as  a  specimen  of  his  class,  for  he  was 
unanimously  excommunicated  in  a  council  assembled  for 
the  purpose  of  investigating  his  character ;  but  then,  the 
principal  groimd  of  this  sentence  was  his  erroneous  doctrine, 


ROMAN  BISHOPS  IN  THE  NICENE   AGE.  25 

and  not  his  ungodly  and  unscriptural  life.  In  the  latter  he 
was  too  closely  resembled  by  many  of  his  brethren.  Of 
this  Paul,  then,  it  is  told  that  he  erected  a  throne  in  the 
midst  of  his  church,  on  which  he  seated  himself,  with  all 
the  pomp  of  a  magistrate,  desiring  to  be  considered  a  civil 
as  much  as  a  rehgious  ruler.  Sometimes  he  would  screen 
himself  with  curtains  from  the  gaze  of  the  assembly,  after 
the  custom  of  the  judicial  officers ;  and  on  coming  forth  he 
expected,  and  even  commanded,  the  people  to  applaud  him 
by  clapping  their  hands,  as  they  would  an  actor  in  the  the- 
ater. In  passing  through  the  streets  of  Antioch  he  was  al- 
ways attended  by  a  multitude  of  followers,  and  in  every 
gesture  and  action  discovered  intolerable  pride.  Although 
born  and  reared  in  extreme  poverty,  Paul  had  contrived  to 
amass  enormous  wealth,  and  constantly  indulged  in  the  most 
luxurious  style  of  living.  Sad  indeed  was  the  change  that 
had  already  passed  upon  the  Churches  of  Christ,  when  it 
was  possible  thus  early  for  a  bishop  to  become  so  utterly 
unlike  his  divine  Master.  It  is  plain  that  the  seeds  of  cor- 
ruption were  already  sown,  and  only  waited  for  a  genial 
season  to  spring  up  in  the  rankest  and  most  destructive  lux- 
uriance. 

With  the  advent  of  Constantine  to  the  throne  of  the  em- 
pire this  season  was  introduced.  That  extraordinary  man 
had  the  penetration  to  discover  what  had  been  hidden  from 
all  his  forerunners — that  Christianity  was  fast  driving  idola- 
try out  of  the  civilized  world.  He  saw  that  to  oppose  it 
would  be  futile,  perhaps  perilous ;  and  although  probably 
without  much  value  for  it  in  his  heart,  he  resolved  to  em- 
ploy it  as  an  instrument  for  strengthening  his  own  hands, 
and  renovating  the  decaying  energies  of  the  empire.  He 
observed  that  idolatry  was  uninfluential  even  with  those  who 
professed  it,  but  that  Christianity,  on  the  contrary,  exercised 
a  potent  sway  over  the  minds  of  its  adherents ;  and  he  de- 
termined to  make  the  new  power  subservient  to  his  political 
ends.    His  sagacity  was  displayed  as  much  in  the  means  he 

2 


26  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

adopted  as  in  the  object  he  pursued.  As  he  gi-adually  en- 
larged his  share  in  the  vast  dominions  of  Rome,  by  victories 
over  his  competitors  for  power,  he  extended  a  degree  of 
toleration  and  favor  to  the  Christians  which  no  former  em- 
peror would  have  dared  to  concede,  even  if  he  had  wished 
to  do  so.  He  thus  engaged  the  Christian  subjects  of  the 
empire  in  his  cause,  and  led  them  very  heartily  to  wish  him 
success.  Prayers  were  publicly  offered  in  the  churches 
when  any  great  battle  was  at  hand,  or  any  struggle  in  prog- 
ress between  Constantine  and  his  rivals,  that  victory  might 
attend  the  arms  of  the  "  Chiistians'  friend."  Constantine 
was  already  recognized  as  a  champion  of  the  faith. 

At  length  his  enemies  were  silenced,  either  by  conquest 
or  by  death,  and  Constantine  sat  securely  on  the  throne  of 
the  Roman  empire.  He  had  never  expressly  avowed  him- 
self a  Christian,  yet  it  was  among  his  first  concerns  to  pro- 
mote the  prosperity  of  the  Christian  cause.  In  conjunction 
with  Licinius,  who  then  shared  in  the  imperial  power,  he 
had  previously  granted  a  free  toleration  of  all  religions,  in- 
cluding the  Christian.  He  now,  however,  directly  favored 
the  professed  believers  in  Christ.  In  a  law  of  the  year  319 
he  publicly  stigmatized  idolaters  as  slaves  to  superstition. 
"  They  who  are  desirous,"  said  the  edict,  "  of  being  slaves 
to  their  superstition,  have  liberty  for  the  exercise  of  their 
worship ;  we  do  not  forbid  the  rites  of  an  antiquated  usage 
to  be  performed  in  the  open  light."  At  the  same  time  the 
emperor  acknowledged  that  all  his  victoiies  had  proceeded 
only  from  the  "  supreme  and  holy  God,  Lord  of  the  uni- 
verse." He  also  caused  a  group  of  waxen  figures  to  be 
publicly  exhibited  before  the  windows  of  the  imperial  pal- 
ace in  his  new  city  of  Constantinople,  representing  himself 
beneath  the  protection  of  the  cross,  trampling  under  foot 
the  dragon  of  idolatrous  superstition. 

Constantine  next  ventured  to  give  the  Christians  proofs 
of  his  special  regard.  He  had  awarded  them  justice — he 
now  began  to  show  partiality.    He  courted  the  favor  of  the 


ROMAN  BISHOPS  IN  THE  NICENE  AGE.  2t 

bishops,  inviting  them  to  reside  in  the  impeiial  palace,  and 
giving  them  large  sums  of  money  for  the  erection  of  edi- 
fices, the  purchase  of  lands,  and  the  support  of  the  poor  of 
their  flocks.  He  preferred  Christians  to  the  high  offices  of 
State,  even  appointing  them  governors  over  provinces.  He 
at  last  so  far  hazarded  an  encroachment  upon  the  feeling  in 
favor  of  the  old  religion,  which,  of  course,  still  lingered 
among  the  less  enlightened,  as  to  overturn  the  idols  by  vio- 
lence, and  despoil  the  temples  of  their  treasures.  The  lat- 
ter he  either  treinsferred  to  Christian  places  of  worship,  or 
appropriated  to  the  uses  of  the  State.  He  next  proceeded 
to  interfere  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the  Church.  Desirous 
that  there  should  be  among  the  ministers  of  religion  the 
same  gradation  of  ranks  as  existed  among  the  officers  of 
State,  he  assumed  the  power  of  arranging  them  into  patri- 
archs, exarchs,  metropolitans,  and  archbishops — the  ancient 
and  scriptural  title  of  bishop  being  thus  made  the  lowest  of 
a  series.  He  nominated  the  bishops  of  his  four  greatest 
cities,  Rome,  Antioch,  Alexandria,  and  Constantinople,  the 
patriarchs  of  the  empire ;  taking  care  also  that  their  reve- 
nues should  be  adequate  to  support  with  dignity,  and  even 
splendor,  the  rank  which  he  had  conferred. 

This  new  arrangement  of  ranks  was  formally  sanctioned 
by  the  Council  of  Nice,  A.  D.  325 ;  and  by  it  Sylvester, 
then  Bishop  of  Rome,  was  appointed  the  primate  over  all 
the  sees  of  Italy,  and,  with  more  limited  powers,  over  those 
also  of  northern  Africa,  with  the  islands  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean. His  spiritual  authority  was  made,  agreeably  to  Con- 
stantine's  plan,  commensurate  with  the  civil  authority  of  the 
vicar  of  Rome. 

But  although  the  outward  prosperity  of  Christianity  could 
not  but  appear  to  be  advanced  by  the  patronage  it  received 
from  the  emperor,  it  is  still  with  many  a  serious  question, 
whether  the  injury  done  to  its  spirituality  did  not  greatly 
deduct  from,  and  even  overbalance  the  apparent  advantage. 
The  clergy  had  been  more  than  men  had  they  successfully 


28  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

withstood  the  temptations  which  now  multiplied  around 
them.  Dazzled  by  imperial  munificence  and  favor,  and  so- 
licited by  innumerable  opportunities  of  acquiring  both 
wealth  and  power,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  they 
often  became  the  pliant  instruments  of  the  monarch's  will. 
Yet  it  fills  us  with  sadness  to  see  some  of  them  so  cai-ried 
away  by  servihty,  or  an  excess  of  gratitude,  as  to  receive 
a  humiliating  check  from  Constantino  himself.  A  bishop, 
who  was  present  at  his  court  when  the  thirtieth  anniversary 
of  his  reign  was  celebrated,  congratulated  the  emperor  that 
he  was  "  appointed  by  God  the  ruler  over  all  in  this  world, 
and  destined  to  reign  with  the  Son  of  God  in  the  world  to 
come  f"  Constantino,  shocked  at  the  profanity  of  the  speech, 
admonished  the  bishop  to  refrain  from  such  sinful  adula- 
tion, and  rather  to  pray  for  him  that  he  might  be  '•'  deemed 
worthy  to  be  a  servant  of  God,  both  in  this  world  and  in 
the  next."  How  effectually,  we  may  add  in  conclusion,  do 
the  transactions  recorded  in  this  chapter  warn  not  only 
Churches,  but  individuals,  to  take  heed  to  the  divine  coun- 
sel :  "  Love  not  the  world,  neither  the  things  that  are  in  the 
world.  If  any  man  love  the  world,  the  love  of  the  Father 
is  not  in  him."    1  John  ii,  15. 


CHAPTER  in. 

ARROGANT  PRETENSIONS  AND  WORLDLY  SPIRIT    OF  THE 
BISHOPS  OF  ROME — A.  D.  325-385. 

The  Bishop  of  Rome  now  enjoyed  advantages  which  be- 
longed to  the  bishop  of  no  other  see  in  the  universal 
Church.  The  direct  authority  with  which  he  was  invested 
over  the  most  ancient  and  wealthy  part  of  the  empire  was, 
of  course,  the  principal  of  these ;  but  many  others  conspired 
to  increase  his  dignity,  and  to  make  his  influence  paramount, 
at  least  over  the  Churches  of  the  west.     By  donations  and 


PRETENSIONS  AND  SPIRIT  OF  THE  ROMAN  BISHOPS.         29 

legacies  he  had  become  possessed  of  large  landed  estates, 
some  of  them  situated  beyond  the  limits  of  his  diocese,  and 
in  all  such  places  his  importance  was  necessarily  increased. 
It  was  admitted,  also,  to  be  not  the  least  of  his  claims  to 
universal  deference,  that  he  presided  over  a  Church  which 
had,  according  to  tradition,  been  honored  by  the  martyr- 
dom of  the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  and  which  still  re- 
tained their  supposed  tombs.  With  that  self-esteem,  there- 
fore, which  usually  outstrips  general  opinion,  the  Roman 
bishops  already  began  to  entertain  the  idea  that,  as  succes- 
sors and  representatives  of  Peter,  they  were  entitled  to  the 
sovereign  guidance  of  the  whole  Church  of  Christ. 

Filled  with  this  unscriptm*al  notion,  and  fired  with  unholy 
ambition,  they  were  not  slow  to  improve  the  advantages 
which  their  position  conferred.  Their  large  revenues  they 
employed,  not  merely  for  the  welfare  of  the  Church,  but 
also  in  such  a  way  as  to  advance  their  own  greatness,  and 
diflfuse  around  themselves  an  air  of  state  and  splendor.  The 
vestments  of  the  clergy  were  studiously  and  symbolically 
adorned  with  a  variety  of  colors,  and  with  large  figures  of 
the  cross.  The  mode  of  conducting  divine  worship  no  longer 
wore  the  aspect  of  primitive  simplicity,  but  was  burdened 
and  made  pompous  with  processions,  priestly  ceremonies,  and 
contrivances  to  produce  effect.  Lighted  tapers,  golden  and 
silver  vases,  with  other  gaudy  and  imposing  pageants,  were 
introduced  into  the  worship  of  God — sorry  substitutes  for 
that  spiritual  vitahty  which  was  so  fast  vanishing  from  the 
services  of  the  Church.  With  a  like  mixture  of  motive,  the 
influence  of  the  clergy  over  the  laity  was  promoted  by  the 
establishment  of  hospitals  and  orphan-houses  out  of  the 
funds  of  the  Church.  Even  buildings  for  public  conve- 
nience, such  as  bridges,  were  sometimes  undertaken  by  the 
bishop's  direction,  and  at  the  Church's  expense.  Not  con- 
tent with  thus  assuming  to  himself  the  character  of  a  secu- 
lar magistrate,  rather  than  that  of  a  spiritual  guide,  the 
ruler  of  the  Church  too  frequently  vied  with  the  first  ofi&cers 


30  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

of  State  in  the  pomp  of  his  equipage  and  the  luxury  of  his 
table.  Candidates  for  the  Roman  bishopric  made  unheard- 
of  efforts  to  obtain  it,  "knowing,"  says  a  pagan  writer 
of  that  day,  "that  this  once  obtained,  they  would  over- 
flow with  gifts  from  the  wealthy  matrons,  would  ride  in 
sumptuous  carriages,  be  elegantly  appareled,  and  have 
banquets  prepared  for  them  surpassing  the  festivities  of 
kings." 

To  Sylvester  and  Mark,  in  whose  time  these  important 
and  detrimental  alterations  mostly  occurred,  but  of  whose 
personal  character  history  leaves  us  in  doubt,  Julius  suc- 
ceeded as  the  now  powerful  Bishop  of  Rome.  That  he 
fully  entered  into  the  spirit  of  his  office,  as  it  was  then  con- 
stituted, is  evident  from  an  incident  which  took  place  in  the 
reign  of  Constans,  the  son  of  Constantine  the  Great.  The 
controversy  between  Arius  and  Athanasius,  respecting  the 
true  nature  of  Christ,  was  then  agitating  the  whole  Chris- 
tian world,  though  it  raged  with  most  fierceness  among  the 
Churches  of  the  east.  Athanasius's  enemies  had  so  far  suc- 
ceeded as  to  eject  him  from  his  bishopric  of  Alexandria, 
which  he  was  employing  the  most  strenuous  efforts  to  re- 
gain. Aiming  at  some  satisfactory  solution  of  the  question, 
a  council  of  Asiatic  bishops  assembled  at  Sardica,  in  the 
year  347,  and  taking  the  appeal  of  Athanasius  into  consid- 
eration, resolved,  "  That  whenever  a  bishop  who  is  deposed 
asserts  that  injustice  has  been  done  him,  the  synod  which 
condemned  him  shall  write  to  the  Roman  bishop,  who  shall 
nominate  judges  to  renew  the  investigation ;  and  no  other 
person  shall  be  appointed  to  fill  the  place  of  the  deposed 
bishop  without  the  concurrence  of  the  Roman  bishop." 
This  synod  of  Sardica,  therefore,  expressly  admitted  the 
supreme  authority  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome. 

But  although  it  was  no  unusual  thing,  nor  indeed  unnat- 
ural, for  the  weaker  party,  in  the  vehement  and  sometimes 
persecuting  strifes  of  that  controversial  age,  to  seek  the  aid 
of  the  powerful  bishop  of  the  metropolitan  Church,  yet  the 


PRETENSIONS  AND  SPIRIT  OF  THE  ROMAN  BISHOPS.       31 

Churches  in  general  were  far  from  conceding  to  Rome  the 
supremacy  which  she  sought;  for  on  the  leaders  of  both 
parties  in  this  Arian  controversy  sending  delegates  to  Ju- 
lius, each  hoping  to  secure  his  support,  he,  thinking  to  turn 
it  to  his  own  advantage,  entreated  them  to  refer  the  matter 
to  a  synod,  which  he  would  himself  convene,  and  over  which 
he  would  preside.  But  the  bishops  in  general  took  alarm 
at  so  bold  an  attempt  to  establish  a  judicial  authority  at 
Rome,  and  told  the  encroaching  prelate  that  he  was  not  to 
suppose  that  because  he  ruled  a  larger  and  wealthier 
Church,  he  was  therefore  of  greater  consequence  than  any 
other  bishop. 

The  history  of  Liberius,  who  succeeded  Julius,  affords 
melancholy  proof  of  the  spiritual  decay  which  had  fallen 
on  the  Church.  Constantius,  the  emperor,  was  a  zealous 
Arian,  and  when  the  Council  of  Milan  had  confirmed  the 
judgment  of  the  eastern  Churches  by  pronouncing  a  sen- 
tence of  deposition  on  the  champion  of  orthodoxy,  Athana- 
sius,  he  sent  messengers  to  those  bishops  who  were  absent 
from  the  council,  commanding  them  to  subscribe  the  sen- 
tence which  it  had  passed.  Among  the  absentees  was  the 
Bishop  of  Rome,  whose  absence  had  been  intentional,  and 
who  now  steadfastly  refused  to  commit  an  act  which  his 
conscience  condemned.  The  emperor,  pretending  it  was 
his  duty  to  execute  the  decrees  of  the  Church,  banished 
Liberius  forthwith  to  some  city  in  Thrace,  and  by  under- 
hand means  procured  an  Arian  presbyter,  Felix,  to  be 
elected  to  the  see.  Liberius  went  into  exile,  and  was  fol- 
lowed in  his  banishment  by  the  sympathies  and  prayers  of 
the  whole  Roman  Church.  The  emperor  himself  conde- 
scended to  show  some  respect  by  sending  him  money  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  his  journey. 

This  money  Liberius  indignantly  returned,  with  the  sar- 
castic message,  that  the  emperor  and  his  eunuchs  might 
possibly  want  the  money  to  pay  their  soldiers  and  their 
subservient  bishops.     So  great  was  the  danger  of  his  being 


32  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

rescued  by  the  people,  that  he  was  removed  in  the  night 
with  all  imaginable  secrecy  and  dispatch.  When  his  ban- 
ishment became  known  the  city  was  thrown  into  universal 
uproar.  The  clergy  bound  themselves  by  a  solemn  oath 
never  to  acknowledge  the  intruder  Felix,  and  for  two  years 
they  continued  to  absent  themselves  from  the  churches, 
and  led  the  devotions  of  the  people  in  private  places  of 
worship.  At  the  end  of  that  time  the  emperor  visited 
Rome,  and  was  instantly  besieged  by  a  prodigious  multitude 
of  matrons,  many  of  whom  were  wealthy  and  noble,  and 
had  arrayed  themselves  for  the  occasion  in  magnificent  and 
costly  attire.  These,  with  one  voice  and  loud  lamentations, 
implored  the  restoration  of  their  venerable  bishop. 

Constantius  continued  unmoved,  and  Liberius  would 
doubtless  have  remained  in  perpetual  exile,  had  he  not  him- 
self proved  faithless  to  the  principles  for  which  he  had  en- 
dured so  much  suffering  and  loss.  In  better  and  purer 
times,  a  Christian  bishop  would  have  counted  it  a  distin- 
guished privilege  to  suffer  for  the  truth,  and  the  day  of  his 
martyrdom  would  have  been  celebrated  as  a  second  birth- 
day. A  melancholy  change  had,  however,  taken  place, 
under  the  influence  of  a  worldly  spirit.  When  the  Arian 
creed,  which  the  Council  of  Sirmium  composed,  was  pre- 
sented to  Liberius  for  his  signature,  he  basely  consented  to 
subscribe  what  his  judgment  utterly  condemned.  He  was 
then  permitted  to  return  to  Rome,  to  enjoy,  if  he  could, 
after  so  disgraceful  a  recreancy  to  conscience,  the  honors 
of  the  bishopric.  But  as  Felix,  the  emperor's  favorite, 
could  on  no  account  be  displaced,  it  was  decided  that  he 
and  Liberius  should  conjointly  hold  the  see.  This  division 
of  prelatical  power  was  altogether  offensive  to  the  citizens 
of  Rome.  They  assembled  in  the  streets  and  public  places, 
shouting,  "  One  God,  one  Christ,  one  bishop !"  and  the  se- 
dition and  confusion  were  not  appeased  till  many  of  both 
parties  had  been  cruelly  murdered.  Felix  himself,  with 
the  emperor's  consent,  was  at  last  expelled  from  the  city. 


PRETENSIONS  AND  SPIRIT  OF  THE  ROMAN  BISHOPS.       33 

It  is  evident  that  the  true  spirit  of  Christianity  must  have 
greatly  passed  from  the  Church  before  events  Hke  these 
could  occur  among  its  accepted  members,  and  under  the 
express  sanction  of  their  bishops.  The  animosities  thus 
excited  did  not  quickly  subside ;  but  when,  by  the  death 
of  Liberius,  a  new  election  became  needful,  they  broke  out 
with  fresh  and  even  aggravated  violence. 

One  party  chose  Damasus,  and  the  other  Ursicinus,  to 
be  their  sphitual  head,  and  the  passions  of  the  whole  pop- 
ulace soon  became  engaged  in  the  struggle.  Damasus  was 
a  proud  man,  and  it  is  doubtful  if  either  of  the  candidates 
had  any  real  title  to  the  Christian  name.  Former  bishops, 
in  similar  circumstances,  had  been  known  to  surrender 
everything  rather  than  be  guilty  of  promoting  strife  and 
schism ;  but  these  not  only  permitted  but  encouraged  their 
followers  to  contend,  until  much  blood  was  shed  and  many 
lives  were  lost.  The  party  of  Damasus  came  with  armsp 
and  attacked  their  opponents  in  the  church  of  the  Basihca, 
and  the  walls  which  usually  resounded  with  the  melody  of 
sacred  praise  now  echoed  the  shrieks  and  groans  of  dying 
men.  One  hundred  and  thirty-seven  bodies  were  left  dead 
on  the  pavement  of  this  strange  and  unmeet  battle-field. 
Damasus  triumphed,  and  his  rival  left  the  city.  ^ 

Not  much  was  to  be  expected  from  an  episcopate  so  un- 
scripturally  and  inhumanly  won.  The  short  career  of 
Damasus  was  disgraced  by  an  edict  which  the  rapacity  of 
the  clergy  compelled  a  reluctant  emperor  to  enact  against 
them.  This  edict  forbade  ecclesiastics  to  receive  any  gift, 
legacy,  or  inheritance,  at  the  hands  of  devout  women;  so 
early  was  the  influence  of  the  Roman  priesthood  over  the 
female  sex  found  liable  to  abuse,  and  perceived  to  be  an 
injury  and  nuisance  to  society.  The  clergy  were  obliged, 
according  to  custom,  to  publish  this  decree  from  all  the 
pulpits  of  the  city,  and  thus  they  very  appropriately  became 
the  heralds  of  their  own  infamy,  proclaiming  that  they,  a 
professedly  Christian  ministry,  were  unworthv  to  possess 


34  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

a  privilege  not  denied  to  pagan  priests  or  tlie  most  dissolute 
of  the  laity.  It  may,  however,  be  mentioned,  as  perhaps 
a  redeeming  feature  in  the  government  of  Damasus,  that  he 
retained  as  his  secretary  the  celebrated  and  really  learned 
Jerome,  one  of  the  most  renowned  of  the  so-called  "Fa- 
thers of  the  Church,"  and  supported  and  defended  him 
with  the  fidelity  of  true  friendship.  This  much  then  may 
be  recorded  to  his  credit.  But  0  !  how  totally  unlike  was 
the  spirit  of  Damasus  to  that  which  breathed  in  the  apostle 
Paul,  when,  in  the  review  of  his  ministerial  labors,  he  could 
with  holy  confidence  exclaim :  "I  have  coveted  no  man's 
silver,  or  gold,  or  apparel.  Yea,  ye  yourselves  know,  that 
these  hands  have  ministered  unto  my  necessities,  and  to 
them  that  were  with  me.  I  have  showed  you  all  things, 
how  that  so  laboring  ye  ought  to  support  the  weak,  and  to 
remember  the  words  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  how  he  said.  It  is 
more  blessed  to  give  than  to  receive."  Acts  xx,  33-35. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

INTRODUCTION   OF  VARIOUS   SUPERSTITIONS CELIBACY,  MON- 

ACHISM,  SAINT- WORSHIP.-^-A.  D.  385-417. 

Many  corrupt  doctrines  and  anti-scriptural  practices  had 
by  this  time  taken  deep  root  in  the  Church,  for  the  foster- 
ing of  which  the  Bishops  of  Rome  must  be  held  largely, 
though  not  wholly  responsible.  The  east  was  the  indige- 
nous soil  of  most  of  these  poisonous  plants ;  but  it  will  be 
the  eternal  disgrace  of  the  Romish  priesthood,  that  they 
quickly  transplanted  and  diligently  cultured  them  at  home 
and  throughout  the  west. 
I  SiRicius,  who  succeeded  Damasus  in  385,  favored  yery 
strongly  the  ascetic  spirit  which  had  been  introduced  from 
Egypt  and  Palestine.  Tlie  custom  early  sprang  up  in  Asia 
for  bishops  to  live  unmarried,  and,  if  previously  married, 
to  divorce  their  wives  and  lead  thenceforth  a  single  life.) 


INTRODUCTION   OF  VARIOUS  SUPERSTITIONS.  35 

Celibacy  was  regarded  as  a  more  holy  condition  than  mat- 
rimony, and  thus  a  practice  was  established  in  direct  oppo- 
sition to  the  apostolic  precept,  that  a  bishop  should  be 
"  the  husband  of  one  wife."  This  error  was  now  beginning 
to  infect  the  western  Churches  —  a  melancholy  symptom 
that  the  Scriptural  view  of  salvation  by  faith  only  was  grad- 
ually yielding  to  the  soul-destroying  doctrine  of  justification 
by  works,  penances,  and  rites. 

So  zealous  was  Siricius  in  behalf  of  this  innovation,  that 
he  actually  issued  a  decree  to  all  the  bishops  under  his  su- 
perintendence, prohibiting  them  from  continuing  in  the 
married  state,  and  from  entering  upon  it  if  single.  The 
Spanish  bishops  were,  however,  still  independent  enough 
to  resist  this  law,  and  they  persisted  for  some  time  longer 
in  the  ancient  and  Scriptural  custom.  On  the  detestable 
nature  of  the*  system  thus  adopted  by  the  Roman  See,  en- 
larged comment  is  here  unnecessary;  it  is  repugnant  to 
every  maxim  of  sound  social  policy,  and  has  been  the  fer- 
tile source  of  vice,  crime,  and  misery.  Nor  is  it  less  op- 
posed to  Scripture  than  to  the  welfare  of  the  community. 
"  Forbidding  to  many  "  is  expressly  declared  by  an  inspired 
writer  to  be  a  "  doctrine  of  devils."  Siricius  was  the  author 
of  another  divergence  from  the  practice  of  the  apostles  in 
reference  to  the  ordinance  of  baptism,  which  he  enjoined 
upon  his  clergy  to  administer  at  no  other  time,  except  in 
peculiar  cases,  than  the  festivals  of  Easter  and  Pentecost, 
which  he  evidently  regarded  as  seasons  preeminently  sacred. 

These  facts  are  but  suggestions  rather  than  examples  of 
the  innumerable  corruptions  that  now  began  to  overspread 
the  Church.  Our  narrative  has  occasionally  stepped  aside 
from  the  direct  pathway  marked  out  for  it,  and  which  is 
often  quite  bare,  in  these  scantily-reported  times,  of  well- 
authenticated  facts,  to  glean  from  the  field  of  cotemporary 
history  such  incidents  as  may  serve  to  illustrate  the  features 
of  the  age,  and  thereby  help  to  indicate  the  character  of 
the  Papacy  itself.     Such  a  divergence  seems  justified  here 


36  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

by  the  much  greater  prominence  given  by  the  annalists  of 
the  fourth  century  to  other  Churches  and  ecclesiastics  than 
to  the  Church  of  Rome  and  its  bishops. 

Monachism,  and  the  undue  elevation  of  the  priestly  office, 
were  the  master-evils  of  this  period.  The  foimer  origina- 
ted in  the  deserts  of  Egypt,  about  the  year  300.  A  Chris- 
tian named  Anthony,  residing  at  Coma,  a  village  of  Central 
Egypt,  had  parted  with  all  his  estates  to  the  poor  or  to  the 
Church,  and  betook  himself  to  the  solitude  of  the  desert, 
for  quiet  contemplation  of  the  works  and  perhaps  the  word 
of  God.  Here  he  supported  himself  in  a  frugal  and  ab- 
stemious way,  upon  the  fruit  of  the  date  palm,  or  the  pro- 
duce of  the  soil,  which  he  cultivated  with  his  own  hands. 
His  abode  was  a  rude  grotto  or  cave,  formed  by  nature. 
The  self-denial,  rare  holiness,  and  profound  wisdom  of  this 
recluse  were  soon  borne  abroad  on  the  wings  of  fame,  and 
ere  long  he  was  surrounded  by  many  disciples,  some  de- 
sirous of  profiting  by  his  instruction  and  example,  others 
emulous  of  his  renown,  and  all  dwelling  likewise  in  caves, 
and  placing  themselves  beneath  his  paternal  control.  The 
pattern  thus  set  by  Anthony  was  improved  by  Pachomius, 
a  like-minded  man,  who  instituted  the  custom  of  living 
apart  from  the  world  in  cloisters  or  monasteries.  On  an 
island  of  the  Nile,  Tabenne,  he  founded  a  society  of  monks, 
which,  during  his  lifetime,  numbered  three  thousand,  and 
afterward  seven  thousand  members.  These  employed  them- 
selves in  labors  of  various  kinds,  chiefly  weaving  baskets 
from  the  osiers  of  the  Nile,  or  cultivating  the  soil.  In  later 
times  handicraft  trades  of  all  sorts  were  introduced ;  the 
monastery  resembled  a  manufacturing  town,  but  the  pro- 
duce was  always  sent  for  sale  to  Alexandria  or  elsewhere. 
The  immediate  object  professed  to  be  sought  in  this  unnat- 
ural mode  of  life  was  spiritual  perfection,  which  was  sup- 
posed to  be  intimately  connected  with  the  practices  of  ce- 
libacy and  retirement  from  the  world.  It  led,  however, 
much  more  directly  to  spiritual  pride,  to  morbid  fanaticism. 


INTRODUCTION   OF  VARIOUS  SUPERSTITIONS.  37 

which  degraded  human  nature,  as  in  the  case  of  Simeon 
Stylites ;  and  too  often  to  gross  sensuaHty,  in  which  their 
concealment  from  the  world  enabled  these  monks  to  indulge 
without  fear  of  discovery.  It  is  indeed  humiliating,  and 
calculated  to  teach  us  with  what  caution  we  must  receive 
the  opinions  of  even  excellent  men,  to  find  these  monastic 
institutions  extolled  by  a  Chfysostom  and  a  Jerome,  by  the 
latter  of  whom  they  were  first  introduced  and  established 
at  Rome.  The  Christianity  which  thus  retreated  to  the 
rock,  the  desert,  and  the  cloister,  instead  of  manfully  con- 
tending with  the  trials,  and  occupying  itself  in  the  duties 
of  fife,  proved  itself  to  be  false,  unreal,  and  altogether  at 
variance  with  the  spirit  of  Christ.  The  Saviour  expressly 
foretold  his  disciples  that  in  the  world  tribulation  awaited 
them.  Instead,  however,  of  counsehng  a  flight  from  it  into 
the  caves  of  the  earth,  or  a  burial  in  monastic  solitude,  he 
animates  his  followers  to  conflict  by  the  encouraging  an- 
nouncement— "Be  of  good  cheer;  I  have  overcome  the 
world."  Well  does  a  modern  writer  observe,  respecting 
the  Christians  of  that  age,  that  "  fascinated,  deluded,  and 
still  more  blinded  by  the  deepening  shades  of  error,  they 
forgot  almost  entirely  the  emotions  of  a  true  repentance,  of 
a  cordial  faith,  and  of  a  cheerful  obedience ;  and  in  the 
rugged  path  of  gratuitous  afflictions  and  unnatural  mortifi- 
cations, pursued  a  spectral  resemblance  of  piety,  unsubstan- 
tial and  cold  as  the  mists  of  night." — Taylor's  Natural  His- 
tory of  Enthusiasm,^'  p.  191. 

The  rapid  growth  of  a  spirit  tending  to  the  undue  eleva- 
tion of  the  priestly  office,  has  been  already  partially  dis- 
played in  the  ever-increasing  assumptions  of  the  Roman 
bishops.  It  was,  however,  equally  conspicuous,  sometimes 
more  so,  in  other  Churches.  The  notion  that  the  ministers 
of  religion  were  a  hoher  class  of  men  than  ordinary  Chris- 
tians was  zealously  inculcated  by  the  clergy  themselves,  and 
as  readily  received  by  the  people,  who  had  already  begun 
to  trust  to  the  priest  as  an  effectual  mediator  with  Heaven. 


38  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

Even  Chrysostom,  the  "  golden-tongued,"  at  this  time 
bishop  of  Constantinople,  with  all  his  zeal  for  Christ,  and 
profoundly-humble  Aiews  of  himself,  could  speak  of  the 
Christian  ministry  as  invested  with  powers  and  functions 
which  never  can  belong  to  mortal  men.  He  described  the 
sacerdotal  act  as  possessing  something  of  that  fearful  om- 
nipotence and  sovereign  authority  which  attach  only  to  the 
doings  of  Him  who  "openeth  and  no  man  shutteth,  and 
shutteth  and  no  man  openeth;"  "for,"  said  he,  "as  to  the 
priests  are  committed  all  spiritual  births,  so,  through  their 
virtue  only,  are  the  fires  of  hell  escaped,  and  the  crown  of 
glory  secured."  If  really  conscientious  men  entertained 
such  extravagant  views,  it  could  only  be  expected  that  in- 
dividuals of  a  proud  and  ambitious  character,  or  who  min- 
gled with  their  devoutness  some  desire  of  worldly  applause, 
should  push  theu*  pretensions  as  far  as  the  credulity  or  the 
patience  of  their  followers  would  permit. 

The  history  of  Martin,  the  bishop  of  Tours,  is  very  in- 
structive on  this  point,  and  shows  also  the  strides  which  the 
Church  had  already  made  toward  rivaling  the  power  of 
kings.  When  Maximus  ascended  the  imperial  throne  by 
the  too-beaten  path  of  usurpation  and  bloodshed,  he 
promptly  received  the  fawning  adulation  of  a  whole  crowd 
of  bishops.  But  Martin  of  Tours  stood  aloof  from  the 
court,  refusing,  as  he  said,  "  to  eat  bread  with  a  man  who 
had  deprived  one  emperor  of  his  throne  and  another  of  his 
life."  At  length,  howevei*,  he  was  persuaded  to  relent,  and, 
to  the  joy  of  the  new  emperor,  who  well  knew  the  value  to 
a  usurper  of  priestly  support,  repaired  to  the  royal  banquet. 
The  tables  were  crowded  with  guests  of  the  highest  rank, 
and  among  them  the  brother  and  imcle  of  Maximus  himself. 
Between  these  reclined  one  of  Martin's  presbyters,  he  him- 
self occupying  a  seat  next  the  emperor.  During  supper, 
according  to  custom,  a  servant  presented  a  goblet  of  wine 
to  the  emperor,  who  desired  it  to  be  ofFei-ed  first  to  the 
bishop,  but  expecting,  of  course,  that  from  the  hands  of 


INTRODUCTION  OF  VARIOUS   SUPERSTITIONS.  39 

Martin  it  would  pass  to  his  own.  Martin,  however,  when 
he  had  drunk  of  the  cup,  handed  it  to  his  presbyter,  not 
deeming  any  one  present  equally  worthy  to  drink  after  him- 
self. Maximus  and  his  officers,  we  are  told,  had  the  mag- 
nanimity or  the  prudence  to  bear  this  expression  of  contempt 
without  discovering  resentment. 

Martin  afterward  frequently  visited  the  palace,  where  he 
was  always  a  welcome  guest,  at  least  to  the  empress.  This 
lady  not  only  hung  upon  his  lips  for  instruction,  but,  in  imita- 
tion of  the  penitent  mentioned  in  the  Gospels,  literally  bathed 
his  feet  with  her  tears  and  wiped  them  with  her  hair.  Un- 
mindful of  her  royal  rank,  she  would  lie  prostrate  before 
him,  until,  by  the  emperor's  intercession,  she  had  obtained  i 
the  bishop's  permission  to  wait  upon  him  at  table  as  a 
menial  servant.  When  Martin  could  no  longer  resist  her 
importunities,  the  empress  prepared  the  table  and  the 
couch,  superintended  the  preparation  of  his  food,  and 
while  he  ate  stood  at  a  respectful  distance,  like  a  slave,  or 
mixed  and  presented  the  wine  with  the  profoundest  humil- 
ity. When  the  bishop's  meal  was  ended,  she  reverently 
collected  the  crumbs,  deeming  them  of  higher  worth  than 
the  delicacies  of  a  royal  feast. 

Not  content  with  paying  so  much  honor  to  their  teacher/ 
during  life,  the  Christians   of  this  age  displayed  a  still 
greater  veneration  for  the  tombs,  relics,  and  embalmed  re- 
mains of  martyrs  and  saints.     The  presumed  sepulchers  of 
the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul  were  visited  at  Rome  by  all 
classes,  from  the  slave  and  pauper  to  consuls,   generals, 
nobles,  and  emperors.     The  bodies  of  early  confessors  were 
exhumed,  and  transfeiTcd  to  cities  whither  the  strangers  of  I 
the  world  resorted,  such  as  Constantinople  and  Rome.     A 
dream  was  reported  to  have  revealed  the  resting-place  of 
Stephen,  the  first  martyr ;  and  the  grave  being  found,  the  { 
precious  remains  were  transported  in  solemn  procession  to 
a  church  erected  for  the  purpose  on  the  summit  of  Mount  i 
Zion.     Miraculous  effects  were  attributed  to  these  sacred 


4ft  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

relics.  A  drop  of  blood,  or  the  scrapings  of  a  bone,  were 
believed  to  possess  a  divine  and  healing  virtue.  Many  fab- 
ulous tales  were  invented,  and  many  spurious  relics  were 
palmed  off  as  genuine.  In  the  cathedral  of  Tours  the  bones 
of  a  malefactor  were  adored  instead  of  those  of  a  saint,  until 
the  imposture  was  discovered ;  and  then  the  same  love  of 
the  marvelous  gave  credence  to  the  story  that  the  bishop, 
Martm,  had  extorted  a  confession  of  the  fraud  from  the  lips 
of  the  dead  man. 

Thus  the  superstition  and  follies  of  paganism  were  pass- 
ing over  to  Christianity,  while  paganism  itself  was  rapidly 
on  the  decline.  The  ancient  religion  discovered  no  further 
symptoms  of  life  than  the  power  which  it  yet  retained  of 
tainting  and  corrupting  the  new.  Its  priesthood,  its  tem- 
ples, its  worship,  were  fast  vanishing  away.  Hitherto,  in- 
deed, idolatry  had  been  tolerated ;  but  under  the  later  em- 
perors many  laws  had  been  passed  tending  to  discourage  it, 
and  the  last  edict  of  Theodosius  inflicted  on  it  a  deadly 
wound.  "  It  is  our  will  and  pleasure,"  says  the  emperor  in 
that  decree,  "  that  none  of  our  subjects,  however  exalted  or 
humble  his  rank,  shall  presume  in  any  place  to  worship  an 
inanimate  idol  by  the  sacrifice  of  a  guiltless  victim."  Sac- 
rifice and  divination  are  declared  to  be  high  treason,  and 
crimes  to  be  expiated  only  by  death.  Few,  therefore,  re- 
mained who  ventured  to  avow  a  preference  for  the  religion 
of  their  fathers ;  and  multitudes,  without  either  faith  or 
knowledge,  became  unworthy  professors  of  Christianity. 
Encouraged  by  the  smiles  of  princes,  the  bishops  proceeded 
in  many  cases  to  oppress  those  who  yet  favored  the  elder 
institution,  resolving  to  exterminate  from  their  dioceses  the 
last  traces  of  idolatry,  by  means  as  imjustifiable  as  the 
resolution  itself  was  praiseworthy.  They  marched  at  the 
head  of  a  rabble  of  priests,  monks,  and  soldiers,  to  destroy 
idols  and  temples,  and  forcibly  to  eject  the  pagan  priest- 
hood who  clung  to  the  altars.  In  the  height  of  their  zeal 
they  destroyed  what  might  well  have  been  spared ;  and  the 


INTRODUCTION  OF  VARIOUS  SUPERSTITIONS.  41 

magnificent  library  of  Alexander,  together  with  many  a 
splendid  edifice,  the  trophy  of  Grecian  skill,  was  ruthlessly 
swept  into  obhvion. 

What  share  in  these  acts  of  barbarism  was  taken  by 
Anastasius,  who,  in  398,  succeeded  Siricius  in  the  bishop- 
ric of  Rome,  history  has  not  recorded ;  but  in  all  probability 
he  was  too  much  occupied  in  providing  for  his  own  safety 
to  encroach  much  on  the  liberties  of  others.  The  fifth 
century  opened  with  dark  omens  to  the  stability  of  the 
Roman  empire.  The  death  of  the  Emperor  Theodosius, 
and  the  imbecility  of  his  two  sons,  Arcadius  and  Honorius, 
who  divided  his  dominions  between  them,  opened  great 
and  tempting  opportunities  to  the  enemies  of  Rome  to  at- 
tempt her  destruction.  The  Gothic  tribes,  driven  from 
their  Scythian  homes,  fierce  by  nature,  and  grown  fiercer 
by  the  checks  which  they  had  received  from  Theodosius, 
had  long  hung  like  a  cloud  upon  the  northern  frontiers, 
and  now  descended  in  thunder  on  the  crowded  cities  of  the 
south.  Their  leader,  Alaric,  was  endowed  with  all  those 
gifts  that  qualify  for  the  command  and  subjugation  of  men. 
For  a  few  years  he  was  baffled  in  his  aims  by  the  courage 
and  skillful  tactics  of  Stilicho,  the  general  of  Honorius ;  but 
the  jealousy  and  mistrust  of  this  vain  and  foolish  emperor 
induced  him  to  cause  the  murder  of  the  only  man  who  could 
ward  off  ruin  from  the  State.  Alaric  soon  appeared  at  the 
gates  of  Rome,  and  now  the  degenerate  citizens  could  only 
withstand  their  assailants  with  bribes  and  prayers. 

Luxury  and  sensuality  had  reached  their  utmost  height 
within  the  walls  of  the  western  metropolis.  The  stately 
mansions  of  the  nobles  almost  warranted  the  hyperbole  of 
the  poet  Claudian,  who  said  that  Rome  contained  a  multi- 
tude of  palaces,  and  that  each  palace  was  equal  to  a  city. 
Although  they  were  destitute  of  many  modem  conveniences 
of  life,  (for  it  has  been  as  truly  as  humorously  observed 
that  the  emperors  of  Rome  had  neither  glass  to  their  Avin- 
dows  nor  shirts  to  their  backs,)  yet  in  the  pomp  and  splen- 


42  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

dor,  both  of  their  furniture  and  their  apparel,  the  Romans 
of  that  period  far  surpassed  the  most  wealthy  nation  of  the 
present  day.  "  Our  modern  nobles,"  said  a  cotemporary 
historian,  "measure  their  rank  and  consequence  by  the 
height  of  their  chariots,  and  the  weighty  magnificence  of 
their  dress.  Their  long  robes  of  silk  and  purple  float  in  the 
wind,  and  as  they  are  agitated  by  art  or  accident,  discover 
the  under-garments,  the  rich  tunics  embroidered  with  curi- 
ous figures.  Followed  by  a  train  of  fifty  servants,  and  tear- 
ing up  the  pavement,  they  move  along  the  streets  with  the 
same  impetuous  speed  as  if  they  traveled  with  post-horses, 
and  this  example  is  boldly  imitated  by  the  matrons  and 
ladies.  Sometimes,  indeed,  these  heroes  undertake  more 
arduous  achievements ;  they  visit  their  estates  in  the  coun- 
try, and  procure  themselves,  by  the  toil  of  their  slaves,  the 
amusements  of  the  chase.  If  at  any  time,  but  more  espe- 
cially on  a  hot  day,  they  have  courage  to  sail  in  their 
painted  galleys  from  the  Lake  Avernus  to  their  elegant 
villas  on  the  sea-coast,  they  compare  their  expeditions  to 
the  marches  of  Caesar  and  Alexander.  Yet,  should  a  fly 
presume  to  settle  on  the  silken  folds  of  their  gilded  um- 
brellas, should  a  sunbeam  penetrate  through  some  un- 
guarded and  imperceptible  chink,  they  deplore  their  intol- 
erable hardships." — Amm.  Marcell.,  lib.  xiv,  6  ;  xxviii,  4. 

A  people  so  sunken  in  efl"eminacy  and  sloth  were  not 
very  formidable  to  the  sturdy  warriors  of  the  north.  Ho- 
norius  had  retreated  to  Ravenna,  a  place  much  stronger  by 
its  natural  defenses  than  Rome.  The  senate  sent  a  deputa- 
tion to  Alaric,  with  a  message,  that  if  he  exacted  harsh  con- 
ditions he  might  drive  them  to  despair,  and  would  then  find 
them  an  innumerable  host  of  well-discipHned  foes.  "  The 
thicker  the  hay  the  easier  it  is  mowed,"  was  the  contempt- 
uous reply  of  the  Gothic  king.  He  demanded  all  their  gold 
and  silver,  all  their  precious  movables,  and  all  their  foreign 
slaves.  "  What  then  will  you  leave  us  ?"  asked  the  help- 
less Romans.     *'  Your  lives''  was  the  concise  reply. 


INTRODUCTION  OF  VARIOUS  SUPERSTITIONS.  43 

The  city  itself  was  thus  spared  for  the  present :  but  the 
following  year,  A.  D.  410,  Alaric  again  appeared  before  its 
walls,  enraged  at  some  insults  offered  his  subjects  by  the 
creatures  of  Honorius ;  and  the  gate  being  treacherously 
opened,  his  army  entered  at  midnight,  to  begin  such  a  work 
of  spoliation  and  savage  cruelty  as  Rome  had  not  witnessed 
since  Romulus  laid  its  foundations,  eleven  hundred  and 
sixty-three  years  before. 

Innocent  was  now  bishop  of  the  Church,  and  his  pres- 
ence had  some  influence  in  mitigating  the  horrors  of  the 
calamity.  The  sack  of  the  city  continued  only  for  six  days, 
and,  besides  the  comparative  shortness  of  this  period,  sev- 
eral instances  of  moderation  distinguished  the  conduct  of 
Alaric,  which  may  perhaps  be  properly  ascribed  to  the  re- 
spect he  felt  for  the  bishop,  as  at  least  the  representative 
of  the  Christian  religion.  He  manifested  the  profoundest 
regard  for  the  clergy  and  the  places  of  worship ;  and  when 
Innocent,  who  had  fled  with  his  royal  master  to  Ravenna, 
came  upon  an  embassy  to  conciliate  the  conqueror,  Alaric 
courteously  directed  that  he  should  be  guarded  on  his  re- 
turn by  a  detachment  of  Gothic  soldiers. 

The  Goths  were  by  no  means  wholly  an  idolatrous  people 
at  this  time.  On  the  contrary,  Christianity  had  made  con- 
siderable progress  among  them.  Already  they  had  their 
own  bishops,  and  the  Scriptures  translated  into  their  own 
tongue.  A  copy  of  the  Gospels  in  the  Gothic  language, 
supposed  by  some  to  be  the  original  written  by  Ulphilas, 
the  translator,  is  still  preserved  in  the  University  of  Upsal, 
and  is  called  the  "  silver  manuscript,"  because  it  is  written 
in  letters  of  silver  on  a  purple  groimd.  When  the  Goths 
became  a  settled  people,  and  fixed  their  habitations  in  Ger- 
many, Italy,  Spain,  and  France,  they  generally  adopted  the 
religion  of  the  people  whom  they  had  subdued.  Thus  it 
was  that  the  ecclesiastical  institutions  in  these  several  coun- 
tries were  comparatively  unaffected  by  the  great  political 
and  social  revolutions  that  were  taking  place.     The  power 


44  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

of  the  bishops  continued  unimpaired,  or  rather,  perhaps,  it 
was  increased  by  the  superstitious  veneration  which  the 
more  ignorant  Goths  felt  for  men  who  laid  claim  to  such 
superior  sanctity  and  learning.  The  authority  of  the  Ro- 
man bishop,  or  patriarch,  also,  was  still  undisputed  by  the 
Churches  of  the  west,  and  Innocent  exercised  it  in  several 
instances,  although  on  questions  of  little  importance.  A 
difference  of  opinion,  for  example,  having  arisen  among  the 
Spanish  bishops  respecting  the  fasting-days,  which,  now 
that  fasting  was  regarded  as  a  meritorious  service,  had  be- 
come very  frequent.  Innocent  took  upon  himself  to  decide 
that  Saturday  as  well  as  Friday  should  be  observed  for 
this  purpose. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE    CONTROVERSIAL  AGE FREQUENT  APPEALS   TO  THE 

ROMAN  BISHOP. — A.  D.  417-432. 

On  the  accession  of  Zosimus  to  the  patriarchate,  in. 4 17, 
matters  of  far  greater  moment  were  referred  to  the  tribunal 
of  Rome.  The  controversy  which  sprang  up  in  the  African 
Church  between  Augustine  and  Pelagius,  respecting  the 
freedom  of  the  human  will,  and  the  necessity  of  divine 
grace  to  secure  the  salvation  of  the  soul,  had  created  much 
bitterness  of  feeling.  The  doctrines  of  Pelagius  had  been 
strongly  condemned  by  the  Churches  of  Northern  Africa, 
over  which  Augustine,  the  Bishop  of  Hippo,  exercised  a 
paramount  influence.  Pelagius,  therefore,  resolved  to  ap- 
peal to  the  Patriarch  of  Rome,  and  in  the  autumn  of  416 
his  disciple  and  coadjutor,  Ccelestius,  crossed  over  to  Italy 
for  the  purpose  of  pleading  their  cause  against  the  African 
clergy.  On  bringing  the  matter  before  the  new  bishop,  a 
man  probably  of  eastern  descent  and  education,  Ccelestius 
found  it  hard  to  convince  him  that  the  subject  in  dispute 


THE  CONTROVERSIAL  AGE.  45 

was  one  of  much  consequence.  However,  the  eloquence  of 
the  pleader,  combined  with  the  indifference  of  the  judge, 
produced  a  decision  in  favor  of  Pelagius.  Zosimus  wrote 
to  the  African  bishops,  reproaching  them  for  misunder- 
standing or  misrepresenting  a  good  and  orthodox  Christian. 
He  also  showed  the  imperious  spirit  which  had  already 
taken  possession  of  the  Roman  Church,  by  decreeing  that 
unless  a  successful  accuser  of  Coelestius  and  Pelagius  should 
appear  in  Rome  within  two  months,  no  one  for  the  future 
should  presume  to  question  their  orthodoxy. 

The  pretensions  thus  set  up  by  Rome  were  not  yet,  how- 
ever, tamely  admitted.  The  African  bishops,  influenced  by 
Augustine,  protested  against  the  patriarch's  decision,  and 
affirmed  that  he  had  been  deceived  by  Coelestius.  They 
then  drew  up  nine  canons,  which  directly  contradicted  the 
doctrines  of  Pelagius,  and  proceeded  to  make  exertions  at 
the  imperial  court  to  get  their  views  sanctioned  by  the  civil 
power.  Zosimus  was  too  undecided  in  his  own  convictions 
to  maintain  his  ground  against  this  array  of  opposition,  and 
commanded  Coelestius  to  appear  again  to  undergo  a  fresh 
examination.  Coelestius  foresaw  the  result,  and  hastily  fled 
from  Rome ;  upon  which  Zosimus  gave  sentence  against  him, 
and  issued  a  circular  letter,  denouncing  Coelestius  and  Pe- 
lagius as  heretics,  and  declaring  the  doctrines  of  Augustine 
and  the  African  bishops  to  be  the  doctrine  of  the  whole 
Church.  Devoid  of  all  shame  at  his  temporizing  pohcy, 
notwithstanding  the  suddenness  of  his  own  recantation,  and 
in  spite  of  the  palpable  fallibility  of  his  own  judgment,  the 
Roman  patriarch  required  all  the  bishops  of  the  west  to 
subscribe  the  same  declaration,  and  many  who  refused  were 
deprived  of  their  office,  and  banished  from  their  Churches. 
So  tyrannical  was  the  spirit  that  already  ruled  at  Rome. 

Long  after  the  death  of  Zosimus,  and  indeed  through 
both  the  episcopates  of  his  successors,  Boniface  and  Celes- 
tine,  the  Pelagian  heresy  continued  to  cause  a  great  de- 
gree of  agitation,  especially  among  the  western  Churches. 


46  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

Nevertheless,  Boniface  found  leisure  to  attempt  the  exten- 
sion of  his  influence  over  the  Christian  world — a  matter 
generally  of  much  greater  consequence  to  the  bishops  of 
Rome  than  the  settlement  of  theological  truth.  He  assert- 
ed that  the  new  Churches  established  in  the  countries  to 
the  east  of  Italy  belonged  to  his  jurisdiction,  rather  than  to 
that  of  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople.  The  success  which 
attended  these  efforts  was  but  partial,  but  in  this  jealousy 
between  the  two  metropolitan  bishops  we  may  discern  the 
origin  of  that  great  schism  which  ultimately  rent  asundei 
the  Roman  and  Greek  Churches. 

Celestine,  who  followed  Boniface  in  423,  found  ample 
occupation  in  nicely  steering  his  course  through  that  bois- 
terous sea  of  controversy  which  now  overflowed  the  world. 
Although  the  creed  of  Augustine  had  been  adopted  by  the 
Roman  bishop,  it  was  far  from  obtaining  general  accept- 
ance, and  was  stoutly  rejected  by  most  of  the  clergy  of 
France.  These  held  their  course  midway  between  Pela- 
gius  and  Augustine;  and  their  chief  advocate,  Cassian,  ab- 
bot of  Marseilles,  taught  the  unscriptural  doctrine,  that 
while  human  nature  is  corrupt,  and  needs  divine  grace  to 
renew  and  make  it  holy,  yet  that  all,  without  exception, 
will  eventually  receive  that  grace,  and  be  saved-  by  its  puri- 
fying power.  The  controversy  was  tedious,  and  the  oppo- 
nents of  Cassian  at  length  resorted  to  the  method,  now 
growing  common,  of  appealing  to  the  Roman  tribunal. 
Celestine  published  his  decision  in  431,  in  a  letter  addressed 
to  the  bishops  of  France.  In  that  letter  he  complains  that 
presbyters  should  presume  to  agitate  foolish  and  curious 
questions  in  opposition  to  their  bishops,  and  rebukes  the 
latter  for  not  maintaining  their  superior  authority.  He 
clearly  enough  enforces  that  capital  doctrine  of  Rome,  the 
necessity  of  complete  subordination  among  the  inferior  func- 
tionaries of  the  Church ;  but  his  sentiments  on  the  point  in 
dispute  are  so  vaguely  expressed  that  we  need  not  be  sur- 
prised at  their  producing  no  effect.     The  agitation  of  these 


THE  CONTROVERSIAL  AGE.  47 

subtile  questions   did  not  subside  till  many  changes  had 
taken  place,  both  in  the  empire  and  in  the  Church. 

The  position  which  the  Roman  See  now  assumed  in  rela- 
tion to  those  of  Constantinople  and  Alexandria,  is  clearly 
illustrated  by  the  behavior  of  C  destine  during  the  Nestorian 
controversy,  which  in  his  time  convulsed  the  whole  society 
of  the  east. 

Nestorius,  a  man  of  greater  probity  than  prudence,  was 
transferred,  late  in  life,  from  a  cloister  near  Antioch  to  the 
patriarchal  throne  of  Constantinople,  for  only  by  so  lofty  a 
title  can  the  grandeur  of  that  bishopric  in  the  fifth  century 
be  properly  expressed.  Long  before  this,  diflferences  of 
opinion  had  arisen  in  the  east  respecting  the  true  nature  of 
Christ — some  contending  that  there  was  a  perfect  union  in 
him  of  the  human  and  divine  natures  ;  others,  that  the  two 
natures  were  separate,  and  that  Christ  differed  from  other 
men  in  being  enriched  by  the  indwelHng  of  the  Deity.  The 
clergy  of  Alexandria,  and  throughout  Egypt,  maintained 
the  former  view,  but,  goveraed  by  the  feverish  passion  for 
doing  honor  to  saints  and  martyrs,  they  distinguished  the  , 
Virgin  Mary  as  the  mother  of  God.  This  phrase  became  I 
the  battle-cry  of  the  party,  because  the  use  of  it  gave  par-  / 
ticular  offense  to  their  opponents,  who  asserted  that,  al- 
though Mary  was  the  mother  of  Christ,  she  could  in  no 
sense  be  styled  the  mother  of  God.  To  the  latter  party 
belonged  Nestorius  when  he  was  elevated  to  the  See  of  Con- 
stantinople, and  he  immediately  began  to  employ  his  high 
influence  for  the  suppression  of  what  he  regarded  as  the 
erroneous  doctrine  and  blasphemous  practice  of  the  Alex- 
andrian theologians. 

But  in  this  attempt  he  met  with  the  fiercest  opposition : 
for  the  Alexandrian  view  had  already  become  popular  in 
many  Churches  of  the  east ;  and  Cyiil,  the  lordly  and  as- 
piring Bishop  of  Alexandria,  openly  denounced  Nestorius 
as  a  heretic,  who  disparaged  the  real  divinity  of  the  Saviour. 
At  length. the  controversy  grew  so  hot  that  it  was  evident 


48  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

one  party  or  the  other  must  be  crushed.  Cyiil,  bent  on 
humbhng  Nestorius,  and  perhaps  jealous  of  his  greater 
weight  in  the  councils  of  the  east,  resolved  to  obtain  the 
aid  of  the  Roman  patriarch.  He  accordingly  addressed  a 
letter  to  Celestine,  containing  a  very  unfair  report  of  the 
course  pursued  by  Nestorius,  and  written  in  so  flattering  a 
style  as  to  be  tolerably  sure  of  success.  Cyril  professed  to 
leave  the  whole  matter  in  the  hands  of  the  Roman  bishop, 
and  besought  his  interference  on  the  ground  that  this  only 
could  harmonize  the  unhappy  dissensions  of  the  Church. 

Celestine  was  already  unfavorably  disposed  toward  his 
eastern  rival  in  patriarchal  dominion,  because  of  the  bold 
and  independent  attitude  which  Nestorius  ever  maintained 
in  relation  to  Rome,  and  therefore  seized  with  avidity  the 
opportunity  thus  offered  him  of  humbhng  his  brother  pre- 
late before  the  whole  Church.  With  an  arrogance  hardly 
equaled  by  any  of  his  predecessors,  but  which  was  unhap- 
pily destined  to  become  characteristic  of  the  Roman  See, 
he  actually  decreed,  that  if  Nestorius  did  not  send  to  Rome 
a  written  recantation  of  his  errors  within  ten  days  of  his  re- 
ceiving the  sentence,  he  should  be  excommunicated  from 
the  Church,  and  no  longer  recognized  as  patriarch.  The 
execution  of  this  presumptuous  decree,  as  if  to  aggravate  the 
insult,  he  committed  to  Cyril. 

To  compose  the  various  strifes  of  the  Church,  and  the 
Nestorian  schism  among  the  rest,  the  Emperor  Theodo- 
sius  II.  issued  an  order,  A.  D.  430,  for  a  general  council  of 
bishops  to  assemble  at  Ephesus.  The  Egyptian  clergy 
mustered  in  large  numbers,  and  the  partisans  of  Nestorius 
were  probably  intimidated  by  the  declining  popularity  of 
their  leader,  whose  impetuosity  and  imprudence  had  raised 
him  many  enemies  in  the  Constantinopolitan  court.  Celes- 
tine did  not  attend  the  council  himself,  but  he  gave  orders 
to  it  to  follow  in  all  respects  the  directions  of  Cyril.  Thus 
the  current  had  set  in  strongly  against  the  eastern  patriarch  ; 
so  that  when  Nestorius  arrived  at  Ephesus  he  was  filled 


THE  CONTROVERSIAL  AGE.  49 

with  dismay,  and,  believing  that  his  very  hfe  was  in  jeop- 
ardy, he  demanded  from  the  civil  magistrate  a  guard  of 
soldiers  to  defend  his  person  and  his  house. 

It  was  of  course  an  easy  matter  for  Cyril  to  obtain  from 
a  council  so  composed  whatever  decision  he  wished  for,  and 
Nestorius  was  formally  and  quickly  deposed.  But  when 
the  circumstances  were  made  known  to  the  emperor,  he 
was  so  satisfied  of  the  unfairness  of  all  the  proceedings  that 
he  refused  to  ratify  its  decision.  Cyril  then  had  recourse 
to  artifice,  resolving  at  all  hazards  to  accomplish  the  down- 
fall of  his  enemy. 

There  was  living  in  Constantinople  a  monk,  named  Dal- 
matius,  who  had  acquired  great  renown  for  his  sanctity, 
having  never  once  quitted  his  cell  for  the  space  of  forty- 
eight  years.  The  emperor  himself  had  sometimes  visited 
him,  to  receive  his  advice  or  his  exhortations.  The  opinions 
of  this  monk  had  always  been  opposed  to  the  doctrine  of 
Nestorius,  and  he  was  in  the  habit  of  saying  to  his  disciples  : 
"  Take  heed,  my  brethren  ;  for  an  e\i\  beast  has  come  into 
this  city,  and  he  may  hurt  some  of  you  with  his  doctrines." 
This  man  appeared  to  Cyril  a  very  proper  instrument  to 
aid  him  in  his  purpose.  He  therefore  wrote  an  account  of 
the  proceedings  of  the  council,  and  the  emperor's  refusal  to 
ratify  them,  and,  inclosing  the  document  in  a  hollow  reed, 
sent  it  by  the  hands  of  a  beggar  to  the  cell  of  the  recluse. 
Such  a  missive,  addressed  to  such  a  man,  was  as  a  spark 
of  fire  falling  on  gunpowder.  Dalmatius  received  the  mes- 
sage as  a  summons  from  Heaven.  He  straightway  forsook 
his  cell,  and  was  soon  surrounded  by  a  multitude  of  monks 
and  abbots,  who  came  forth  from  cave  and  cloister  to  save 
the  Church  from  impending  ruin,  in  the  continued  govern- 
ment of  a  heretical  bishop.  Brandishing  flaming  torches, 
and  chanting  strains  breathing  the  most  indignant  and  hos- 
tile spirit,  this  procession  of  priests  advanced  to  the  impe- 
rial palace.  Admitted  to  the  emperor's  presence,  Dalma- 
tius boldly  demanded  of  the  monarch  to  whom  he  would 

3 


50  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

give  ear — to  the  six  thousand  bishops  of  the  whole  Chris- 
tian Church,  or  to  one  godless  man  ?  Wearied  by  impor- 
tunities, if  not  awed  by  priestly  assumptions,  the  emperor 
at  length  consented  that  the  partisans  of  Cyril  should  come 
to  Constantinople  and  plead  their  cause  before  himself. 
Dalmatius  and  his  followers  then  marched  in  triumph  to  a 
Church,  where  the  news  of  his  success  was  received  by  the 
people  with  loud  shouts  of  "  Anathema  to  Nestorius !" 

The  untiring  enmity  of  Cyril  soon  afterward  wholly  tri- 
umphed, and  Nestorius  was  commanded  to  return  to  his 
cloister  —  a  decree  which  was  regarded  as  a  victory  no  less 
by  the  Patriarch  of  Rome,  who  rejoiced  in  the  humiliation 
of  a  powerful  rival,  than  by  Cyril  himself,  to  whose  perse- 
verance and  artifice  it  was  principally  due. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

AGE  OF  LEO  THE  GREAT MISSION  OF  PATRICK "COUNCIL 

OF  ROBBERS." A.  D.  432-449. 

Of  Sixtus  III.,  who  in  432  succeeded  Celestine,  history 
makes  but  slight  mention.  An  event  happened,  however, 
in  connection  with  the  Roman  Church,  during  his  life,  and 
partly  during  his  episcopate,  of  more  than  ordinary  interest 
to  the  English  reader.  This  was  the  mission  of  Patrick, 
since  canonized  as  the  tutelary  saint  of  his  adopted  country, 
to  convert  the  idolaters  of  Ireland. 

The  Irish,  like  the  ancient  Britons,  adhered  to  the  super- 
stitions of  Druidism ;  and  the  horrid  rites  of  their  worship, 
such  as  the  sacrifices  of  children  to  Com-cruach,  the  Mo- 
loch of  Ireland,  continued  in  use  to  a  much  later  period 
among  them  than  in  Britain.  It  was  about  the  year  403, 
when  Patrick  was  sixteen  years  of  age,  that  he  was  seized 
by  pirates  upon  the  coast  of  France,  or,  as  some  say,  Scot- 
land, and  carried  away  captive  to  Ireland,      Sold  as  a  slave 


AGE   OF  LEO  THE   GREAT.  51 

to  a  native  chieftain,  Patrick  became  the  herdsman  of  his 
flocks.  In  his  soHtary  rambles  through  forests  and  over 
mountains,  the  instructions  which  he  had  received  in  child- 
hood from  his  pious  father,  the  deacon  of  a  Church,  proved 
suitable  and  impressive  themes  for  reflection.  He  felt  that 
his  captivity  was  designed  to  be  a  blessing  to  his  soul,  by 
bringing  him  to  a  thorough  faith  in  the  Redeemer,  and 
through  this  into  fellowship  with  God.  Escaping,  after 
some  years,  from  his  bondage,  he  found  his  way  back  to  his 
native  land. 

Here  his  thoughts  often  reverted  to  the  idolatrous  and 
cruel  rites  he  had  so  frequently  witnessed  with  abhoiTence 
in  Ireland.  In  dreams  by  night,  and  in  meditations  by  day, 
the  conviction  thrust  itself  upon  him,  that  he  was  called  to 
attempt  the  rescue  of  the  poor  benighted  race  among  whom 
he  had  dwelt  from  a  spiritual  thraldom,  of  which  his  own 
captivity  was  only  a  feeble  type.  About  the  same  time 
Celestine  had  appointed  a  Roman  presbyter,  named  Pallu- 
dius,  to  proceed  to  Ireland,  for  the  purpose  of  gathering 
together  and  instructing  those  scattered  professors  of  Chris- 
tianity who  had  been  converted  by  occasional  intercourse 
with  French  or  British  Christians,  and  who  were  largely 
tinctured  with  Pelagian  views.  Palludius,  however,  died 
without  accomplishing  much,  and  now  Patrick,  who  had 
made  his  desires  known  at  Rome,  was  commissioned  to 
succeed  him. 

Patrick  landed  at  Dubhn,  which  was  even  then  a  port 
of  considerable  repute,  in  432,  the  year  of  Sixtus's  acces- 
sion. Conversant  with  the  language  and  manners  of  the 
people,  and  earnest  in  his  work,  his  success  was  even  be- 
yond his  hopes.  A  chieftain  shortly  became  a  convert,  and 
proved  a  faithful  auxiliary  and  a  powerful  protector  to  his 
teacher.  In  a  large  barn  belonging  to  this  chief  Patrick 
preached  to  crowded  audiences  every  day,  and  his  disciples 
rapidly  increased.  Large  concourses  of  people  were  also 
assembled  in  the  open  air  by  the  sound  of  the  drum.     At 


52  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

the  approach  of  Easter,  the  zealous  missionary  deteiinined 
on  a  pubhc  celebration  of  the  ceremonies  which  in  that  age 
were  usually  observed  at  this  festival.  It  was  the  time  of 
year  when  the  princes  of  the  whole  kingdom  assembled  in 
council  at  the  ancient  city  of  Tara.  On  Easter-eve,  a  pagan 
festival  was  also  to  be  kept,  and  it  was  a  law  that  no  fires 
should  be  lighted  on  that  night  till  the  great  fire  in  the  pal- 
ace of  Tara  was  kindled.  But  early  in  this  eventful  evening 
the  flames  of  a  large  fire  were  beheld  by  the  astonished 
princes  ascending  from  the  hill  of  Tara.  It  was  the  pas- 
chal-fire, lighted  by  the  hands  of  Patrick.  Inquiry  was  in- 
stantly made,  and  the  Christian  apostle  was  summoned  into 
the  royal  presence,  where  he  gladly  availed  himself  of  so 
good  an  occasion  for  denouncing  the  cruel  superstitions  of 
the  Druids,  and  preaching,  it  may  be  hoped,  salvation  only 
by  Christ. 

Patrick  continued  his  labors  in  Ireland  for  more  than 
thirty  years,  founding  many  Churches,  and  giving  an  im- 
pulse also  to  civilization  and  learning,  which  led  to  the  Irish 
taking  rank,  some  centuries  later,  with  the  most  enlightened 
of  the  European  nations.  Although  many,  indeed  most  of 
the  legends  of  this  remarkable  man,  are  doubtless  to  be  re- 
jected  as  utterly  unworthy  of  belief,  he  is  certainly  among 
the  few  who  deserve  a  place  in  the  great  catalogue  of  saints, 
which  veneration,  superstition,  and  priestcraft,  have  con- 
jointly compiled. 

Sixtus  III.  did  not  live  to  witness  the  final  success  of 
Patrick's  labors  in  Ireland ;  for,  in  440,  we  find  Leo  I.  oc- 
cupying the  patriarchal,  or  as  it  may  now  fitly  be  called, 
the  papal  chair  of  Rome.  Leo,  called  afterward  the  Great, 
was  a  man  admirably  adapted  to  the  troublous  times  in 
which  his  lot  was  cast.  He  was,  indeed,  a  far  greater  man 
in  all  quahties  of  intellect  than  any  of  his  predecessors. 
His  will  was  imperious,  yet  his  passions  were  kept  under 
control.  His  understanding  was  capacious,  and  his  inven- 
tion of  resources  equal  to  all  emergencies.  ,  With  these 


AGE    OF   LEO   THE  GREAT.  53 

commanding  powers,  he  set  himself  to  work  with  great  en- 
ergy to  enlarge  those  boundaries  which  had  circumscribed 
the  authority  and  crippled  the  domination  of  his  forerun- 
ners. He  was  the  first  boldly  to  assert  that  the  Bishop  of 
Rome  was  the  only  primate  of  the  universal  Church,  and 
based  his  assertion  on  our  Lord's  address  to  the  apostle 
Peter,  "  Thou  art  Peter,  and  upon  this  rock  will  I  build  my 
Church."  The  pretensions  of  the  Patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople to  be  accounted  his  equal  in  dignity  he  scouted  as  a 
profane  usurpation.  Himself  the  first  of  a  series  of  pontifical 
laborers,  who  appeared  at  intervals  to  build  up  and  con- 
solidate the  papal  edifice,  Leo  may  be  said  to  have  laid  the 
foundation  of  that  supremacy  to  which  the  popedom  ulti- 
mately attained. 

The  age  of  Leo  was  eminently  one  of  turbulence  and 
strife.  To  the  empires,  both  the  eastern  and  the  western, 
but  particularly  the  latter,  innumerable  omens  foreboded  a 
speedy  dissolution.  In  the  Church,  the  fever  of  contro- 
versy raged  with  unprecedented  violence,  leaving  when  it 
passed  away  the  seeds  of  many  diseases,  which  continued 
to  infect  the  ecclesiastical  system  down  to  the  Reformation. 

The  western  Churches  were  still  agitated  by  the  conten- 
tions that  sprang  out  of  Pelagianism  and  its  numerous  oflf- 
shoots.  In  these  controversies,  Leo,  who  was  a  profound 
theologian,  took  a  very  conspicuous  part ;  and  the  work 
generally  ascribed  to  his  pen',  on  "The  Calling  of  all  Na- 
tions," is  not  only  to  be  regarded  as  a  masterpiece  of  log- 
ical skill,  but  must  also  receive  the  praise  of  having  greatly 
allayed  the  fierce  animosities  that  prevailed. 

But  if  some  of  Leo's  exertions  were  directed  to  the  pro- 
motion of  peace  among  the  Churches  under  his  care,  he 
displayed,  on  the  other  hand,  so  determined  a  resolution  to 
increase  the  authority  of  his  see,  that  he  excited  the  most 
angry  and  indignant  reflections  fi-om  many  of  his  brethren 
in  office.  When,  for  instance,  Hilary,  Archbishop  of  Aries, 
had  suspended,  by  the  consent  of  a  synod,  the  Bishop  Ce- 


54  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

lidon  from  all  his  episcopal  functions,  the  latter  resolved  on 
appealing  to  Leo,  and,  to  receive  a  favorable  hearing,  lost 
no  time  in  proceeding  to  Rome.  His  appeal  was  success- 
ful, for  he  so  deceived  the  Roman  patriarch  that  the  de- 
cree of  Hilary  was  reversed.  Hilary  hastened  to  Rome  to 
make  a  personal  representation  of  the  case,  but  finding  the 
mind  of  Leo  too  far  prejudiced  in  Celidon's  favor  to  allow 
any  hope  of  altering  his  decision,  the  archbishop  intimated 
his  intention  of  returning  immediately  to  Aries.  At  this 
Leo  was  incensed,  interpreting  Hilary's  withdrawal  from 
Rome  as  signifying  a  resolution  to  act  independently  of  his 
authority.  He  therefore  caused,  the  archbishop  to  be  im- 
prisoned, saying,  *'  He  who  dares  to  dispute  the  primacy 
of  Peter  will  find  himself  wholly  unable  to  lessen  that  dig- 
nity ;  but,  puffed  up  by  the  spirit  of  his  own  pride,  he  will 
plunge  himself  deep  into  hell."  Thus  Leo  presumed  to 
exclude  from  the  kingdom  of  heaven  any  one  who  refused 
to  submit  to  the  spiritual  domination  of  the  Pope. 

Nor  were  Leo's  attempts  to  aggrandize  the  papal  power 
confined  to  the  Churches  of  the  west.  The  east  was  now 
on  fire  with  the  monophysite  heresy,  or  the  doctrine  that 
Christ's  nature  was  absolutely  one ;  and  Leo  interfered,  in 
the  hope  of  quenching  the  flames.  Nestorius,  Cyril,  and 
Dalmatius  had,  indeed,  disappeared  from  the  stage  of  con- 
troversy and  of  life,  but  other  actors  had  taken  their  va- 
cant posts.  Dioscurus  represented  Cyril  at  Alexandria,  and 
Eutyches  was  the  successor  of  Dalmatius  at  Constantinople. 
Flavian,  who  had  been  elevated  to  the  throne  of  Nestorius, 
attempted  to  moderate  the  vehemence  of  the  contending 
parties,  but  with  very  indifferent  success.  The  emperor, 
Theodosius  II.,  favored  the  Alexandrian  party,  and  caused 
a  second  council  to  be  convened  at  Ephesus,  for  the  express 
purpose  of  condemning  all  who  refused  to  subscribe  to  their 
creed.  He  took  great  care  that  none  should  be  admitted 
to  the  council  who  would  be  likely  to  thwart  his  design. 
Even  Flavian,  patriarch  of  the  imperial  city,  whose  position 


AGE    OF   LEU   THE   GREAT.  55 

seemed  almost  to  entitle  him  to  the  favor  of  his  prince,  was 
compelled  to  attend  this  council,  not  as  its  president,  nor 
even  to  vote  in  its  decisions,  but  as  a  petitioner  at  its  bar. 
To  complete  the  iniquity  of  the  plot,  Dioscurus  was  made 
president,  and,  as  in  the  former  council,  the  chief  accuser 
was  constituted  the  judge. 

The  acts  of  this  council  were  such  as  might  be  expected, 
and  earned  for  it  from  Leo  the  just  appellation  of  "  The 
Council  of  Robbers,"  a  name  which  has  adhered  to  it  ever 
since.  The  cathedral  in  which  they  met  was  surrounded 
with  troops  of  soldiers  at  the  beck  of  Dioscurus.  If  any 
of  the  bishops  dared  to  commence  a  defense  of  the  two-fold 
nature  of  the  Redeemer,  he  was  stopped  by  loud  and  un- 
dignified shouts,  full  of  acrimony  and  rage.  "  He  is  a  ISTes- 
torius  !  He  has  cut  asunder  Christ,  let  him  be  cut  asunder  ! 
Burn  him,  burn  him  alive !"  were  some  of  the  cries  of  this 
theological  mob.  In  the  end,  all  the  bishops  who  refused 
to  sign  the  Alexandrian,  or  monophysite  creed,  were  sen- 
tenced to  be  instantly  deposed.  When  Flavian's  name  was 
included,  some  ventured  to  remonstrate.  "  Do  you  mean  to 
raise  a  sedition  ?"  cried  the  furious  Dioscurus — "  Where  are 
the  soldiers  f  Forthwith  the  cathedral  was  filled  by  the 
swarms  of  soldiers  and  monks  who  had  hitherto  besieged 
the  doors,  armed  with  staves,  chains,  and  swords.  The 
trembling  bishops  hid  themselves  behind  the  altar  and  un- 
der the  benches,  and  soon  consented  to  sign  a  hlanTc  paper, 
w^hich  was  afterward  filled  with  Flavian's  sentence  of  depo- 
sition. It  is  said  that  Flavian  himself  was  reviled,  buffeted, 
and  trampled  upon  by  his  brother  Bishop  of  Alexandria, 
and  died  the  third  day  after,  from  the  wounds  and  bruises 
he  had  received. 

To  this  "  Council  of  Robbers  "  Leo  had  sent  by  deputies 
the  copy  of  an  elaborate  epistle,  which  he  had  previously 
addressed  to  Flavian,  respecting  the  true  doctrine  of  Christ's 
nature ;  but  although  the  legates  made  several  attempts  to 
have  the  letter  read,  the  bishops  were  too  far  committed  to 


56  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

a  diflferent  creed,  and  too  infuriated  by  party  rage,  to  listen 
to  a  document  which  eventually  became  a  standard  of  or- 
thodoxy on  this  subject.  Amid  such  controversies  it  could 
not  be  expected  that  the  spirit  of  genuine  Christianity  could 
flourish.  The  fruits  of  love,  joy,  and  peace,  long-suffering 
and  gentleness,  which  mark  the  true  believer,  disappeared 
amid  the  bitterness  of  theological  rancor;  an  unholy  zeal 
was  substituted  for  true  conversion  of  heart.  Those  too 
who  ought  to  have  been  examples  to  the  flock  became  em- 
inent only  for  their  ungodliness.  To  professors  of  such  a 
character  in  every  age, — to  all,  in  short,  who  substitute  de- 
pendence on  any  form  of  creed,  however  accurate,  for  a  liv- 
ing faith  in  the  righteousness  of  the  Saviour,  may  appropri- 
ately be  recalled  the  solemn  warning  of  our  Lord :  "  Many 
will  say  to  me  in  that  day.  Lord,  Lord,  have  we  not  proph- 
esied in  thy  name  ?  .  .  .  .  And  then  will  I  profess  unto 
them,  I  never  knew  you:  depart  from  me,  ye  that  work 
iniquity." 


CHAPTER  VII. 

AGE   OF    LEO  THE    GREAT BARBARIAN    INVASIONS CORRUP- 
TIONS MULTIPLIED. A.  D.  449-461. 

The  indignation  of  Leo  knew  no  bounds  when  he  heard  of 
the  infamous  decrees  of  this  infamous  assembly.  He  de- 
nounced its  theological  decisions  as  heretical,  declared  that 
an  unpardonable  insult  had  been  offered  the  Roman  Church, 
and  refused  to  acknowledge  the  new  Patriarch  of  Constan- 
tinople, until  he  had  assented  to  and  signed  the  letter  which 
he  had  himself  addressed  to  his  predecessor  on  the  topic 
of  debate.  Although  the  Emperor  Theodosius,  fearful  of 
a  rupture  between  the  eastern  and  western  Churches,  called 
another  council  at  Chalcedon  (the  modern  Scutari),  at  which 
he  invited  the  Roman  patriarch  to  attend,  Leo  thought  it 
not  consistent  with  his  dignity  to  be  present  in  person ;  but 


AGK   OF   LEO   THE    GREAT.  5*7 

he  sent  legates,  and  by  their  influence  the  letter  which  he 
had  formerly  addressed  to  Flavian  was  accepted  as  the 
basis  of  the  creed  of  the  universal  Church.  The  doctrine 
of  Leo  is  still  embodied  in  the  second  article  of  the  Church 
of  England,  and  is  in  accordance  with  the  views  almost 
unanimously  entertained  by  evangelical  Christendom.  Di- 
oscurus  and  his  associates  received  at  this  council  a  just 
retribution  for  their  cruelty  to  Flavian,  being  severally  de- 
posed from  the  offices  they  had  held  in  the  Church. 

While  ecclesiastics  were  waging  this  bitter  strife  of  words, 
the  empire  was  reeling  under  the  fearful  shocks  of  a  new 
and  indomitable  foe.  The  Goths  and  their  alhes,  indeed, 
were  no  longer  hostile,  but  had  quietly  settled  for  the  pres- 
ent in  the  western  and  northern  parts  of  Europe.  New 
kingdoms  had  sprung  up,  and  the  descendants  of  Alaric 
and  his  followers  now  sat  upon  thrones  which  they  had 
erected  for  themselves,  and  governed  a  partly  civilized  peo- 
ple, established  between  the  Rhine  and  the  sea.  But  the 
Roman  empire  was  destined  to  be  assailed  by  many  such 
savage  hordes. 

"  Oft  o'er  the  trembling  nations  from  afar 
Has  Scythia  breathed  the  living  cloud  of  war ; 
And,  where  the  deluge  burst,  with  sweepy  sway 
Their  arms,  their  kings,  their  gods,  were  roU'd  away. 
As  oft  have  issued,  host  impelling  host, 
The  blue-eyed  myriads  from  the  Baltic  coast. 
The  prostrate  south  to  the  destroyer  yields 
Her  boasted  titles  and  her  golden  fields  : 
With  grim  delight  the  brood  of  winter  view 
A  brighter  day,  and  heavens  of  azure  hue ; 
Scent  the  new  fragrance  of  the  breathing  rose, 
And  quaff  the  pendent  vintage  as  it  grows." — Gray. 

Nations  fiercer  than  the  Goths  had  now  paused  for  a 
while,  in  their  march  from  the  northeast,  to  found  a  king- 
dom on  the  plains  of  Hungary,  till,  their  borders  becoming 
too  strait  for  them,  they  looked  with  eager  eyes  upon  the 
fertile  plains  that  lay  beyond  the  Alps.     The  leader  of  the 

3* 


58  LIVES   OF   THE   POPES. 

Huns  was  Attila,  whose  relentless  cruelty  in  war  entitled 
him  to  the  dreadful  name  of  "  The  Scourge  of  God."  He 
was  in  person  a  finished  example  of  the  Calmuc  Tartar  race 
to  which  he  belonged.  His  head  was  large,  his  complexion 
swarthy,  his  eyes  small  and  sunken,  his  nose  flat,  his  body 
short,  square,  broad-shouldered,  of  ungainly  appearance, 
but  of  enormous  strength.  The  fierce  rolling  of  his  eyes 
indicated  the  wild  passions  that  possessed  his  soul.  Such 
physical  endowments  were  well  adapted  to  give  him  su- 
premacy among  the  savage  tribes  he  led.  He  was,  beside, 
of  royal  birth,  so  that  the  influence  he  enjoyed  over  the 
Huns  was  unbounded.  For  a  long  time  that  barbarous 
people,  dangerous  both  as  friends  and  as  foes,  had  been 
kept  in  a  sort  of  alliance  with  Rome,  by  the  payment  of 
large  presents,  from  year  to  year,  which  Attila  regarded 
as  nothing  less  than  tribute.  On  one  occasion,  when  the 
presents  were  not  forthcoming  at  the  appointed  time,  he 
sent  an  ambassador  to  the  emperor  with  the  insolent  mes- 
sage, "Attila,  my  lord,  and  thy  lord,  commands  thee  to 
provide  a  palace  for  his  immediate  acceptance."  So  much 
rudeness  was  the  inevitable  precursor  of  aggression.  For 
a  time  the  evil  day  was  deferred,  but  an  occasion  at  length 
off'ered  which  brought  the  Huns  into  direct  collision  with 
the  fast  declining,  yet  still  colossal  power  of  Rome. 

A  dispute  had  occurred  between  two  Gothic  princes  set- 
tled in  France,  in  which  one  of  them  sought  the  aid  of  At- 
tila, the  other  the  support  of  the  emperor.  The  plains  of 
Champagne,  which  extend  more  than  fifty  miles  in  every 
direction  from  the  ancient  city  of  Chalons,  were  the  ap- 
pointed battle-field,  and  toward  this  the  combatants  moved 
all  the  forces  they  could  command.  Here  were  assembled, 
under  Attila,  all  the  barbarians  of  Scythia  who  had  lately 
passed  into  Europe,  Huns,  Rugians,  Franks,  Burgundians, 
and  the  rest ;  while  the  settled  and  more  ancient  population 
of  Europe  raUied  around  the  standard  of  ^tius,  the  Roman 
general.     It  was  a  memorable  epoch,  on  which  the  Chris- 


AGE   OF  LEU   THE  GKEAT.  59 

tian  cannot  look  back  without  intense  interest,  though  much 
saddened  by  the  view  which  it  affords  him  of  the  degrada- 
tion of  humanity  when  unvisited  by  the  gospel.  At  the 
issue  of  this  great  conflict  it  is  impossible  not  to  feel  grati- 
tude and  joy,  much  as  we  may  deplore  and  execrate  the 
horrors  of  the  conflict  itself.  The  struggle  between  ^tius 
and  Attila  was  the  crisis  of  civilization  and  barbarism. 
Had  the  Scythian  prevailed,  the  tide  of  barbarism  must 
have  overflowed  all  Europe,  sweeping  away  every  trace 
of  ancient  refinement.  Christianity  herself  would  have 
received  a  staggering,  though  not  a  mortal  blow.  But, 
happily,  it  was  otherwise  ordained. 

On  the  day  of  battle  Attila  behaved  like  an  infuriated 
lion.  "  I,  myself,"  said  he,  "  will  hurl  the  first  spear,  and 
the  wretch  shall  die  who  refuses  to  follow  my  example." 
But  the  personal  prowess  of  one  man  was  of  little  avail. 
His  comparatively  undisciplined  hordes  at  length  gave  way 
before  the  caution  and  military  skill  of  -<^tius  and  Theodoric, 
his  Gothic  ally.  The  number  of  the  slain  in  this  awful  bat- 
tle, "  unparalleled  in  all  ages,"  said  the  warriors  themselves, 
"for  its  fierce,  various,  obstinate,  and  bloody  encounters," 
is  differently  estimated ;  some  stating  it  at  one  hundred 
and  sixty-two  thousand,  and  others  as  many  as  three 
hundred  thousand.  It  was  at  least  so  disastrous  as  to 
compel  the  retirement  of  Attila ;  and  the  battle  of  Chalons 
decided  that  the  nations  already  settled  in  Europe,  and 
partly  Christianized,  should  retain  their  possessions,  and 
that  the  established  institutions  of  society  should  not  be 
rudely  swept  into  oblivion  by  one  devastating  hurricane. 

But  though  repulsed  at  Chalons,  Attila  was  far  from 
being  crushed,  and  in  the  year  452  he  resolved  on  crossing 
the  Alps,  and  invading  Italy  itself.  The  enervated  Ital- 
ians, quite  unable  to  cope  with  so  fierce  an  enemy,  either 
fled  before  him  or  yielded  at  discretion.  Aquileia,  Padua, 
Milan,  Pavia,  submitted  to  pillage  and  rapine,  thankful  at 
such  a  cost  to  save  their  walls  and  roofs  from  the  flames. 


60  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

Many  wealthy  families  flying  before  the  invader  took  refuge, 
with  what  property  they  could  carry,  on  a  number  of  small 
islands  lying  at  the  head  of  the  Adriatic  Gulf,  and  here 
formed  themselves  into  a  new  community,  which  eventually 
became  the  prosperous  republic  of  Venice. 

It  need  hardly  be  said  that  Leo  could  not  look  on  all 
these  disastrous  events  as  an  unmoved  spectator.  The  in- 
habitants of  Rome  now  trembled  for  their  own  safety,  and 
to  conciliate  the  conqueror  the  emperor  dispatched  the 
Roman  patriarch  to  gain  the  best  terms  he  could ;  a  mis- 
sion which  Leo  readily  undertook.  He  had  been  bred  in 
courts,  and,  in  addition  to  his  other  gifts,  was  endowed  with 
all  a  statesman's  talent.  He  soon  succeeded  in  prevailing 
on  Attila  to  withdraw  from  Italy,  though  not  till  the  bar- 
barian had  received  Honoria,  the  emperor's  sister,  in  mar- 
riage, with  an  immense  sum  of  money  as  her  dowry. 

The  invasion  of  the  Huns  was  followed,  ere  long,  by  the 
assaults  of  the  Vandals,  under  Genseric,  a  leader  second 
only  to  Attila  in  courage  and  daring  ambition.  But  this 
time  the  tide  of  barbarious  invasion  set  in  from  the  south. 
Nearly  twenty  years  had  elapsed  since  Boniface,  the  Ro- 
man general  in  the  African  provinces,  had  revolted  from 
his  allegiance,  and  invited  the  Vandals,  who  had  already 
overspread  Spain,  to  cross  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  and  aid 
him  in  his  rebellion.  The  Spaniards  beheld  with  joy  the 
departure  of  their  ruthless  spoilers ;  and  the  Vandals  hast- 
ened not  so  much  to  help  Boniface,  as  to  enrich  themselves 
with  the  acquisition  of  a  fair  and  fertile  country.  The  seven 
provinces  of  Northern  Africa,  stretching  from  Tangier  to 
Tripoli,  had  long  been  reckoned  among  the  most  valuable 
possessions  of  Rome — its  storehouse  in  seasons  of  famine, 
and  the  ample  receptacle  of  its  redundant  population.  By 
the  prowess  of  Genseric  the  provinces  were  soon  wrested 
from  the  enfeebled  Roman  arms,  while  the  flourishing  vine- 
yards and  stately  edifices  which  had  long  adorned  them  were 
recklessly  laid  waste  and  destroyed  by  his  savage  followers. 


AGE   OF  LEO   THE   GREAT.  61 

And  now  that  the  ravages  of  Attila  had  weakened,  al- 
most to  helplessness,  the  imperial  government,  Genseric  re- 
solved to  extend  his  conquests  and  depredations  to  the 
mother  country.  Rapidly  constructing  a  navy,  he  shipped 
a  large  army  of  Vandals  and  Moors  across  the  Mediterra- 
nean, and  anchored  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber,  in  the  spring 
of  455.  Advancing  upon  the  defenseless  capital,  he  was 
met  by  an  unarmed  procession  of  the  inhabitants,  headed 
by  the  Pontiflf  Leo,  clothed  in  the  priest-like  robes  of  his  of- 
fice. Leo  had  little  hope  of  succeeding  this  time  in  entire- 
ly averting  the  vengeance  of  the  assailant ;  but  his  impo- 
sing appearance  and  persuasive  eloquence  softened  the  bar- 
barian's heart,  and  the  Vandal  king  promised  to  spare  both 
the  city  and  its  inhabitants  the  horrors  of  fire  and  sword. 
But  the  houses  of  the  citizens  were  remorselessly  pillaged, 
and,  for  fourteen  days  and  nights,  rapacity,  avarice,  and 
lust,  raged  with  unchecked  fury.  The  churches  afibrded 
the  richest  booty  to  the  spoilers,  and  after  their  departure 
Leo  himself  caused  six  silver  vases,  the  gift  of  Constantine, 
each  of  a  hundred  pounds'  weight,  to  be  melted  down  to 
repair  the  losses  sustained — an  evidence  at  once  of  the 
enormous  wealth  already  acquired  by  the  Roman  Church, 
and  of  the  immense  booty  which  the  barbarians  must  have 
secured.  Genseric  also  carried  back  with  him  to  Africa 
the  gold  and  silver  vessels,  including  the  seven-branched 
candlestick,  which  Titus  had  saved  in  the  destruction  of  the 
temple  at  Jerusalem. 

Although  Leo  was  thus  a  witness  of  the  humiliations  to 
which  the  Roman  empire  was  subjected  in  its  decay,  he  did 
not  hve  to  behold  its  final  rum.  He  died  in  461,  after 
holding  the  papal  ojfice  for  the  unusually  long  period  of 
twenty-one  years. 

Very  singular  and  very  instructive  is  the  spectacle  of  a 
Church  rising  to  greater  power  amid  the  decline  and  the 
dying  throes  of  the  mightiest  empire  this  world  has  ever 
seen.     Each  abstraction  of  authority  from  the  secular  gov- 


62  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

eminent  contributed  to  increase  and  strengthen  that  of  the 
spiritual.  As  the  emperors  sank,  the  popes  rose,  first  to 
great  influence,  and  then  to  absolute  dominion.  And  never 
was  man  better  fitted  than  Leo  the  Great  to  take  advan- 
tage of  such  a  crisis.  He  attended,  in  turn,  to  all  the  de- 
mands upon  his  energies.  He  checked  refractory  bishops, 
and  controlled  or  dictated  to  pusillanimous  sovereigns.  His 
eagle  eye  at  once  scanned  the  horizon,  and  attentively 
watched  the  region  beneath  his  feet.  Careful  to  maintain 
his  claims  of  spiritual  supremacy  at  Alexandria  and  Con- 
stantinople, he  at  the  same  time  took  pains  to  consolidate 
and  perfect  the  system  of  papal  jurisdiction  and  authority 
nearer  home. 

In  particular,  he  so  altered  the  terms  on  which  penitent 
offenders  niight  be  readmitted  to  the  bosom  of  the  Church, 
as  to  enlarge  almost  indefinitely  the  limits  of  priestly  power. 
It  had  been  customary,  from  an  early  age,  for  backsliders 
and  excommunicated  persons  to  acknowledge  their  offenses 
in  public,  and  in  public  to  undergo  the  long  and  painful 
penances,  lasting  sometimes  for  years,  which  were  the 
condition  of  their  reentrance  to  the  Church.  But  Leo 
introduced  the  practice  of  private  confession  to  the  priest 
alone,  whose  judgment  and  will  thenceforth  became  the 
sole  tribunal  of  transgressors.  Penances  imposed  in  private 
might  as  privately  be  discharged.  The  wholesome  check 
of  public  opinion  was  utterly  destroyed.  An  avaricious 
priest  might  be  bribed  into  collusion  with  crime ;  an  ambi- 
tious priest  might  tyrannize  at  will  over  the  wounded  and 
tender  conscience.  The  tremendous  pov^er  which  this 
change  threw  into  the  hands  of  the  priesthood,  and  the 
perilous  temptations  to  which  it  exposed  them,  have  often 
been  descanted  on,  and  Leo  has  not  improperly  been  said 
to  have  laid  in  this  institution  the  great  corner-stone  of  the 
entire  papal  fabric.  * 

The  Roman  Church  had  now  undergone  such  changes, 
in  both  its  spiritual  and  its  temporal  aspect,    that  it  can 


AGE   OF   LEO   THE   GREAT.  6^ 

hardly  be  recognized  with  propriety  as  a  Christian  com- 
munion, or  be  identified  in  any  of  its  features  with  that 
simple-minded  and  faithful  band  of  disciples  to  whom  the 
apostle  of  the  Gentiles  addressed  his  most  elaborate  epistle, 
and  from  whom  it  derived  its  origin.  In  its  long  conflicts 
with  paganism,  it  had,  indeed,  succeeded  in  exterminating 
the  old  idolatry,  but  not  in  eradicating  the  superstitions 
which  idolatry  had  so  thickly  sown.  On  the  contrary, 
these  corruptions  were,  in  many  instances,  grafted  upon 
Scriptural  ordinances,  and  were  thus  perpetuated  by  the 
Church  itself.  In  their  eagerness  to  multiply  converts,  the 
Roman  bishops  early  lost  the  true  idea  of  conversion,  and 
substituted  for  it  a  merely  nominal  change  of  faith.  They 
no  longer  demanded  of  candidates  for  baptism  some  satis- 
factory evidence  of  a  heart  renewed  by  the  Spirit  of  God, 
but  were  content  with  a  verbal  adoption  of  the  orthodox 
creed,  and  a  promise  to  conform  to  the  regulations  of  the 
Church.  This  fearful  corruption  paved  the  way  for  a  mul- 
titude of  othei-s,  and  led  to  the  sanction  of  many  heathenish 
customs,  for  the  sake  of  conciliating  those  to  whom  they 
were  familiar  habits. 

Thus,  prayers  were  offered  in  behalf  of  the  dead  ;  and 
with  the  singular  inconsistency  of  a  religion  derived  from 
opposite  sources,  prayers  were  also  presented  to  the  dead. 
The  intercessions  of  glorified  saints  and  martyrs,  and  espe- 
cially of  the  Virgin  Mary,  were  sought  for  in  profane  con- 
junction with  the  intercessions  of  him  who  is  alone  appointed 
as  the  *'  Mediator  between  God  and  men."  Pagan  temples, 
instead  of  being  destroyed,  were  converted  into  Christian 
churches ;  the  altars  of  Moloch  were  changed  into  the  al- 
tars of  Christ ;  and  even  the  heathen  statues  and  festivals 
were  continued  under  some  new  name,  being  now  often 
employed  to  commemorate  the  fame  of  a  fabulous  saint 
instead  of  a  fabulous  divinity. 

Not  all  of  these  abuses,  however,  owed  their  birth  to  a 
pagan  parentage ;  manv  of  them  sprang  from  the  natural 


64  LIVKS   OF  THE  POPES. 

tendencies  of  the  human  heart,  or  originated  in  the  Jewish 
predilections  of  the  primitive  Church.  To  the  former  may 
be  ascribed  that  veneration  of  saints  and  martyrs,  which 
degenerated  ere  long  into  an  absurd  superstition,  a  rever- 
ence for  places,  pictures,  images,  relics,  and  days.  To 
Jewish  notions  must  be  attributed  the  construction  of 
churches  on  the  plan  of  the  ancient  temple,  having  a 
"  sanctuary,"  a  ''  most  holy  place,"  and  an  "  altar ;"  and 
finally,  the  designation  of  the  Lord's  supper  by  the  name 
of  the  "  Christian  sacrifice." 

Other  errors  combined  with  the  foregoing  to  destroy  the 
apostolic  purity  and  simplicity  of  worship.  Baptism  was 
regarded  as  synonymous  with  spiritual  regeneration ;  the 
Lord's  supper  was  believed  to  convey  the  very  nature  of 
Christ  to  the  soul  of  the  partaker;  and  purgatorial  fires 
were  supposed  to  perfect,  in  another  world,  the  spiritual 
purifications  which  had  only  been  begun  in  this.  Thus  the 
germs  of  all  those  corruptions  in  doctrine  which  have  given 
the  Papacy  its  "  bad  eminence"  in  history,  were  already 
beginning  to  be  developed  when  Leo  the  Great  occupied 
the  papal  throne.  The  control  which  the  Pope  now  exer- 
cised over  other  bishops;  the  firm  grasp  which  the  new 
mode  of  confession  gave  the  priesthood  upon  the  minds  of 
the  laity  ;  the  imposing  splendor  and  pomp  of  the  public 
services  of  rehgion,  united  with  the  other  elements  of  de- 
formity already  portrayed,  concurred  to  give  the  Roman 
hierarchy  those  hideous  features  of  The  Antichrist,  which 
grew  more  and  more  revolting  as  ages  rolled  away.  Proph- 
ecy had  now  in  part  received  its  fulfillment ;  there  had  come 
a  falling  away,  and  the  man  of  sin  had  been  revealed — 
"  the  son  of  perdition ;  who  opposeth  and  exalteth  himself 
above  all  that  is  called  God,  or  that  is  worshiped ;  so  that 
he,  as  God,  sitteth  in  the  temple  of  God,  showing  himself 
that  he  is  God." 


THE  GOTHIC  PERIOD.  65 


CHAPTER  VIIL 

THE  GOTHIC  PERIOD CALAMITIES  WHICH  BEFELL  THE 

ITALIAN  CITIES. — A.  D.    475-568. 

The  immediate  successors  of  Leo  were  not  men  of  any- 
considerable  note.  Hilary,  Simplicius,  Felix  II.,  and 
Gelasius,  followed  faithfully  in  the  track  which  the  gen- 
ius of  Leo  had  marked  out  for  the  elevation  of  the  Roman 
See,  so  far  as  their  abilities  enabled  them.  But  they  had 
fallen  on  evil  days.  The  Goths,  having  settled  themselves 
in  Spain  and  France,  had  converted  those  ancient  members 
of  the  empire  into  independent  kingdoms.  Next,  looking 
with  sinister  eye  upon  the  Italian  plains,  they  ingratiated 
themselves  with  the  feeble  emperors,  and  from  being  their 
allies  soon  found  means  of  becoming  their  masters.  The 
story  of  the  quarrels  between  the  Goths  and  the  Romans 
would  be  tedious,  and  is  not  intimately  connected  with  our 
present  theme.  It  will  be  enough  to  bear  in  mind,  that 
from  the  year  475  may  be  dated  the  entire  subversion  of 
the  ancient  empire,  and  the  commencement  of  a  new  but 
short-lived  dynasty.  Odoacer,  a  rude  Gothic  soldier,  held 
his  court  at  Rome. 

The  Goths  were  professedly  Christians ;  but,  being  of  the 
Arian  party,  they  had  little  sympathy  with  the  Roman 
Church,  and  but  little  veneration  for  the  established  institu- 
tions of  the  people  they  had  subdued.  It  taxed  all  the  in- 
genuity of  the  popes  in  these  difficult  times  to  maintain 
their  position  at  home,  and  they  had  not  much  leisure  to 
attend  to  the  foreign  relations  of  the  Church.  Still,  when 
opportunity  oiTered,  they  manifested  unabated  jealousy  of 
the  rival  claims  of  the  eastern  patriarch,  and  Pope  FeHx  II. 
and  Acacius  of  Constantinople  mutually  excommunicated 
each  other.     At  home,  the  fast  declining  state  of  commerce 


66  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

and  agriculture,  the  perpetual  apprehension  of  pillage  from 
their  Gothic  tyrants,  and  the  rapid  decrease  of  the  popula- 
tion, all  tended  to  diminish  the  revenues  of  the  Church. 
Gelasius  deplored  that  in  his  time  some  of  the  districts  of 
Italy,  formerly  the  most  fertile  and  populous,  were  reduced 
almost  to  desolation. 

So  lamentable  a  state  of  affairs,  in  so  lovely  a  region,  at 
once  aroused  the  compassion  and  tempted  the  cupidity  of 
Theodoric,  king  of  the  Ostrogoths,  whose  kingdom  was  then 
seated  on  the  banks  of  the  Danube.  Theodoric  had  re- 
ceived a  liberal  education  at  the  court  of  Constantinople, 
and  he  now  proposed  to  the  eastern  emperor,  Zeno,  to  con- 
quer Italy  for  him,  and  to  hold  it  as  his  deputy.  The  em- 
peror was  eager  to  accept  the  offer,  and  indeed  it  is  conjec- 
tured by  some  that  he  suggested  the  enterprise.  Theo- 
doric obtained  an  easy  conquest,  and  although  nominally 
holding  his  authority  from  the  eastern  court,  he  succeeded 
in  establishing  a  really  independent  kingdom  on  the  banks 
of  the  Tiber,  which  continued  to  subsist  to  the  time  of  the 
Emperor  Justinian. 

Under  the  reign  of  Theodoric  Italy  somewhat  revived, 
and  the  national  enjoyment  of  prosperity  left  the  popes 
more  leisure  for  the  prosecution  of  their  designs  to  aggran- 
dize the  Church  which  they  governed.  We  know  little  of 
Anastasil's  II.  or  of  Symmachus,  but  their  successors  in 
the  popedom  appear  to  have  given  Theodoric  some  share 
of  that  uneasiness  which  the  ambition  of  aspiring  Church- 
men has  so  often  occasioned  to  civil  nilers.  Theodoric 
never  interfered  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the  Church,  but, 
anxious  for  a  real  unity  between  his  own  kingdom  and  the 
eastern  empire,  he  did  his  utmost  to  heal  the  breach  which 
the  jealousy  of  the  rival  patriarchs  had  opened,  each  of 
them  aiming  at  universal  supremacy.  The  Pope  Hormisdas 
was  too  haughty  to  make  any  concessions  whatever  to  the 
'Constantinopolitan  bishop  ;  but  on  the  accession  of  John  I. 
to  the  popedom,  Theodoric  sent  him  on  a  special  mission  to 


THE  GOTHIC   PERIOD.  6*7 

the  imperial  capital,  to  effect,  if  possible,  a  union.  John, 
however,  displayed  the  same  arrogant  spirit,  and  even  de- 
manded that  in  the  public  assemblies  a  loftier  throne  should 
be  erected  for  him  than  for  his  brother  patriarch,  Epiphanius. 
Theodoric  was  so  incensed  when  informed  of  his  insolence, 
that  on  his  returning  to  Rome  he  threw  him  into  prison, 
and  kept  him  there  till  his  death. 

The  popedom  of  Felix  III.  is  rendered  more  remarkable 
than  those  which  just  preceded  or  followed  it,  by  the  fame 
of  a  man  who  far  surpassed  the  pontiffs  of  his  time,  both  in 
excellence  of  character  and  in  activity  of  life.  This  was 
Benedict,  a  native  of  Norcia,  in  Italy,  who  founded  the 
order  of  monks  which  still  exists  under  his  name.  The 
monastic  mode  of  life  had  now  spread  into  the  west,  and 
both  there  and  in  the  east  was  generally  perverted  to  pur- 
poses of  licentiousness  and  fraud.  To  remedy  these  abuses, 
and  to  transform  the  monastery  into  a  school  for  the  Church, 
were  the  objects  to  which  Benedict  devoted  his  life.  When 
yet  quite  a  youth  he  forsook  his  home,  and  took  up  his 
abode  in  a  solitary  cave,  where  he  remained  for  some  years, 
subsisting  always  on  the  coarsest  and  scantiest  fare.  He 
thus  gained  a  great  reputation  for  sanctity,  so  that  multi- 
tudes flocked  to  him,  to  learn  in  those  perilous  times — when 
all  they  possessed  might  be  taken  away  at  a  stroke — how 
they  might  still  be  happy,  though  under  the  hard  pressure 
of  poverty.  Even  the  rich  and  the  powerful  visited  him, 
and  many  begged  him  to  take  charge  of  their  sons,  that  he 
might  give  them  suitable  instruction. 

At  length  he  was  enabled  to  found  twelve  cloisters,  in 
each  of  which  he  placed  twelve  monks  under  a  superior. 
To  these,  and  to  all  the  other  cloisters  which  he  afterward 
established,  he  prescribed  those  rules  of  hfe  which  gave  the 
Benedictine  order  so  great  a  name  for  holiness,  and  made  it 
for  ages  so  influential  in  every  country  in  Europe.  The 
object  of  these  rules  was  to  create  a  self-denying,  watchful, 
meek,  and  devout  demeanor.     Too  much  stress,  however, 


68  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

was  laid  on  the  mere  outward  appearance ;  and  hence  it 
often  came  to  pass  that  the  head  bowed  down,  the  eyes 
fixed  on  the  earth,  and  the  oft-repeated  form  of  self-accu- 
sation and  condemnation,  were  the  accompaniments  of  real 
pride  of  heart  and  resolute  indulgence  in  sin.  The  Bene- 
dictine rules  were,  nevertheless,  admirably  adapted  to  pro- 
duce a  race  of  men  who  should  zealously  promote,  in  all 
circumstances  and  times,  the  interests  of  the  Roman  See. 
Capable  of  enduring  much  bodily  fatigue,  devoted  to  their 
creed  and  their  Church  with  an  ardor  only  second  to  that 
which  they  felt  for  their  order,  the  disciples  of  Benedict 
have  ever  been  among  the  laborious  and  successful  mis- 
sionaries employed  by  the  popes  of  Rome. 

Cotemporary  with  Benedict  was  a  man  of  a  very  dif- 
ferent class,  the  learned  and  celebrated  Boethius,  who  may 
be  justly  regarded  as  the  last  visible  star  in  the  thickly- 
clouded  night  that  was  now  setting  in  upon  the  mind  of 
Italy.  During  a  long  and  laborious  life,  Boethius  enjoyed 
the  esteem  of  the  Gothic  king  Theodoric,  and  effected 
something  toward  diffusing  a  love  of  literature  and  science 
among  his  barbarous  subjects.  But  the  zeal  of  Theodoric 
for  the  Arian  doctrines  led  him  at  last  to  suspect  Boethius 
of  plotting  against  his  government,  and  he  stained  his  repu- 
tation, and  disgraced  the  close  of  a  prosperous  reign,  by 
cruelly  putting  to  death  one  of  his  best  and  noblest  ser- 
vants, together  with  his  venerable  relative,  the  patrician 
Symmachus. 

Theodoric  died  in  the  year  526,  and  left  a  grandson,  in 
his  minority,  as  the  heir  to  his  kingdom.  Many  quarrels 
ensued  between  the  various  branches  of  his  family,  and  the 
Gothic  power  was  so  rapidly  weakened,  that  the  Italian 
crown  became  a  tempting  and  promising  prize  to  the  gener- 
ally wakeful  eye  of  foreign  ambition. 

The  popes  who  governed  the  Church  during  this  un- 
settled period  are  totally  unworthy  of  remembrance.  Boni- 
face II.  was  elected  by  only  a  part  of  the  Roman  clergy 


THE  GOTHIC  PERIOD.  69 

in  530,  and  his  rival,  Dioscurus,  appears  to  have  had  an 
equal  share  of  the  suffrages  usually  sought.  But  Boniface 
was  secured  in  his  seat  by  the  suspiciously  sudden  death 
of  Dioscurus,  which  ended  the  dispute,  and  the  di\ided 
allegiance  of  the  Church,  about  a  month  after  the  election 
had  been  made.  In  two  years  Boniface  was  no  more,  and 
John  II.  obtained  the  papal  office  upon  payment  of  a  large 
sum  of  money  to  the  young  Athalaric,  the  intemperate  and 
spendthrift  successor  of  Theodoric.  John  enjoyed  his  pur- 
chase little  longer  than  his  predecessor  had  done ;  and 
Agapetus,  who  followed  him,  sat  on  the  unsteady  throne 
only  a  few  months.  There  can  be  httle  doubt  that  Syl- 
VERius,  the  next  pontiff,  gained  the  tiara  by  the  same  un- 
worthy means  as  John  II.  had  employed ;  for  the  Gothic 
prince,  Theodatus,  by  whose  influence  he  was  supported, 
was  a  man  of  the  most  insatiable  avarice,  and  would  un- 
questionably have  disposed  of  the  seat  to  his  own  pecuniary 
advantage.  But  the  pontificate  of  Sylverius  was  signalized 
by  events  of  more  than  ordinary  interest,  which  fix  our 
attention  upon  him  with  somewhat  greater  curiosity  than 
we  can  possibly  feel  respecting  those  who  preceded  him. 

The  Emperor  Justinian  was  now  the  ruler  of  the  eastern 
empire,  and  the  wisdom  of  his  legislative  acts,  together 
with  the  general  prosperity  of  his  reign,  produced  a  histo- 
rian, Procopius,  whose  writings  throw  some  lustre  over  an 
age  which  would  otherwise  have  been  almost  impenetrably 
obscure,  so  rapidly  was  the  light  of  literature  vanishing 
away  from  the  ill-fated  nations  of  Europe.  Very  early  in 
Justinian's  protracted  reign  his  renowned  general,  Belisarius, 
had  undertaken  to  rescue  the  provinces  of  Africa  from  that 
Vandal  horde,  which,  under  the  name  of  governing,  infested 
and  ravaged  them  without  mercy.  This  enterprise  was 
crowned  with  complete  success;  and  having  reduced  Africa 
to  the  allegiance  of  his  sovereign,  Belisarius  next  turned  his 
eyes  upon  Italy,  now  groaning  under  the  oppression  of 
Gothic  rulers.     The  successors  of  Theodoric  had  quite  for- 


VO  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

gotten  his  engagement  to  hold  his  crown  by  favor  of  the 
eastern  court.  They  did  not  even  affect  submission  to  the 
emperor,  and  under  their  selfish  and  tyrannical  rule  the 
country  was  reduced  to  a  condition  nearly  as  wretched  as 
at  the  period  of  Theodoric's  invasion. 

When  Belisarius  appeared,  then,  on  the  coast  of  Italy, 
he  was  hailed  by  many  as  a  deliverer,  and  among  these  was 
Sylverius  the  Pope.  After  a  tedious  campaign  in  Sicily 
and  the  south,  the  Greek  general  advanced  upon  Rome 
in  the  spring  of  the  year  537.  The  Goths  retreated  to  the 
open  fields,  feeling  themselves  unable  to  sustain  the  siege 
of  the  city,  and  Sylverius,  at  the  head  of  his  clergy,  wel- 
comed the  conqueror  within  the  walls.  It  was  now  the 
invader's  turn  to  be  besieged.  The  city  was  rapidly  sur- 
rounded by  the  Gothic  troops,  and  the  siege  continued  from 
March  to  November.  Although  every  precaution  had  been 
taken  by  Belisarius  that  his  fertile  genius  and  lengthened 
experience  could  devise,  the  hardships  of  so  long  a  blockade 
were  excessively  severe  ;  and  the  scarcity  and  unwholesome- 
ness  of  their  food,  with  the  prevalence  of  contagious  dis- 
eases, at  last  provoked  an  impatient  and  murmuring  spirit 
among  the  citizens,  who  had  now  learned  of  how  little  con- 
sequence it  was  whether  their  masters  bore  a  Latin  or  a 
Gothic  name. 

It  was  natural  that  Sylverius,  both  for  his  own  sake  and 
for  that  of  the  people  who  looked  to  him  as  their  friend 
and  guide,  should  wish  to  put  an  end  to  the  sufferings  this 
contest  produced.  But  the  means  he  employed  bespeak 
the  immorality  of  the  age,  and  show  that  the  Pope  himself 
was  not  a  whit  superior  to  the  rest.  He  had  given  his 
allegiance  to  the  emperor  to  save  himself  from  trouble — the 
same  motive  now  induced  him  to  transfer  it  once  more  to 
the  Goths.  He  caused  a  letter  to  be  conveyed  to  the 
Gothic  king,  Vitiges,  offering  to  open  privately  the  gate  ad- 
joining the  Lateran  church,  and  so  to  admit  his  troops. 
This  letter  was  intercepted  by  a  soldier  in  Belisarius's  army, 


THE   GOTHIC  PERIOD.  7l 

and  Sylverius  was  forthwith  summoned  into  the  presence 
of  the  general  whom  he  had  plotted  to  betray.  His  own 
handwriting  convicted  him,  and  defense  was  in  vain.  He 
was  immediately  stripped  of  his  robes,  clad  in  the  habit  of 
a  monk,  and  placed  on  board  a  vessel  bound  for  the  east. 
This  vessel  conveyed  him  to  a  desolate  island  on  the  coast 
of  Asia  Minor,  near  the  town  of  Patara.  He  soon  after- 
ward died  there,  either  by  starvation,  or,  as  some  say,  by 
the  hand  of  an  assassin. 

The  next  pontiflf,  Vigilius,  was  nominated  by  Belisarius, 
and  the  clergy,  who  were  commanded  to  go  through  the 
forms  of  an  election,  were  in  no  condition  to  refuse.  Vigihus 
had  purchased  the  honor  with  a  bribe  of  two  hundred 
pounds'  weight  of  gold.  A  seat  so  disgracefully  obtained 
was  not  hkely  to  be  very  safely  or  very  worthily  held. 
Vigilius  was  the  servile  creature  of  the  imperial  court,  and, 
except  in  one  or  two  instances,  always  complied  with  its  man- 
dates. After  the  departure  of  Behsarius,  the  Goths  revolted 
against  the  weak  and  oppressive  commanders  who  took  his 
place,  and  Vigilius,  still  courting  the  favor  of  the  emperor, 
entreated  that  an  efficient  force  might  be  sent  to  compel 
submission  and  preserve  tranquillity.  Anticipating  a  siege 
from  the  Goths,  he  purchased  with  the  revenues  of  the 
Church  large  quantities  of  corn  to  provision  the  city,  and 
was  gratified  at  last,  if  the  enslavement  of  his  country  could 
afford  him  any  matter  for  joy,  by  beholding  the  triumphant 
entry  mto  Rome  of  the  general  Narses,  who  completed  the 
work  which  Belisarius  had  begun,  wholly  subverting  and 
destroying  the  Gothic  dominion,  and  restoring  Italy,  for  a 
brief  space,  to  its  former  position  as  an  appendage  of  the 
eastern  empu*e. 

But  the  same  year  that  beheld  the  subjugation  of  Italy- 
witnessed  also  the  humiliation  of  Vigilius.  The  Emperor 
Justinian  was  fond  of  theological  studies,  and  interfered 
much  in  the  controversies  of  the  Church.  A  chief  reason 
for  his  confirming  the  choice  of  Belisarius  in  making  Vigilius 


72  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

a  pope,  was  the  expectation  that  so  unprincipled  a  man 
would  readily  become  an  instrument  for  his  own  designs. 
Justinian  was  intent  on  fixing  the  orthodox  faith  according 
to  a  creed  of  his  own ;  and  in  pursuance  of  his  object  he 
summoned  Vigilius  to  Constantinople,  that  he  might  in- 
fluence by  his  presence  some  obstinate  ecclesiastics.  The 
emperor  had  issued  an  edict,  under  the  title  of  "  The  Three 
Chapters,"  in  which  he  anathematized  Theodore,  Theodoret, 
and  Ibas,  three  leading  controversialists  upon  the  long- 
disputed  point,  the  nature  of  the  Saviour's  person.  To 
this  edict  he  hoped  to  obtain  the  sanction  of  the  whole 
Church,  and  with  this  view  it  was  that  he  sought  the  Pon- 
tiflp's  aid.  Vigilius  was  quite  indifferent  to  the  controversy 
itself ;  but  he  knew  that  a  large  proportion  of  the  western 
and  north  African  Churches  was  decidedly  opposed  to  the 
edict,  and  he  therefore  ventured  to  petition  the  emperor 
that  he  would  refer  the  matter  to  a  general  council.  He 
even  bound  himself  by  an  oath,  that  when  the  assembly 
met  he  would  do  all  in  his  power  to  forward  the  emperor's 
views.  But  the  council  was  not  to  be  coerced,  and  Vigilius, 
surprised  at  their  firmness,  fancied  they  were  strong  enough 
to  support  him  in  asserting  the  independence  of  the  Church 
from  all  imperial  control.  His  oath  was  wholly  forgotten, 
and  he  wrote  to  the  emperor  desiring  him  to  revoke  the 
offensive  edict.  But  he  had  greatly  overrated  his  own 
importance  and  the  strength  of  the  bishops.  Justinian, 
incensed  at  his  behaviour,  ordered  him  to  be  instantly 
seized ;  and  though  Vigilius  fled  to  the  sanctuary  of  a 
church,  he  was  dragged  from  the  very  altar,  and  imprisoned 
in  his  own  house.  He  shortly  after  consented  to  do  all  that 
the  emperor  commanded,  and  was  then  suffered  to  return 
to  Italy.     He  died  on  the  voyage,  in  the  year  555. 

The  general  condition  of  Italy  after  the  reign  of  Justinian, 
and  the  character  of  the  popes  who  more  immediately  suc- 
ceeded Vigilius,  are  subjects  involved  in  deep  obscurity. 
We  are  now  fairly  embarked  on  the  "  sunless  sea  "  of  the 


THE  GOTHIC   PERIOD.  73 

dark  ages.  Literature  was  nowhere  cultivated,  Justinian 
himself  had  closed  the  schools  of  Athens,  which  had  feebly- 
survived  till  then,  though  hardly  shedding  around  a  gleam 
of  that  splendor  with  which  they  had  anciently  enlightened 
the  world.  Very  few  undertook  to  chronicle  the  events  of 
the  age,  and  those  few  are  of  doubtful  credibihty.  Cer- 
tain, however,  it  is,  that  in  consequence  of  the  difficulty 
which  the  emperors  of  the  east  experienced  in  defending 
their  dominions  from  foreign  invasion,  they  left  Italy  very 
much  at  the  mercy  of  the  Gothic  or  Vandal  tribes  that  still 
dwelt  between  the  Alps  and  the  Danube.  The  representative 
of  the  imperial  authority,  the  Exarch  of  Ravenna,  had  little 
influence  beyond  the  neighborhood  of  that  city.  In  some 
towns,  the  Goths,  in  others,  the  more  ancient  inhabitants, 
retained  the  governing  power ;  and  those  petty  principali- 
ties began  to  arise  which  afterward  divided  between  them 
the  whole  of  Italy.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  fair 
regions  of  the  south  became  a  tempting  bait  to  the  poor 
and  hardy  barbarians  beyond  the  Alps.  The  most  power- 
ful of  these,  a  Vandal  race,  known  as  Longobards,  or  Lom- 
bards, from  the  immense  beards  which  they  wore,  made  an 
irruption  into  Italy  in  the  year  568,  led  by  their  warlike 
chief,  Alboin.  Meeting  with  trifling  resistance,  they  settled 
in  the  spacious  plain  watered  by  the  Po,  and  which  still 
retains  from  them  the  name  of  Lombardy.  They  afterward 
established  their  power  throughout  the  peninsula,  and  held 
it  for  the  most  part  till  the  days  of  Charlemagne. 

In  all  the  calamities  which  the  cities  of  Italy  were  thus 
doomed  to  endure,  the  ancient  metropolis  bore  its  full  pro- 
portion. Frequently  did  the  senate  and  clergy  send  to 
Constantinople  for  aid,  and  as  often  did  they  find  their  suit 
rejected,  through  the  growing  incapacity  of  the  eastern  em- 
pire to  defend  its  own  frontier.  But  the  revenues  of  the 
popes,  and  of  the  priesthood  generally,  suffered  much  less 
than  those  of  secular  landlords:  for  all  the  combatants  who 
strove  for  mastery  on  the  Italian  fieldvS — Visigoths,  Ostro- 

4 


74  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

goths,  Greeks,  and  Lombards — were  professed  Cliristians ; 
and  though  the  barbarian  tribes  were  mostly  of  the  Arian 
persuasion,  yet  even  they  manifested  respect  for  the  oflfice 
and  estates  of  the  Roman  bishop. 

Amid  the  darkening  shades  which  had  enveloped  society 
at  this  period,  religion  had  largely  suffered.  All  the  great 
truths  of  the  gospel  had,  more  or  less,  disappeared  from  the 
spiritual  horizon,  and  the  inventions  of  men,  by  which  their 
place  was  supplied,  only  added  to  the  increasing  gloom. 
Repentance  toward  God,  faith  in  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,, 
and  the  renewing  operations  of  the  Holy  Spuit,  were  no 
longer  the  doctrines  dwelt  upon  by  those  who  professed 
themselves  the  ministers  of  the  everlasting  gospel.  The 
beneficial  influence  which  pure  religion  exerts  upon  a  com- 
munity being  thus  withdrawn,^  the  arts  disappeared,,  litera- 
ture died  away,  and  the  social  system  itself  became  disor- 
ganized. So  intimate  is  the  connection  between  evangelical 
truth  faithfully  dispensed  and  the  prosperity  of  nations; 
and  so  closely  does  national  decay  follow  the  diffusion  of 
Romish  error. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

GREGORY  THE   GREAT A.  D.   568-604. 

The  close  of  the  sixth  century  may  be  regarded  as  the  time 
when  the  fortunes  of  the  "  eternal  city  "  reached  their  low- 
est ebb,  and  just  at  that  crisis  a  man  was  raised  to  the  pope- 
dom peculiarly  qualified  to  restore  and  advance  them.  The 
population  of  Rome  was  rapidly  declining ;  the  inhabitants 
who  remained  dwelt  in  perpetual  alarm  from  the  frequent 
ravages  of  the  Lombards ;  the  stately  edifices,  so  long  its 
glory,  were  fast  moldering  with  decay ;  the  suiTOunding 
countr}^  was  left  uncultivated  until  it  changed  into  a  fetid 


GREGORY  THE   GREAT.  75 

morass,  wlien  Gregory  the  Great,  and  the  first  of  his 
name,  ascended  the  papal  chair.* 

Gregory  was  descended  from  an  ancient  patrician  house, 
and  was  bom  at  Rome  a  httle  earher  than  the  middle  of 
the  sixth  century.  The  first  years  of  his  manhood  were 
spent  in  the  public  service,  in  which  he  exercised  the  office 
of  Roman  praetor.  On  reaching,  however,  the  meridian  of 
hfe,  he  became,  though  far  from  being  unambitious,  dis- 
gusted with  the  ordinary  objects  of  human  pursuit,  and 
retired  into  a  convent,  devoting  at  the  same  time  all  his 
property  to  the  uses  of  the  Church.  His  statesmanlike 
habits  peculiarly  fitted  him  for  pohtical  aflfairs,  and  he  was 
soon  drawn  from  the  seclusion  he  had  chosen,  and  sent  by 
Pope  Pelagius  II.  on  a  special  embassy  to  the  court  of 
Constantinople.  Returning  to  Rome,  he  once  more  made 
the  convent  his  home  ;  and  it  was  during  this  period  that, 
walking  one  day  in  the  market-place,  he  noticed  some  young 
slaves  from  England  exhibited  for  sale,  with  whose  fair  com- 
plexions and  beautiful  features  he  was  so  charmed  that  he 
eagerly  inquired  from  what  country  they  came.  Being  told 
that  they  were  Angles ^  he  observed,  *'  They  would  not  be 
Angles,  but  angels,  if  only  they  were  Christians."  The  in- 
cident operated  so  powerfully  upon  his  mind  that  he  was 
from  that  day  constantly  brooding  over  a  project  for  con- 
verting the  native  land  of  these  fair-haired  youths — a  land 
from  which  Christianity  was  now  driven  by  the  Saxon  inva- 
sion to  the  fastnesses  of  Scotland  and  Wales. 

In  the  year  589  Pelagius  died,  and  the  clergy  of  Rome 
were  unanimous  in  electing  the  Abbot  Gregory  as  his  suc- 
cessor. Gregory  seems  not  to  have  desired  the  honor,  for 
he  promptly  declined  it ;  and  to  avoid  its  being  thrust  upon 

"'  Four  pontiffs  intervened  between  Vigilius  and  Gregory  the 
Great — Pelagius  I.,  John  III.,  Bekedict  I.,  and  Pelagius  II.  ;  but  so 
little  is  known  of  them,  beyond  their  uninteresting  squabbles  with 
the  emperor  and  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  that  their  names 
would  only  encumber  the  narrative. 


76  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

him  fled  into  the  country,  and  concealed  himself  in  a  wood. 
Being  discovered,  he  was  brought  to  Rome  to  be  formally 
installed ;  but  he  still  persisted  in  declining  the  office,  and 
sent  letters  to  the  Emperor  Maurice,  begging  that  the  elec- 
tion might  be  negatived.  The  probability  is,  that  he  had 
a  higher  view  than  most  of  his  brethren  of  the  immense 
responsibility  that,  in  the  existing  state  of  Rome,  would  at- 
tach to  him,  as  respected  both  its  ecclesiastical  and  politi- 
cal welfare. 

Once  possessed  of  the  popedom,  however,  none  of  the 
pretended  successors  of  St.  Peter  knew  better  than  Greg- 
ory how  to  improve  his  position  for  the  increase  of  his 
power.  Yet  in  fairness  it  must  be  admitted,  that  he  sought 
not  to  aggrandize  himself,  but  directed  all  his  efforts  to 
what  he  regarded  as  the  good  of  his  country  and  his 
Church.  In  him  the  patriot  and  the  priest  seemed  always 
contending  for  mastery.  Admirably  fitted  for  the  troublous 
times  in  which  he  lived,  he  by  turns  conciliated  the  Lom- 
bards, whose  growing  power  was  now  the  dread  of  Rome, 
and  stimulated  the  Exarch  of  Ravenna  to  as  sturdy  a  de- 
fense of  the  imperial  territory  as  the  inferior  force  at  his 
command  would  justify  him  in  attempting.  The  finances 
of  the  citizens  were  greatly  impoverished  by  the  frequent 
sieges  which  they  had  been  compelled  to  sustain ;  and  Greg- 
ory supported  out  of  the  patrimony  of  the  Church  many 
of  the  decayed  nobles  and  well-born  matrons  of  Rome,  be- 
side three  thousand  virgins,  and  many  of  the  provincial 
bishops,  whom  the  rough  hand  of  war  had  driven  from 
their  homes.  He  was  sensitively  alive  to  the  duty,  or  the 
policy,  of  maintaining  the  poor;  and  it. is  said,  that  once 
hearing  that  a  beggar  had  perished  in  the  street,  he  bitterly 
accused  himself  of  the  neglect  which  permitted  it,  and,  by 
way  of  penance,  interdicted  himself  from  the  exercise  for 
several  days  of  his  sacerdotal  functions.  As  long  as  Greg- 
ory lived,  the  sick  and  the  helpless  had  their  wants  promptly 
and  tenderly  supplied,  and  he  would  never  sit  down  to  his 


GREGOllY   THE   GREAT.  77 

own  repast  till  he  had  sent  away  dishes  from  his  table  suited 
to  the  wants  of  his  needy  pensioners. 

Not  only  was  Gregory  conscious  of  his  position  as  the 
first  citizen  of  Rome ;  he  was  equally  diligent  in  upholding 
his  primacy  in  the  Church ;  and  the  clergy  had  now  so 
greatly  degenerated  that  he  was  constrained  to  adopt  a 
strict,  and  even  a  severe  superintendence.  The  Bishop 
Natalis,  of  Salona  in  Dalmatia,  had  been  guilty  of  gross 
sensuahty,  and  had  utterly  neglected  the  duties  of  his  office. 
He  had  enriched  his  relatives  with  presents  of  the  gold  and 
silver  vessels  belonging  to  the  Church,  and  had  wasted 
much  of  its  revenue  in  luxurious  banqueting.  Gregory 
sharply  reproved  him,  and  threatened  him  with  suspension 
from  office.  Natalis  had  the  audacity  to  defend  his  ex- 
cesses by  alleging  that  he  followed  the  example  of  Christ, 
who  was  called  "a  gluttonous  man."  When  charged,  too, 
with  forsaking  the  study  of  the  Scriptures,  he  replied  with 
the  efifrontery  of  hardened  hypocrisy,  that  he  "  trusted  to 
the  illumination  of  the  Holy  Spirit."  Gregory,  however, 
insisted  on  his  reforming  his  life,  and  exposed  the  fallacy, 
or  rather  the  impudence  of  his  arguments ;  but  it  does  not 
appear  that  he  was  deposed.  Such  an  incident  as  this  re- 
veals very  clearly  the  awful  depravity  of  the  professed 
spiritual  guides  of  that  age,  and  the  daring  perversion  of 
Scripture  doctrines  by  NataMs  would  not  seem  to  indicate 
any  great  respect  for  the  understanding  or  the  theological 
attainments  of  the  Pope. 

Gregory  was  evidently  a  very  zealous,  though  we  can 
hardly  consider  him  a  very  enlightened  man.  He  could  at 
least,  however,  perceive  that  the  immorality  and  indolence 
of  the  clergy  were  altogether  destructive  of  their  influence 
over  their  flocks ;  and  this  appears  to  have  been  an  urgent 
motive  with  him  to  attempt  a  reformation.  For  this  pur- 
pose he  composed  his  "Rules  for  the  Pastoral  Office,"  which 
continued  to  exert  a  beneficial  influence  many  years  after 
his  death.     In  these  rules  he  says,  exhorting  his  brethren 


78  LIVES  OF  THE  FOPES. 

to  be  full  of  good  works,  "  Let  not  the  bishop  think  that 
reading  and  preaching  alone  will  suffice.  Let  his  hands  be 
bountiful,  let  him  lend  to  the  needy,  let  him  consider  the 
wants  of  others  as  his  own ;  for  without  such  qualities  the 
name  of  bishop  is  but  a  vain  and  empty  title."  He  incul- 
cates on  them  also  a  careful  and  economic  management  of 
the  estates  bequeathed  to  the  Church,  in  which  particular 
he  himself  set  so  excellent  an  example,  that  his  books  of 
accounts  were  preserved  three  hundred  years  in  the  library 
of  the  Lateran  as  models  of  pontifical  economy. 

In  the  disjointed  state  of  political  afifairs  during  the  whole 
lifetime  of  Gregory,  many  opportunities  occurred  of  ex- 
tending the  primacy  of  Rome  over  other  Churches  beside 
those  of  Italy  ;  and  Gregory,  always  ambitious  for  the  pa- 
pacy, if  not  for  himself,  did  not  fail  to  profit  by  every  such 
occasion.  His  project  of  sending  missionaries  to  England, 
formed  before  his  attaining  the  pontifical  dignity,  was  among 
the  fiirst  to  be  carried  into  execution.  In  the  year  596  he 
dispatched  Augustine,  with  forty  assistant  monks,  to  effect 
the  conversion  of  the  Anglo-Saxons.  Conversion,  in  the 
dialect  of  Rome,  signified  nothing  more  than  proselytism  ; 
and  it  was  sanguinely  hoped,  that  by  influencing  the  chiefs 
to  renounce  idolatry  their  subjects  would  soon  be  converted 
in  a  mass. 

This  was  not,  indeed,  as  is  well  known,  the  first  introduc- 
tion of  Christianity  into  Britain,  whose  inhabitants  were 
among  the  earliest  of  Europeans  to  receive  the  gospel,  and 
probably  derived  their  knowledge  of  it  from  eastern  Chris- 
tians. Churches  had  been  established  in  the  island  for  cen- 
turies, but  in  the  fierce  and  protracted  struggle  with  the 
Anglo-Saxons  most  of  these  had  disappeared.  Some  still 
existed  in  the  mountainous  regions  of  the  west  and  north, 
but  they  exerted  little  influence  on  the  new  population  of 
the  country.  The  hatred  which  ever  bums  in  the  breast 
of  the  oppressed  against  their  oppressors,  and  the  contempt 
which  conquerors  usually  feel  for  those  whom  they  have 


GREGORY  THE   GREAT.  79 

enslaved,  were  no  doubt  among  the  principal  reasons  why 
the  ancient  inhabitants  did  not  communicate  the  gospel  to 
their  heathen  masters.  It  was,  therefore,  not  the  British, 
but  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  which  the  Roman  missionaries 
came  to  convert. 

The  success  of  Augustine  and  his  brethren  was  even  be- 
yond their  expectation.  Landing  on  the  Isle  of  Thanet, 
they  applied  to  Ethelbert,  the  King  of  Kent,  for  permission 
to  preach  in  his  kingdom.  Ethelbert  had  married  a  Chris- 
tian princess,  and  was,  therefore,  not  unfavorably  disposed 
toward  his  uninvited  guests.  Yet  so  ignorant  was  he  of 
the  nature  of  their  errand,  that  he  insisted  that  their  first 
inte^^dew  with  him  should  take  place  in  the  open  air,  lest 
he  should  fall  a  victim  to  their  magical  arts.  Augustine's 
eloquence,  however,  soon  inspired  the  king  with  confidence, 
and  Etlielbert  then  granted  to  the  missionaries  an  old  ruin- 
ous church  at  Canterbury,  dedicated  to  St.  Martin,  and 
which  had  existed  from  the  time  of  the  Romans,  as  their 
first  station  for  preaching  the  gospel.  Ere  long,  the  king 
yielded  to  the  arguments  of  Augustine  or  the  persuasions 
of  his  wife,  and  his  baptism  was  followed  by  that  of  many 
of  his  subjects,  no  fewer  than  ten  thousand  being  thus 
nominally  received  into  the  Church  on  a  single  occasion. 

In  considering  an  event  so  intimately  connected  with  the 
history  of  England,  it  is  not  out  of  place  to  observe,  that 
the  reception  of  the  rite  of  baptism  under  the  circumstan- 
ces we  have  recorded  must  have  been,  in  the  vast  majority 
of  instances,  an  empty  and  an  impious  form.  Such,  however, 
continues  to  the  present  day  to  be  the  false  and  unscrip- 
tural  practice  of  Roman  missionaries  among  heathen  nations. 
The  external  sign  is  substituted  for  the  inward  operation  of 
the  Holy  Spirit  upon  the  heart,  and  man  claims  the  glory 
of  a  work  which  it  is  the  prerogative  of  God  alone  to  per- 
form. 

Gregory  was  overjoyed  at  the  success  of  his  mission,  and 
needed  no  solicitations  to  send  a  reinforcement  of  preachers, 


80  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

all  of  whom  were  monks.  He  next  divided  the  whole 
island  into  two  archbishoprics,  appointing  Augustine  to  be 
Archbishop  of  London,  and  constituting  York  the  metropoli- 
tan city  of  the  north  when  Christianity  should  have  penetrated 
so  far.  As  London  had  not  yet,  however,  embraced  the 
new  religion,  and  was  not  within  the  domains  of  Ethelbert, 
Augustine  made  Canterbury  his  abode  and  see. 

In  the  true  spirit  of  Roman  arrogance,  Augustine  as- 
sumed to  himself  the  right  of  governing  all  the  Churches 
in  Britain,  whether  planted  by  the  recent  laborers  or  existing 
from  earlier  times.  But  the  ancient  British  Churches  were 
indignant  at  such  an  encroachment  on  their  independence 
and  liberties.  "We  are  all  prepared,"  said  Deynoch, 
Abbot  of  Bangor,  on  one  occasion,  "  to  hearken  to  the 
Church  of  God,  to  the  Pope  of  Rome,  and  to  every  pious 
Christian,  so  as  to  manifest  to  all,  according  to  their  several 
stations,  perfect  charity,  and  to  uphold  and  aid  them  both 
by  word  and  deed.  What  other  duty  we  can  owe  to  him 
whom  you  call  pope,  or  father  of  fathers,  we  do  not  know  ; 
but  this  we  are  ready  to  exercise  toward  him  and  every 
other  Christian."  This  independence  by  no  means  pleased 
Augustine,  and  he  was  heard  to  say  to  his  Anglo-Saxon 
followers :  "  Well,  then,  since  they  will  not  own  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  as  brethren,  or  allow  us  to  make  known  to  them  the 
way  of  life,  they  must  regard  them  as  enemies,  and  look  for 
revenged  The  horrible  spirit  which  dictated  such  a  speech 
is  too  apparent  to  need  comment,  and  shows  how  little  of 
real  Christianity  the  Roman  missionaries  mingled  with  their 
zeal  for  the  advancement  of  the  Papal  See. 

In  the  contests  which  the  new  Church  thus  waged  with 
the  old,  the  influence  of  Augustine  and  his  followers  with 
the  Saxon  kings  generally  enabled  them  to  triumph ;  and 
although  the  British  Churches  long  persevered  in  maintain- 
ing their  freedom,  they  gradually  became  absorbed  in  the 
Anglican  hierarchy ;  and,  long  before  the  Norman  invasion, 
those  who  ventured  to  dissent  from  the  Roman  forms  of 


GREGORY  THE   GREAT.  81 

worship  were  only  to  be  found  in  the  extreme  parts  of  the 
island. 

During  the  pontificate  of  Gregory,  the  Spanish  Church 
also  became  subjected  to  the  primacy  of  Rome.  Before 
this  period  the  Goths,  who  had  estabhshed  their  power  in 
Spain,  were  of  the  Arian  party ;  but  on  their  king  Recka- 
red  professing  his  belief  in  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  the 
bishops  in  a  body  requested  the  Pope  to  undertake  the  su- 
pervision of  their  aflfairs — a  request  with  which  Gregory  was 
only  too  happy  to  comply.  He  attempted,  moreover,  to 
obtain  the  subjection  of  the  French  clergy,  but  in  this  he 
could  only  partly  succeed.  Nevertheless,  he  formed  allian- 
ces with  the  French  princes,  nobles,  and  bishops  ;  and,  con- 
sidering their  Church  as  subject  to  his  inspection,  did  not 
hesitate  to  interfere  on  many  occasions  both  with  advice 
and  with  admonition. 

It  was,  perhaps,  the  zeal  of  Gregory,  for  multiplying 
nominal  converts  to  Christianity,  that  led  him  to  introduce 
alterations  in  the  forms  of  worship,  which  were  so  exagger- 
ated by  succeeding  pontiffs  as  to  change  the  solemn  service 
of  God  into  a  ridiculous  show.  Observing  the  influence 
which  the  harmonies  of  music  and  the  beauties  of  painting 
and  sculpture  exerted  upon  the  minds  of  the  Lombards  and 
other  half- civilized  tribes,  he  resolved  to  employ  the  arts  as 
handmaids  to  religion.  He  took  great  pains  to  improve  the 
singing  in  the  church,  himself  conducting  the  musical  edu- 
cation of  the  youths  who  formed  the  choir.  The  sofa  on 
which  he  reclined  while  thus  instructing  the  choristers  was 
shown  in  Rome  as  a  relic  so  late  as  the  ninth  century,  and 
the  "  Gregorian  Chant "  still  commemorates  both  the  name 
and  skill  of  its  composer.  By  his  exertions  the  entire  ser- 
vice of  the  Roman  Church  was  reduced  to  a  complete  and 
regular  form  ;  the  communion  was  administered  in  a  more 
imposing  manner,  accompanied  with  a  magnificent  assem- 
blage of  pompous  ceremonies ;  and  he  personally  officiated 
till  the  last  days  of  his  life,  in  what  was  now  called  "  the 


82  LIVES    OF   THE  POPES. 

canon  of  the  mass,"  the  full  performance  of  which  contin- 
ued above  three  hours.  He  moreover  descended  to  the 
minutest  details  of  Church  order,  regulating  the  number 
and  method  of  the  processions,  the  calendar  of  the  festi- 
vals, and  the  changes  of  sacerdotal  robes.  When  it  was 
represented  to  him  that  the  images  of  Christ,  of  the  Virgin 
Mary,  and  of  the  saints,  were  placed  in  many  churches  to  be 
worshiped,  he  declared  that  though  they  were  certainly 
not  to  be  regarded  as  objects  of  worship,  they  might  very 
properly  be  used  to  instruct  the  ignorant,  and  to  stimulate 
devotion.  Having  been  requested  by  a  hermit  to  send  him 
an  image  of  Christ,  and  some  other  figures  of  a  similar 
kind,  the  Pontiff  gave  him  an  image  of  our  Saviour,  with 
others  of  Mary  and  of  the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  and  in 
a  letter  accompanying  them  expressed  his  approbation  of 
the  request,  and  explained  what  was  the  right  use  of  them, 
and  how  they  might  be  made  serviceable  to  the  cause  of 
religion.  Experience,  however,  has  abundantly  shown  how 
futile  were  the  distinctions  which  Gregory  made,  and  that 
when  such  unlawful  aids  to  devotion  are  found  need- 
ful, the  spirit  of  devotion  is  itself  rapidly  degenera- 
ting into  a  base  superstition.  The  observation  of  a  his- 
torian is  both  sagacious  and  true,  that  "  by  a  slow 
though  inevitable  progression  the  honors  of  the  original 
were  transferred  to  the  copy ;  the  devout  Christian  prayed 
before  the  image  of  the  saint ;  and  the  pagan  rites  of  genu- 
flexion, luminaries,  and  incense  again  stole  into  the  Catholic 
Church."  By  such  ceremonies  as  these  the  senses  may  be 
impressed,  but  the  heart,  the  seat  of  devotion,  can  never  be 
truly  changed.  To  kindle  aright  the  affections  in  di\dne 
worship,  the  apostolic  practice  must  be  followed : — "  We 
also  joy  in  God  through  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  by  whom 
we  have  now  received  the  atonement."  A  sense  of  pardon 
through  a  Saviour's  blood,  and  the  love  of  God  shed 
abroad  in  the  heart  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  form  the  true 
springs  of  heart-felt  devotion. 


GiKKGOilV    liiE    UKKAT.  83 

Gregory  seems  to  have  been  a  devout  believer  in  the 
miracles  which  the  monks  of  that  age  pretended  to  work. 
On  being  requested  by  the  Empress  Constgntina  to  send  to 
Constantinople,  as  a  suitable  relic  to  enrich  her  new  Church 
of  St.  Paul's,  the  head  of  that  apostle,  buried  at  Rome,  or 
at  least  some  portion  of  his  body,  he  excuses  himself  on 
the  ground  of  the  imminent  peril  which  would  attend  so 
sacrilegious  a  transfer.*  *'  My  predecessor,"  he  says,  "  un- 
dertook to  make  some  repairs  near  the  tomb  of  St,  Law- 
rence. As  they  were  digging,  without  knowing  precisely 
where  the  venerable  body  was  placed,  they  happened  to 
open  his  sepulcher.  The  monks  engaged  on  the  work, 
though  they  did  not  presume  to  touch  the  body,  yet  only 
because  of  having  seen  it,  all  died  in  ten  days.  It  is,  there- 
fore, the  custom  of  the  Romans,  when  they  give  any  relics, 
not  to  venture  to  touch  any  portion  of  the  body,  but  sim- 
ply to  place  a  piece  of  linen  in  a  box  very  near  it,  which, 
when  it  is  withdrawn,  will  work  as  many  prodigies  as  the 
bodies  themselves.  For,  in  the  time  of  St.  Leo,  some 
Greeks  doubting  the  virtue  of  such  rehcs,  that  Pope  called  for 
a  pair  of  scissors,  and  on  his  cutting  the  linen,  true  blood 
flowed  from  the  incision.  But  what  shall  I  say  respecting 
the  bodies  of  the  holy  apostles,  when  it  is  a  known  fact, 
that  at  the  time  of  their  martyrdom  a  number  of  the  faith- 
ful came  from  the  east  to  claim  them,  who  succeeded  in 
carrying  them  out  as  far  as  the  catacombs,  but  were  then 
unable  to  move  farther,  being  stopped  and  dispersed  by  a 
terrific  storm  of  thunder  and  lightning.  The  napkin,  too, 
which  you  wished  to  be  sent  with  the  body,  cannot  be 
touched  any  more  than  the  body  itself  can  be  approached. 
Yet,  that  your  pious  desires  may  not  be  wholly  disappoint- 
ed, I  will  hasten  to  send  you  some  part  of  tliose  chains 
which  St.  Paul  wore  on  his  neck  and  hands,  if  indeed  I 
can  succeed  in  getting  off  any  filings  from  them.  For  since 
many  continually  solicit  as  a  blessing  some  portion  of  those 
filings,  a  priest  stands  by  v/ith  a  file,  and  sometimes  it  hap- 


84  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

pens  that  portions  fall  off  from  the  chains  suddenly,  and  at 
other  times  the  file  is  long  drawn  over  them,  and  yet  noth- 
ing can  be  scraped  off." 

Who  can  suppose  that  Gregory  was  himself  the  dupe  of 
"  these  lying  wonders  ?" — deceptions  discreditable  alike  to 
his  own  intellect,  and  to  the  Church  over  which  he  presided. 

A  more  serious  charge  than  even  that  of  pandering  to 
superstition  is  alleged  against  Gregory.  Yet  his  subser- 
vient and  fawning  attitude  toward  the  emperors,  which  is 
the  crime  referred  to,  must  in  all  probability  be  attributed 
to  his  almost  fanatical  zeal  for  the  aggrandizement  of  his 
Church,  and  affords  a  memorable  example  of  the  wretched 
maxim,  now  so  long  sanctioned  in  the  code  of  Romish 
morals,  "  that  it  is  lawful  to  do  evil  that  good  may  come." 
Eager  to  withstand  the  assumption  of  the  eastern  patriarch, 
who  laid  claim  to  the  title  of  "  Universal  Bishop,"  Gregoiy 
wrote  to  the  Emperor  Maurice,  earnestly  entreating  his  inter- 
position. In  602,  however,  Maurice  was  deposed,  and  the 
usurper  Phocas  possessed  himself  of  the  eastern  empire, 
inhumanly  slaughtering,  in  his  ambitious  and  traitorous 
march  to  power,  the  emperor,  the  whole  royal  family, 
and  multitudes  beside.  The  Pope,  who  formerly  flattered 
Maurice,  became  now  equally  servile  to  Phocas.  "  Let  the 
heavens  rejoice,"  he  writes,  "  and  let  the  earth  be  glad ; 
for  your  illustrious  deeds  let  the  people  of  every  realm, 
hitherto  so  vehemently  afflicted,  now  be  filled  with  joy. 
May  the  necks  of  your  enemies  be  subdued  to  the  yoke  of 
your  supreme  control." 

The  language  employed  throughout  this  epistle  is  that 
of  base  adulation,  and  it  is  impossible  to  blame  the  censure 
pronounced  by  a  writer,  that  "the  joyful  applause  with 
which  Gregory  salutes  the  fortune  of  the  assassin,  has 
sullied  with  indelible  disgrace  the  character  of  the  saint." 
Gregory  was,  indeed,  no  saint,  but  he  was  greatly  superior 
in  the  tone  of  his  morals  to  the  majority  of  the  popes ;  and 
he  labored  with  an  energy,  a  perseverance,  and  a  sincerity 


POWER  OF  THE  POPES  STEALTHILY  INCREASED.  85 

worthy  of  a  better  cause,  to  strengthen  and  consolidate  the 
power  of  the  Church.  If  Leo  the  Great  laid  the  corner- 
stone of  the  papal  edifice,  it  may  be  said  with  equal  truth 
that  Gregory  the  Great  erected  the  frame-work  of  that 
stupendous  fabric  of  superstition,  fraud,  and  impiety. 


CHAPTER  X. 

A   DARK  CENTURY POWER  OF  THE   POPES  STEALTHILY 

INCREASED. A.  D.  604-715. 

The  long  interval  of  more  than  a  century  from  the  first 
to  the  second  Gregory  is  a  dreary  waste  in  history,  and 
although  the  pontifical  chair  received  no  fewer  than  four- 
and-twenty  occupants  during  that  period,  hardly  one  of 
them  is  worthy  of  particular  attention.  A  rapid  summary 
may  comprise  nearly  all  that  is  desirable  to  record  concern- 
ing these  ephemeral  pontiffs. 

Sabinianus  obtained  the  pontificate  in  604,  and,  in  his 
brief  possession  of  it  for  a  year  and  a  half,  contrived  to 
secure  universal  hatred  and  lasting  execration  by  his  avarice 
and  extortion.  After  the  lapse  of  a  year,  during  which 
there  was  no  election,  Boniface  III.  received  the  triple- 
crown,  but  only  to  lose  it  by  death  in  a  few  months.  Boni- 
face IV.,  his  successor,  was  more  successful  in  the  dura- 
tion of  his  power,  and  so  distinguished  himself  by  the 
happy  conception  of  converting  the  ancient  Pantheon,  in 
which  the  statues  of  all  the  gods  were  placed,  into  a  church 
dedicated  to  all  the  saints,  that  he  was  himself  enrolled  by 
a  grateful  priesthood  among  that  doubtfully  sacred  band. 
Deodatus  next  bore  the  papal  crown,  but  in  the  same  year 
transmitted  it  to  Boniface  V.,  whose  genius  for  priestcraft 
suggested  that  the  Church  might  augment  her  power  by 
appointing  all  sacred  edifices  to  be  sanctuaries  from  the 


86  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

pursuit  of  justice ;  thus  throwing  her  protecting  aegis  over 
every  criminal,  however  stained  with  guilt.  The  longer 
popedom  of  Honorius  I.  was  spent  in  angry  and  tedious 
controversies  with  the  eastern  Church ;  and  his  successor, 
Severinus,  did  not  in  consequence  obtain  the  tiara  except 
on  condition  of  maintaining  the  creed  then  prevalent  at  the 
imperial  court.  John  IV.  and  Theodore  I.  were  engaged 
in  the  same  disputes ;  and  the  stubborn  resistance  of  Mar- 
tin I.  to  his  royal  master's  will  cost  him  his  miter  and  his  life. 
The  struggle  was  continued  by  Eugenius  I.  for  two  short 
years ;  but  on  the  accession  of  Vitalian  to  the  popedom, 
the  zeal  or  the  bigotry  of  the  eastern  court  appeared  to  re- 
lax, and  under  the  mask  of  friendship  the  Emperor  Con- 
stans  II.  paid  a  personal  visit  to  Rome.  Never,  however, 
had  the  gates  of  the  city  admitted  a  more  relentless  foe. 
He  stripped  the  pedestals  of  their  bronze  statues,  the 
churches  of  their  treasures,  and  the  Pantheon  of  its  costly 
ornaments;  and  having  destroyed  more  works  of  ait,  and 
committed  greater  depredations  than  all  the  Goths  and 
Vandals  of  former  days,  he  contemptuously  left  the  Pope 
and  his  clergy  to  mourn  over  their  irreparable  losses.  Of 
Adeodatus,  Donus  I.,  Agathon,  and  Leo  II.,  we  only 
know  that  they  carried  on  fierce  contests  with  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Ravenna,  for  refusing  to  acknowledge  their  su- 
premacy, which  were  terminated  in  the  pontificate  of  Leo  by 
mutual  concessions,  the  archbishop  agreeing  to  receive  the 
pallium  at  the  hands  of  the  Pope,  and  the  Pontiff  to  bestow  it 
without  the  customary  fee.  Neither  Benedict  II.,  John  V., 
nor  CoNON,  lived  a  whole  year  after  their  assuming  the 
triple-crown.  Sergius  I.  next  gained  the  popedom  by 
forcibly  driving  out  his  competitors,  and  bribing  the  deputy 
of  the  emperor.  Yet  his  reign  was  remarkably  long,  last- 
ing nearly  twelve  years,  but  leaving,  nevertheless,  a  memory 
not  worth  preserving.  John  VI.  and  John  VII.  have 
bequeathed  us  only  their  names ;  and  the  month's  reign  of 
SisiNius,  with  the   image -championship  of   Constantine, 


POWER  OF  THE  POPES  STEALTHILY   INCREASED.  87 

who  succeeded  him  in  708,  are  the  only  other  events  re- 
corded on  this  blank  page  of  papal  history. 

It  is  difficult  to  decide  whether  pity,  scorn,  or  indigna- 
tion, should  predominate  as  we  survey  the  character  of  this 
long  pontifical  array.  Certainly  admiration  and  envy  would 
be  wholly  out  of  place.  It  is  pitiable  to  see  men  eager  for 
honors  which  were  not  only  sure  to  be  short-lived,  but 
which  could  be  enjoyed  but  at  the  sacrifice  of  independence 
and  peace  of  mind  ;  it  is  detestable  to  witness  them  now 
cringing  to  the  powerful,  now  cruel  and  haughty  to  the 
weak ;  and  it  justly  awakens  our  profoundest  horror,  that 
for  a  whole  century  (alas  !  for  many  centuries  !)  the  spiritual 
rulers  of  Christendom  should  be  themselves  the  most  strik- 
ing patterns  of  corruption,  irreligion,  and  vice. 

The  circumstances  of  Italy  during  this  period  were,  on  the 
whole,  favorable  to  the  maintenance  of  the  power  which 
the  popes  had  already  organized ;  and  those  who  were  not 
solely  intent  on  the  enjoyment  of  the  ease  and  grandeur 
which  then-  position  conferred,  devoted  a  portion  of  their 
energies  to  increase  the  privileges  and  revenues  of  the  see. 
Although  the  Lombards  were  masters  of  nearly  all  Italy, 
they  never  became  possessed  of  Rome ;  and  as  the  eastern 
empire  declined,  the  exarch  residing  at  Ravenna  exercised 
a  constantly  diminishing  control  over  the  affairs  of  the  papal 
city.  Still  the  Pope  acknowledged  the  emperor  as  his 
sovereign,  and  the  emperor  sometimes  chose  to  impose  his 
mandates  on  the  Pope.  Thus,  when  Martin  I.  stood  forth 
as  the  opponent  of  the  Monothelite  party,*  then  dominant 
at  Constantinople,  the  Emperor  Cons  tans  II.,  a  violent  parti- 
san, was  so  incensed  that  he  sent  secret  instructions  to  the 
exarch  to  capture  the  Pope,  and  bring  him  by  force  into 

'"'  The  Monothelite  controversy  was  one  of  those  metaphysical 
disputes  which  so  vehemently  agitated  the  theologians  of  the  first 
ages.  As  the  Monophysites  taught  that  Christ's  nahire  was  one 
and  undivided,  so  the  Monothelites  contended  for  the  simple  unity 
of  his  ivill 


88  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

Greece.  In  executing  this  command,  the  exarch  was 
obliged,  however,  to  proceed  with  the  greatest  caution,  for 
in  Rome  the  Pope's  influence  was  undoubtedly  greater  than 
the  emperor's.  Arriving  on  Saturday,  he  allowed  the  Sun- 
day to  pass  over,  dreading  the  multitudes  which  would  then 
assemble  at  the  churches.  Early  on  the  Monday,  fearing 
that  his  design  had  been  anticipated,  he  sent  to  the  Pope, 
announcing  his  apprehensions  that  armed  men  were  con- 
cealed in  the  church  of  the  Lateran,  where  Martin  lay  ill, 
and  that  he  and  his  followers  would  be  stoned,  as  it  was 
known  that  he  came  with  a  message  expressive  of  the 
emperor's  displeasure.  Martin  ordered  the  servants  of  the 
exarch  to  be  shown  every  part  of  the  building,  and  as  soon 
as  that  officer  knew  that  he  had  nothing  to  fear,  he  pressed 
into  the  church  with  an  armed  band  of  followers,  and,  hav- 
ing read  the  order  of  the  emperor,  informed  Martin  that  he 
was  deposed,  and  that  he  was  immediately  to  prepare  for 
his  journey  to  Constantinople.  But  even  then  it  was  found 
necessary  to  hurry  the  Pope's  departure  at  midnight,  and 
the  gates  of  Rome  were  closed  and  carefully  guarded  till 
the  Pontiff",  attended  only  by  a  few  servants,  was  safely 
embarked  on  board  a  ship  instantly  bound  for  the  east. 

For  the  most  part,  however,  the  popes  were  not  disturbed 
by  such  foreign  interference,  and  their  authority,  therefore, 
gradually  increased.  Over  the  inferior  clergy  it  had  long 
been  paramount,  and  Gregory  the  Great  had  so  extended  it 
in  this  direction,  that  no  bishop  was  now  regarded  as  duly 
installed  unless  his  election  had  received  the  sanction  of  the 
Pope.  Although  Gregory  had  contended  so  hotly  against 
the  title  of  "universal  bishop"  being  appropriated  by  the 
patriarch  of  Constantinople,  or  indeed  by  any  bishop  what- 
soever, and  to  mark  his  disgust  at  such  presumption  had 
called  himself  servus  servorum,  the  servant  of  servants,  yet 
one  of  his  earliest  successors,  Boniface  III.,  adopted  the 
very  title  which  his  predecessor  had  condemned  ;  and  from 
that  time  to  the  present  the  Pope  has  constantly  united 


POWER  OF  THE  POPES  STEALTHILY  INCREASED.  89 

these  contradictory  epithets  in  his  style  of  address,  which  is 
•  thus  happily  illustrative  at  once  of  the  hypocrisy  and  the 
arrogance  of  the  papacy. 

In  the  course  of  this  seventh  century,  the  popes  also  made 
considerable  accessions  to  their  landed  estates,  which  they 
pompously  and  ludicrously  designated  the  "  patrimony  of 
St.  Peter" — that  Peter  who  forsook  his  "  patrimony"  of  a 
boat  and  fishing-net  to  become  a  "fisher  of  men."  The 
extreme  ignorance  and  superstition  which  everywhere  pre- 
vailed gave  the  priesthood  vast  influence  over  the  popular 
mind,  and  many  a  Lombard  chief,  as  well  as  Roman  citizen, 
thought  that  he  amply  atoned  at  death  for  the  sins  of  a 
licentious  and  turbulent  life,  by  disinheriting  his  family  to 
enrich  a  monastery  or  endow  a  church.  Thus  the  most 
fertile  districts,  and  the  most  prosperous  cities  of  Italy, 
gradually  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  episcopal  and 
monastic  clergy,  over  whom  the  Pope  had  nearly  absolute 
sway,  besides  receiving  by  far  the  largest  share  of  such 
munificent  bequests.  Within  the  civic  boundaries,  and  soon 
within  the  limits  of  Italy,  the  PontilSf  thus  became  not  only 
the  wealthiest,  but  in  all  respects  the  most  influential  noble. 
Civil,  and  even  ciiminal  ofibnses,  were  often  referred  to  his 
decision,  and  all  the  ofl5cers  of  the  city  were  placed  under 
his  ins'pection,  and  were  removable  at  his  pleasure. 

While  the  popes  were  so  rapidly  striding  toward  the 
establishment  of  an  independent  sovereignty,  they  frequently 
neglected  altogether  the  spiritual  welfare  of  their  flock. 
Indeed,  to  expect  a  pious  example  or  pious  instruction  from 
such  men  as  we  have  described,  could  only  belong  to  an 
ignorant  and  superstitious  age.  But  the  age  we  are  now 
treating  of  was  one  of  the  darkest  the  world  has  ever  seen. 

Learning  concealed  herself  from  mankind,  and  the  few 
studious  men  that  might  here  and  there  be  found  in  the 
cloisters,  confined  their  researches  to  the  writings  of  Augus- 
tine or  Gregory,  and  their  compositions  to  homilies  badly 
compiled  from  these  works,  or  the  still  more  unprofitable 


90  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

relation  of  absurd  stories  about  relics  and  miracles.  Re- 
ligion was  burdened  with  a  multitude  of  ceremonies  and 
foiTns,  pilgrimages  and  penances,  from  which  it  never  escaped 
till  the  Reformation ;  and  a  popular  substitute  for  even 
that  debased  kind  of  rehgion  was  a  superstitious  reverence 
for  the  priesthood,  who  carefully  inculcated  that  their 
prayers  for  the  sinner  were  of  much  greater  consequence 
than  the  sinner's  prayer  for  himself.  The  dense  ignorance 
of  the  clergy  themselves  may  be  imagined  from  the  fact, 
that  at  the  councils  of  bishops  it  Avas  no  unusual  thing  for 
the  signatures  appended  to  the  canons  to  be  written  by  one 
bishop  for  many,  the  formula  in  each  running  thus  :  "  A.  B., 

bishop  of ,  having  affirmed  that  he  is  unable  to  write, 

I,  whose  name  is  underwritten,  have  subscribed  for  him." 

Gloomy,  however,  as  this  period  is,  an  occurrence  took 
place  in  it  of  deep  interest  to  the  people  of  England.  This 
was  nothing  less  than  the  commencement  of  a  practice 
which  paved  the  way  for  the  supremacy  of  the  Roman  See 
over  the  bishops  and  clergy  of  Britain.  In  668  the  Pontiff 
Vitalian  consecrated  to  the  archbishopric  of  Canterbury  one 
Theodore,  a  native  of  Tarsus,  in  Cilicia,  but  in  other  respects 
little  more  like  the  apostle  Paul  than  the  rest  of  his  breth- 
ren. Theodore  was  a  man  of  considerable  learning,  and 
brought  with  him  into  England  a  valuable  library  of  Greek 
and  Latin  authors,  among  which  were  the  poems  of  Homer. 
He  soon  estabhshed  schools  for  the  education  of  both  clergy 
and  laity,  and  thus  gave  a  slight  impulse  to  learning,  though 
so  slight  that  Alfred  the  Great,  at  his  accession,  could  find 
very  few  priests  north  of  the  Humber  who  were  able  to  trans- 
late the  Latin  service  into  the  vulgar  tongue,  and  south  of  the 
Thames  not  one.  Theodore  was  also  a  devoted  servant  of 
the  Pope,  and  it  took  him  not  long  to  discover  that,  how- 
ever rapid,  almost  to  a  miracle,  the  success  of  Augustine 
and  his  followers  had  been,  there  were  still  many  irregu- 
larities, chiefly  in  forms  and  discipline,  which  a  faithful  son 
of  Rome  must  seek  to  rectify.     Foremost  of  these  was  the 


POWER  OF  THE  POPES  STEALTHILY  INCREASED.  91 

form  of  the  tonsure.  While  the  Roman  priests  wore  their 
hair  round  the  temples,  in  imitation  of  a  crown  of  thorns, 
they  were  horror-struck  at  the  clergy  of  Britain,  who,  ac- 
cording to  the  custom  of  the  eastern  Church,  shaved  it  from 
their  foreheads  in  the  form  of  a  crescent;  and  Theodore 
himself,  who  wore  the  eastern  tonsure  at  the  time  of  his 
being  called  to  the  primacy,  was  obliged  to  wait  for  four 
months  before  entering  on  his  functions,  that  his  hair  might 
grow  so  as  to  be  shaven  in  the  orthodox,  that  is,  the  Roman 
mode.  He  now  endeavored  to  induce  the  British  clergy  to 
conform  in  this  and  other  respects  to  the  ritual  of  Rome ; 
and,  in  a  council  convened  at  Hertford  in  the  year  673,  he 
so  eflFectually  urged  his  cause,  that  the  bishops  consented  to 
the  canons  he  had  brought  from  Rome,  and  a  complete 
agreement  was  established  with  the  Papal  See,  both  in  wor- 
ship and  faith. 

Triumphant  in  obtaining  conformity,  Theodore's  next 
object  was  to  secure  entire  subjection  to  Rome.  He  there- 
fore asserted  his  right  to  the  primacy  of  all  England,  and 
proceeded  to  re-arrange  the  dioceses  of  the  north  which 
belonged  to  Wilfred,  Archbishop  of  York.  The  latter,  no 
less  servile  to  the  Pope,  and  equally  bent  on  personal  ag- 
grandizement, immediately  appealed  to  Rome,  and  the  Pon- 
tijQf,  perhaps  as  a  reward  for  setting  so  loyal  an  example, 
pronounced  Wilfred's  claim  to  be  just.  This  practice  of 
appealing  to  the  Pope  as  supreme  arbiter  in  ecclesiastical 
disputes,  became  more  and  more  common,  till  the  papal 
authority  was  as  paramount  in  Britain  as  in  other  parts  of 
the  west. 


92  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

MOHAMMEDANISM  AND  THE   IMAGE  CONTROVERSY THEIR 

EFFECTS  ON  THE  PAPACY. A.  D.  609-730. 

Barren  of  events  as  was  the  western  world  during  the  sev- 
enth century,  a  new  power  had  arisen  in  the  east,  which 
was  destined  to  make  all  Europe  tremble,  and  which  bore 
an  aspect  of  determined  hostility  to  the  establishment  of 
a  papal  throne.  In  the  year  609  Mohammed  proclaimed 
himself  the  founder  of  a  new  religion.  For  thirteen  years 
he  persisted,  in  spite  of  much  opposition  and  persecution, 
especially  from  the  people  of  his  own  tribe,  in  preaching 
his  new  doctrines.  Like  many  reformers,  however,  he  was 
more  popular  abroad  than  at  home,  and  when,  in  the  year 
622,  he  fled  for  safety  to  Medina,  he  suddenly  found  him- 
self at  the  head  of  a  large  and  devoted  band  of  disciples. 

Mohammed  now  began  to  display  the  vices  which  pros- 
perity and  power  are  so  apt  to  develop.  At  first  he  was 
content  to  punish  those  only  who  had  previously  persecuted 
himself  or  his  followers,  and  withstood  his  doctrine.  But 
ere  long  he  conceived  the  idea  of  spreading,  by  violence 
and  compulsion,  the  rehgion  of  which  he  styled  himself  the 
prophet.  "Diflferent  prophets,"  said  he,  "have  been  sent 
by  God  to  illustrate .  his  different  attributes — Moses,  his 
providence ;  Solomon,  his  wisdom,  majesty,  and  glory ; 
Jesus  Christ,  his  righteousness,  omniscience,  and  power. 
None  of  these  attributes,  however,  have  been  suflScent  to 
enforce  conviction,  and  even  the  miracles  of  Moses  and  Je- 
sus have  been  received  with  unbelief.  I,  therefore,  the  last 
of  the  prophets,  have  been  sent  with  the  swordT 

From  the  first  publication  of  this  manifesto,  the  sword  of 
Mohammed  and  his  successors  was  never  sheathed  till  it 
had  established  a  vast  empire,  comprising  extensive  por- 
tions of  Asia,  Africa,  and  Europe,     A  religion  to  be  propa- 


MOHAMMEDANISM  AND  THE  IMAGE  CONTROVERSY.  93 

gated  by  conquest  was  exactly  suited  to  the  fierce  charac- 
ter of  the  Arab  tribes,  and  they  promptly  enlisted  under 
the  banners  of  Omar,  Khaled,  and  Mohammed's  other  chief 
captains.  The  Asiatic  provinces,  for  which  Heraclius,  em- 
peror of  the  east,  and  Khosru,  king  of  Persia,  had  so  long 
contended,  were  among  the  first  to  fall  under  the  dynasty 
of  the  caliphs  of  Bagdad.  Victory  followed  victory ;  Per- 
sia, Syria,  Palestine,  and  Egypt,  submitted  in  rapid  succes- 
sion to  their  Saracen  invaders.  In  twelve  years  they  re- 
duced to  obedience  thirty-six  thousand  cities,  towns,  or 
castles,  destroyed  four  thousand  temples,  or  churches,  and 
built  fourteen  hundred  mosques,  dedicated  to  the  religion 
of  their  founder.  They  did  not  stay  their  progress  till  they 
had  subjugated  the  Moors,  and  brought  all  Africa,  from 
Alexandria  to  Tangier,  under  their  lordly  sway. 

It  is  only  too  probable  a  conjecture,  that  one  reason  why 
Mohammed  chose  to  fabricate  for  himself  a  new  and  mot- 
ley creed  rather  than  adopt  Christianity,  from  which  he 
borrowed  so  many  of  his  cardinal  doctrines,  was,  that  the 
Christianity  he  looked  upon  was  so  corrupted  as  not  to 
recommend  itself  to  the  judgment  of  a  penetrating  but 
iUiterate  mind.  He  was,  doubtless,  able  to  perceive  that  it 
must  have  degenei-ated  greatly  from  the  sublime  and  simple 
teachings  of  Him  who  came,  according  to  Mohammed's 
own  declaration,  to  proclaim  God's  righteousness,  omnis- 
cience, and  power.  One  of  the  earliest  charges  brought 
against  the  Christians  by  the  Arabian  impostor,  or  reformer, 
as  he  is  variously  designated,  was  that  of  idolatry,  arising 
from  the  universal  prevalence  among  them  of  the  worship 
of  relics  and  images  of  the  saints.  We  have  seen  that 
Gregory  the  Great  rather  encouraged  than  opposed  the 
worship  of  images  and  the  adoration  of  the  Virgin.  In  the 
east,  moreover,  to  which,  of  course  Mohammed's  knowledge 
was  confined,  these  practices  had  become  popular  much 
sooner  than  in  the  west.  But  in  the  dark  century  that  fol- 
lowed the  death  of  Gregory,  the  adherents  of  the  Pope 


94  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

eagerly  adopted  all  the  superstitious  customs  of  their 
eastern  brethren,  and  image-worship  was  now  univers- 
ally regarded  as  an  essential  part  of  the  orthodox  re- 
ligion. 

Such  was  the  state  of  Christendom  when  Gregory  II. 
assumed  the  robes  of  the  pontificate,  in  the  year  715.  He 
was  a  native  of  Rome,  and  possessed  considerable  patriotic 
spirit — a  feature  which  the  calamities  in  store  for  the  city 
were  well  calculated  to  develop.  In  daring  conceptions, 
resolute  decision,  and  energetic  action,  he  bore  a  close  re- 
semblance to  his  predecessor  of  the  same  name,  and  was 
not  unlike  him  in  his  zeal  for  enlarging  the  Church's  boun- 
daries, and  in  upholding  the  traditional  forms  of  religion. 

Events  soon  occurred  which  gave  occasion  for  the  dis- 
play of  all  these  qualities.  In  7 17  Leo  the  Isaurian  mount- 
ed the  throne  of  the  east.  He  was  of  barbarous  extraction, 
and  had  passed  his  early  life  among  the  mountaineers  of  his 
native  province  in  Asia  Minor.  There  also  it  is  not  un- 
likely that  he  mingled  much  with  the  followers  of  Moham- 
med, and  thus  contracted  a  dislike  to  the  idolatrous  prac- 
tice of  image- worship,  so  prevalent  among  his  subjects  when 
he  came  to  the  throne. 

At  this  time  a  sect  had  arisen  in  the  empire  which  sought 
to  restore  the  Christian  worship  to  its  primiti^^e  simplicity, 
aiming  in  the  first  place  to  abolish  the  adoration  of  pictures 
and  statues.  From  Leo  these  iconoclasts /or  image-break- 
ers, received  much  countenance  and  aid,  at  first  in  secret, 
and  in  the  twelfth  year  of  his  reign  by  open  and  avowed 
support.  The  emperor  then  issued  an  edict,  commanding 
all  images  to  be  removed  from  the  altars  and  chancels  of 
the  churches,  and  placed  at  such  a  height  that  while  they 
continued  visible  to  the  eye,  they  should  be  too  remote  to 
inspire  superstitious  veneration.  But  this  measure,  as  might 
have  been  expected,  proved  wholly  ineffectual  in  altering 
the  habits  of  the  people.  By  another  edict,  therefore,  Leo 
proscribed  images  altogether,  commanded  them  to  be  re- 


MOHAMMEDANISM  AND  THE  IMAGE  CONTROVERSY.  95 

moved  from  all  clmrclies  in  his  dominions,  and  the  niches 
they  had  occupied  to  be  filled  up  with  cement. 

So  peremptory  an  interference  with  the  customs  of  the 
Church  was  sure  to  arouse  a  fierce  opposition  both  from 
clergy  and  laity.  When  the  officers  of  the  emperor  pro- 
ceeded to  put  the  edict  in  force,  they  met  with  the  most 
determined  resistance.  An  image  of  the  Saviour  had  long 
stood  above  the  gateway  of  the  imperial  palace  at  Constan- 
tinople, and  this  was  directed  to  be  the  first  taken  down. 
A  ladder  was  planted  against  the  wall,  and  some  soldiers 
mounted  it  to  demolish  the  figure ;  but  a  crowd  of  women, 
who  had  assembled  to  witness  the  sacrilege,  cried  out  for 
an  assault,  and  the  ladder  was  so  furiously  shaken,  that  the 
soldiers  were  dashed  from  the  summit,  and  were  killed  by 
the  violence  of  their  fall  on  the  pavement  of  the  street. 

Similar  scenes  occun'ed  in  almost  every  city  of  the  em- 
pire. The  islands  of  the  Archipelago,  in  which  monasteries 
were  innumerable,  and  images  universally  regarded  as  sa- 
cred, boldly  armed  a  fleet  of  boats  and  galleys,  which 
steered  direct  for  Constantinople  to  dethrone  the  impious 
emperor.  This  rebellion  itself  was,  indeed,  quickly  quelled, 
but  the  bitter  spirit  of  rehgious  strife  was  not  so  easily 
hushed,  and  the  image  controversy  continued  for  many 
years  to  vex  the  professed  believers  in  Christ,  without  at- 
taining any  decisive  or  useful  result. 

Upon  the  arrival  of  the  imperial  edict  in  Rome,  it  threw 
the  whole  city  into  tumult.  From  the  time  of  Gregory  the 
Great  the  popes  had  been  the  most  zealous  promoters  of 
the  practice  now  prohibited ;  and  the  emperor's  authority, 
which  had  long  been  waning  in  Rome,  was  not  likely  to  be 
implicitly  acknowledged  in  a  matter  so  nearly  touching  the 
gains  of  the  priesthood. 

The  Gregory  who  now  ruled  the  Church  was  prompt 
and  daring  m  his  measures.  He  strictly  forbade  compli- 
ance with  the  royal  decree,  and  wrote  letters  to  the  empe- 
ror, in  which  he  fearlessly  used  the  harshest  language  of 


&6  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

rebuke,  and  even  extolled  the  rebellious  act  of  the  populace 
in  Constantinople  in  murdering  the  spoilers  of  the  conse- 
crated statues.  "You  accuse  the  Catholics  of  idolatry," 
wrote  the  haughty  Pope,  "  and  by  the  accusation  you  be- 
tray your  own  impiety  and  ignorance.  To  this  ignorance 
we  are  compelled  to  adapt  the  grossness  of  our  style  and 
argument.  The  first  elements  of  sacred  learning  are  enough 
to  confute  you ;  and  were  you  to  enter  a  grammar-school, 
and  avow  yourself  the  enemy  of  our  worship,  the  simple 
and  pious  children  would  be  provoked  to  throw  their  horn- 
books at  your  head.  You  assault  us,  tyrant,  with  a  mili- 
tary array.  Unarmed  and  defenseless,  we  can  only  implore 
the  Christ,  the  Prince  of  the  heavenly  host,  that  he  will  send 
unto  you  a  devil  for  the  destruction  of  your  body  and  the 
salvation  of  your  soul.  You  say,  with  foolish  arrogance,  *  I 
will  dispatch  my  orders  to  Rome ;  I  will  break  in  pieces 
the  image  of  St.  Peter ;  and  Gregory,  like  his  predecessor 
Martin,  shall  be  transported  in  chains  to  the  foot  of  the  im- 
perial throne.'  But  we  are  not  reduced  to  risk  our  safety 
on  the  event  of  a  combat.  Incapable  as  you  are  of  defend- 
ing your  Roman  subjects,  the  maritime  situation  of  the 
city  may,  perhaps,  expose  it  to  your  depredations ;  but  we 
can  remove  to  the  first  fortress  of  the  Lombards,  and  then — 
you  may  pursue  the  winds.  The  barbarians  have  submitted 
to  the  yoke  of  the  gospel,  while  you  alone  are  deaf  to  the 
voice  of  the  shepherd.  These  pious  barbarians  are  kindled 
into  rage ;  they  thirst  to  avenge  the  persecutions  of  the 
east.  Abandon  your  rash  and  fatal  enterprise  ;  reflect, 
tremble,  and  repent!  If  you  persist,  we  are  innocent  of 
the  blood  that  will  be  spilt  in  the  contest ;  may  it  fall  on 
your  own  head !" 

This  angry,  vehement,  and  unchristian  epistle  was  soon 
followed  up  by  corresponding  actions.  Indeed,  Gregory 
had  no  alternative ;  for  after  such  a  treasonable  defiance 
submission  would  have  been  certain  death.  He  therefore 
boldly  armed  the  citizens,  and  in  pastoral  letters  admon- 


MOHAMMEDANISM  AND  THE  IMAGE  CONTROVERSY.         97 

ished  the  Italians  generally  of  their  duty,  and  summoned 
them  into  the  field.  The  entire  exarchate  was  convulsed 
with  revolt,  and  the  Venetians  and  Lombards  promised 
their  assistance  in  defense  of  holy  images  and  the  Pope. 
The  people  threw  down  the  statues  of  Leo  from  their  ped- 
estals, and  even  declared  themselves  willing  to  create  a 
new  and  orthodox  emperor,  and  with  fleet  and  army  t6 
conduct  him  to  the  palace  at  Constantinople. 

Leo  on  his  part  was  by  no  means  inactive.  Expeditions 
were  fitted  out,  and  several  assaults  were  made  upon  Rome, 
in  which  some  Italians  were  found  ready  to  assist.  A  deci- 
sive battle  was  at  last  fought  under  the  walls  of  Ravenna,  in 
which  the  arms  of  the  emperor  experienced  a  signal  defeat, 
and  the  waters  of  the  Po  were  said  to  be  so  deeply  tinged 
with  blood  that  its  fish  were  unfit  to  be  eaten  for  several 
months.  The  people,  overjoyed  with  their  triumph,  ap- 
pointed an  annual  feast  to  perpetuate  the  worship  of  images 
and  the  expulsion  of  the  Greek  tyrant ;  while  the  Pontiff 
called  together  a  synod  of  ninety-three  bishops,  which  fer- 
vently denounced  the  heresies  of  the  iconoclasts,  and,  by 
excommunicating  as  heretics  all  who  departed  from  the  tra- 
ditions of  the  fathers,  placed  the  ban  of  the  Church  upon 
the  emperor  himself. 

From  this  period  the  eastern  emperors  never  regained 
their  authority  in  Rome.  The  citizens  were  left  to  choose 
their  own  magistrates,  and  elect  their  own  senate ;  but 
though  they  revived  the  forms  of  the  ancient  constitution, 
it  was  impossible  to  recall  to  existence  the  spirit  of  freedom 
with  which  that  constitution  had  been  instinct.  Requiring 
a  government  of  firmness  and  stability,  and  unable  to  sup- 
ply the  want  from  among  themselves,  the  citizens  naturally 
looked  to  their  bishop  for  guidance  and  control,  and  tacitly 
consented  to  his  assuming  the  position  of  chief  magistrate 
or  prince  of  the  city.  Thus,  in  the  year  730,  the  founda- 
tion was  laid  for  the  temporal  sovereignty  of  the  Pope  ;  the 
title  of  Dominus  was  added  to  that  of  Servus  Servorum  ; 

5 


98  LIV^S   OF  THE   POPES. 

and  the  humble  successor  of  the  "fisherman"  was  trans- 
formed into  Our  Lord  the  Pope. 

But  the  sweets  of  Hbertj  are  seldom  unmingled ;  and 
although  Rome  was  now  freed  from  subjection  to  the  em- 
peror, it  became  all  the  more  exposed  to  the  attacks  of  the 
Lombard  king's,  whose  domain  comprehended  most  of  the 
regions  adjacent  to  the  city.  This  defenseless  condition 
soon  attracted  the  attention  of  Liitprand,  the  reigning  king,, 
who,  in  the  hope  of  adding  Rome  to  bis  possessions,  quickly 
assembled  his  troops  beneath  her  venerable  walls. 

Gregory,  now  sovereign  as  well  as  bishap,  was  filled  with 
deep  anxiety  for  the  safety  of  his  native  city,  and  at  first 
sent  for  help  to  Charles  Martel,  the  heroic  defender  of 
France  from  Saracenic  invasion.  Eventually  the  Pope 
found  that  the  more  legitimate  weapon  of  persuasion  might 
be  wielded  as  successfully  as  the  sword ;  and  Liitprand, 
moved  by  his  eloquent  entreaties,  withdrew  his  forces  from 
the  neighborhood,  and  then,  entering  the  city  alone,  went 
devoutly  to  St.  Peter's,  and  there  offered  his  sword  and 
dagger,  his  cuirass  and  mantle,  his  silver  cross  and  crown 
of  gold,  on  the  tomb  of  the  apostle. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

STRUGGLE  OF  THE  POPES  WITH  THE  LOMBARDS THE  POPE- 
DOM BECOMES  A  SOVEREIGNTY. A.  D.  730-754. 

The  now  divided  and  defenseless  state  of  Italy,  combined 
with  the  ambitious  character  of  the  Lombard  king,  rendered 
the  papal  throne  a  very  insecure  possession,  notwithstand- 
ing the  submission  and  homage  of  Liitprand.  The  next 
pontiff,  Gregory  IIL,  found  considerable  difficulty  in  main- 
taining his  ground  against  this  warlike  and  aspiring  prince, 
and  had  recourse  to  the  stratagem  of  fomenting  discords 
among  the  Lombards  themselves. 


THE  POPEDOM  BECOMES  A  SOVEREIGNTY.        99 

In  741  Zachary  ascended  the  papal  tlirone,  and  finding 
Liitprand  bent  on  hostilities,  in  consequence  of  the  support 
given  by  his  predecessor  to  some  rebellious  nobles,  he  re- 
solved to  disarm  the  king  by  showing  a  pacific  and  friendly 
disposition.  Under  his  directions,  the  Romans  joined  their 
force  with  the  Lombards  to  reduce  the  rebels  to  obedience ; 
and  Liitprand,  in  return,  entered  into  cordial  relations  with 
the  Pope,  and  promised  the  restoration  to  the  Roman  State 
of  certain  cities  which  had  been  captured  in  the  recent  wars. 

This  promise  not  being  immediately  performed,  Zachary 
was  fearful  of  some  deception,  and  decided  on  paying  a 
personal  visit  to  Pavia,  the  Lombard  metropolis.  Leaving 
Rome  with  a  splendid  retinue  of  bishops  and  priests,  he 
quickly  announced  his  arrival  to  Liitprand,  who,  though 
earnestly  dissuaded  by  his  officers,  determined  to  give  him 
a  friendly  reception.  Zachary,  with  great  ceremony  and 
pomp,  entered  the  presence  of  the  Lombard  chief  and  used 
all  his  eloquence  to  persuade  him  to  restore  the  captured 
cities.  Forgetting  that  his  own  motives  were  altogether 
selfish  and  worldly,  he  reminded  Liitprand  of  the  vanity 
of  all  temporal  grandeur,  and  of  the  awful  account  which 
must  hereafter  be  given  for  all  acts  of  violence  and  robbery. 
The  fears  of  the  king  were  so  excited  by  this  cunning  dis- 
course that  he  cried  out  in  a  loud  voice  :  "The  cities  are 
no  longer  mine.  As  they  properly  belong  to  the  apostle 
Peter,  I  hereby  restore  them  to  Zachary  his  successor.  He 
made  a  present,  at  the  same  time,  to  the  Pope  of  several 
large  estates  in  various  parts  of  Italy,  and  tlie  successfiil 
Pontiff  returned  joyfully  to  Rome,  escorted  to  the  banks 
of  the  Po  by  the  soldiers  of  Lutprand. 

The  entire  pohcy  of  Zachary  was  peaceful ;  and,  though 
he  did  not  forget  to  advance  as  much  as  possible  the  tem- 
poral interests  of  his  see,  Italy  was  on  the  whole  much  in- 
debted to  his  efforts  for  the  maintenance  of  order  in  a  very 
turbulent  age.  Yet  it  was  Zachary  who  first  set  the  ex- 
ample of  papal  interference  in  the  affairs  of  neighboring 


100  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

States  —  a  practice  wliich  was  so  heartily  followed  by  his 
successors  as  to  render  the  Pope  a  political  nuisance  to 
Europe.  The  occasion  of  this  step  was  the  troubled  con- 
dition of  France. 

Charles  Martel,  who,  by  his  decisive  victory  at  the  battle 
of  Poictiers  in  732,  had  rolled  back  the  tide  of  Saracenic 
invasion,  which  threatened  to  overwhelm  the  west  as  it  had 
already  done  the  east,  had  further  enhanced  his  claims  to 
the  gratitude  of  posterity  by  giving  to  France  a  strong  in- 
stead of  an  imbecile  government.  He  had  set  aside  the 
impotent  and  idiotic  Merovingian  line  of  princes,  and,  though 
not  daring  to  assume  the  name  of  king,  had  transmitted  the 
real  sovereignty  to  his  own  son,  Pepin,  with  the  general  ap- 
proval of  the  nation. 

But  in  effecting  this  sweeping  and  highly  necessary  re- 
form, Charles  had  earned  the  bitter  hatred  of  the  clergy, 
since  he  had  not  scrupled  to  levy  a  tax  on  their  rich  estates, 
which  from  the  days  of  Constantine  the  Great  had  been 
exempt  from  such  burdens.  For  this  application  of  their 
property  the  priesthood  never  forgave  him,  and  both  in 
their  writings  and  their  harangues  pitilessly  consigned  his 
soul,  without  hope  of  release,  to  the  dungeons  of  the  eter- 
nally lost.  By  proclaiming  this  from  every  pulpit  in  the 
land,  they  hoped  to  terrify  all  future  rulers  who  might 
meditate  similar  encroachments. 

So  effectually  did  these  fierce  declamations  alarm  the 
superstitious  son  and  successor  of  Charles,  that  he  used 
every  imaginable  means  to  soothe  the  anger  of  the  clergy 
and  conciliate  their  support ;  and  to  effect  this  object  he,  in 
751,  besought  the  aid  of  the  Pope. 

Though  virtually  possessed  of  the  sovereign  power,  he 
had  never  yet  dared  to  assume  the  title  of  king.  A  youth 
of  the  Merovingian  race  still  bore  that  nominal  honor,  by 
the  name  of  Childeric  III.,  and  as  he  was  now  arriving  at 
years  of  manhood,  (a  rare  occurrence  in  that  degenerate 
house,)  Pepin  thought  it  safer  to  set  him  wholly  aside,  and 


THE  POPEDOM  BECOMES  A  SOVEREIGNTY.       101 

to  ascend  the  throne  in  person.  But  this  he  dared  not  at- 
tempt without  the  consent  of  the  clergy ;  and  to  secure 
their  good-will  he  determined  to  stoop  so  low  as  to  ask  the 
Pope's  permission  to  the  step  he  contemplated  taking. 
"  Is  it  not  lawful,"  said  Pepin's  messenger  to  Zachary, 
"  for  a  valiant  and  warlike  people  to  dethrone  a  pusillani- 
mous and  indolent  monarch,  and  to  substitute  in  his  place 
one  who  is  worthy  to  rule  ?"  The  Pontiff  well  knew  the 
importance  of  so  powerful  an  ally  as  Pepin  promised  to  be, 
and,  governed  evidently  by  this  selfish  consideration,  re- 
plied :  "  It  is  meet  that  he  who  possesses  the  real  power  and 
government  of  the  State  should  also  be  acknowledged  king." 
This  valuable  piece  of  service  was  amply  recompensed 
by  Pepin  to  Zachary's  successor  in  the  popedom,  Ste- 
phen III.,  who  commenced  his  reign  in  752.  The  Lom- 
bards still  continued  to  agitate  the  duchies  of  northern 
Italy  by  their  ambitious  projects,  and  Astolph,  the  present 
king,  not  content  with  the  sovereignty  of  the  region  in 
which  the  Lombards  had  settled  unopposed,  aimed  now  at 
appropriating  Ravenna  and  its  subject  territory,  still  gov- 
erned by  the  exarch  of  the  eastern  emperor.  In  the  course 
of  his  depredations  he  threatened  and  even  laid  siege  to 
Rome ;  and  the  Pontiff  Stephen,  looking  around  for  help 
in  the  emergency,  bethought  himself  of  the  Frankish  king. 
Apprehensive,  however,  that  his  cry  from  a  distance  would 
hardly  be  heard,  the  Pope  resolved  on  a  personal  visit  to 
France,  and  in  the  winter  season  set  out  on  his  journey 
across  the  Alps.  In  the  town  of  Pontyon  he  was  met  by 
Pepin,  who  saluted  him  both  with  kindness  and  with  rev- 
erence, probably  knowing  that  in  doing  homage  to  the  head 
of  the  Church  he  was  securing  the  best  guarantee  for  his 
own  possession  of  the  crown.  On  meeting  the  Pontiff,  Pe- 
pin alighted  from  his  horse,  bowed  down  his  face  to  the 
ground,  and  then  walked  in  all  humiUty  by  the  side  of  Ste- 
phen, holding  the  bridle  of  his  horse,  and  performing  all 
the  functions  of  an  esquire. 


102  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

But  next  day  it  was  the  Pope's  turn  to  be  humble.  In 
a  private  interview,  he  told  the  king  the  melancholy  situa- 
tion of  Rome,  and  falling  on  his  knees,  implored  him,  with 
prayers  and  tears,  to  lead  his  intrepid  warriors  across  the 
Alps,  to  the  discomfiture  of  the  Lombards,  and  the  deliv- 
erance of  the  apostolic  city.  Pepin  hearkened  to  his  peti- 
tion, and  Stephen  joyfully  repassed  the  Alps,  not  as  a  sup- 
pliant, but  as  a  conqueror,  at  the  head  of  a  French  army, 
led  by  the  king  in  person.  The  result  can  be  easily  fore- 
seen. Astolph  was  compelled  to  raise  the  siege  of  Rome 
to  defend  his  own  metropohs,  Pavia,  and  Pepin  finally  ex- 
torted from  him  a  solemn  promise  to  restore  all  the  estates 
of  the  Roman  Church. 

The  visit  of  the  Pontifi"  to  France  had  been  rendered  fur- 
ther remarkable  by  the  pubhc  and  stately  performance  of 
the  ceremony  of  coronation,  which  Pepin  had  not  till  then 
found  time  to  attend  to.  The  celebration  took  place  in  the 
monastery  of  St.  Denis,  to  which  all  the  nobility  of  France 
thronged  for  the  spectacle.  To  the  other  rites  of  the  ser- 
vice, Stephen  on  this  occasion  added  that  of  anointing  the 
kincr,  after  the  manner  of  the  ancient  Jews.  He  then 
solemnly  placed  the  diadem  on  the  head  of  Pepin,  who 
pledged  himself  in  return  to  be  the  ever  faithful  guardian 
of  the  Roman  See. 

The  promise  which  Pepin  had  extorted  from  the  Lom- 
bards was  violated  almost  as  soon  as  the  French  monarch 
had  turned  on  his  homeward  march.  Instead  of  restoring 
the  possessions  of  the  Church,  Astolph  commenced  new 
aggressions,  and  Stephen  hastily  dispatched  messengers  to 
recall  the  king,  beseeching  him,  in  a  letter  full  of  passion- 
ate entreaty,  not  to  forsake  the  city  which  he  had  sworn  to 
protect.  In  this  letter  the  Pope  wrote  under  the  name  and 
character  of  Peter  the  apostle.  The  writer  says,  that 
though  dead  in  body  he  still  lives  in  spirit,  and  expects  in- 
stant obedience  from  all  who  venerate  him  as  the  founder 
of  the  Roman  Church.     He  says  that  the  Virgin,  the  an- 


THE  POPEDOM  BECOMES  A   (SOVEREIGNTY.  103 

gels,  the  saints,  the  martyrs,  and  all  the  host  of  heaven 
unanimously  urge  the  request,  and  will  confess  the  obliga- 
tion. He  promises,  riches,  victory,  and  paradise,  if  Pepin 
will  make  the  attempt ;  but  denounces  eternal  perdition  if 
he  shall  suflfer  the  apostolic  city,  temple,  and  tomb,  to  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  Lombards. 

Whether  Pepin  regarded  this  letter  as  actually  dictated 
by  the  glorified  apostle,  or  whether,  as  is  more  hkely,  he 
considered  it  as  a  rhetorical  appeal  from  the  Pope  himself, 
he  immediately  complied  with  its  request.  His  march  was 
as  rapid,  and  his  victory  as  decisive  on  this  as  on  the  for- 
mer occasions.  He  moreover  entirely  humbled  the  power 
of  the  Lombard  king,  and  wrested  from  him  some  of  his 
fairest  provinces,  conferring  them  on  the  Pope,  as  the  inal- 
ienable patrimony  of  St.  Peter's  successors.  The  document 
which  formally  conveyed  to  the  Pope  the  whole  territory 
which  had  previously  belonged  to  the  emperor,  and  the  keys 
of  the  several  cities  contained  in  that  district,  were  devoutly 
laid  by  the  French  king  upon  the  tomb  of  the  apostle,  and 
Pepin  hoped  by  such  superstitious  and  obsequious  reverence 
for  the  Church  to  expiate  the  crimes  of  a  blood-stained  hfe. 

Not  the  least  melancholy  part  of  this  spectacle  is  the  at- 
titude assumed  by  the  Pope,  who  is  seen,  as  the  professed 
head  of  the  Church,  inculcating  such  degrading  supersti- 
tions for  his  own  selfish  and  mercenary  ends. 

Thus,  then,  it  came  to  pass  that  the  comparatively  nom- 
inal sovereignty  which  was  grasped  by  Gregory  IL,  when 
he  revolted  from  his  allegiance  to  the  Emperor  Leo,  was 
now  converted  by  the  arms  of  Pepin  into  a  real  and  sub- 
stantial dominion.  From  this  time  the  popes  take  their 
place  in  history  among  the  sovereigns  of  Europe — a  place 
which  they  occupy  at  the  present  day,  though  after  many 
and  wonderful  mutations,  both  in  the  amount  of  their 
power  and  the  extent  of  their  domains.  But  although  the 
popes  had  changed  their  real  character,  and  had  become 
civil  instead  of  spiritual  rulers,  they  by  no  means  relinquished 


104  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

their  spiritual  pretensions.  Well  knowing  the  influence 
of  religious  rites  in  governing  mankind,  they  still  retained 
the  forms,  the  names,  and  the  observances  appertaining  to 
a  Church.  They  called  their  officers  a  priesthood,  and 
their  subjects  their  spiritual  children.  And  in  palming 
this  gross  imposition  on  the  world,  the  Pontiff  of  Rome 
never  received  more  powerful  or  effectual  aid  than  when 
Pepin  stooped  to  accept  at  his  hands  the  crown  of  the 
French  kingdom.  By  this  act  he  sanctioned  the  claim  of 
the  Roman  bishop  to  universal  supremacy,  and  gave  color 
to  the  arrogant  assertion  which  was  made  by  later  pontiffs, 
of  precedence  and  even  lordship  over  merely  temporal 
monarchs. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

CHARLEMAGNE  DEFENDS  THE  POPES  FROM  THE  LOMBARDS. 

A.  D.  754-774. 

The  possessions  which  the  Pope  had  so  suddenly  acquired 
were  not  long  uninterruptedly  enjoyed,  and  the  lustre  of 
his  new  diadem  grew  dim  beneath  the  overshadowing  can- 
opy of  that  mighty  empire  which  was  erected  by  Pepin's 
famous  son,  the  Emperor  Charlemagne.  Although  Pepin 
left  three  sons,  the  whole  of  his  dominions  remained,  by  the 
death  of  the  two  brothers,  in  the  hands  of  Charles,  by  the 
time  the  latter  was  twenty-six  years  of  age.  This  young 
king  was  of  majestic  appearance,  his  height  being  nearly 
seven  feet,  and  his  strength  proportioned  to  so  great  a  stat- 
ure. Sprung  from  a  warlike  race,  he  even  surpassed  his 
sires  in  the  endowments  which  qualify  for  the  subjugation 
and  government  of  mankind. 

His  first  years,  however,  were  more  worthily  employed 
than  in  a  career  of  bloodshed  and  conquest.  Under  the 
direction  of  the  most  learned  clergy  that  could  be  attracted 
to  his  court,  he  studied  various  languages,  becoming  quite 


CHARLEMAGNE  DEFENDS  THE  POPES.        105 

proficient  in  Latin,  and  not  meanly  skilled  in  Greek ;  and 
gained  as  much  knowledge  as  his  instructors  could  bestow 
in  the  natural  sciences  and  general  literature  of  that  illiter- 
ate age.  Throughout  the  life  of  Charlemagne,  it  continued 
to  be  one  of  the  best  features  in  his  character,  that  he  en- 
couraged learning  of  every  sort,  both  by  patronage  and  by 
example.  The  eminent  English  scholar,  Alcuin,  was  his 
special  favorite ;  and  in  the  years  of  repose  that  followed 
his  successful  wars,  he  took  great  dehght  in  gathering 
around  him  all  men  of  genius  and  talent,  so  that  his  court 
presented  a  striking  and  illustrious  contrast  to  those  of  co- 
temporary  monarchs. 

But  while  Charlemagne  was  pursuing  this  peaceful  and 
studious  course  of  life,  events  were  occurring  in  Italy  which 
paved  the  way  for  his  invasion  of  that  country,  and  the 
commencement  of  his  warlike  career. 

On  the  death  of  Paul  I.  in  766,  whose  popedom  was 
only  marked  by  perpetual  quarrels  with  the  Lombards,  the 
papal  throne  was  occupied  a  whole  year  by  a  person  named 
Const ANTiNE,  whom  the  Romanist  historians,  for  the  most 
part,  pass  over  in  discreet  silence,  lest  the  opposition  of 
popes,  all  infallible,  should  become  too  apparent.  Constan- 
tine  seems  to  have  been  elected  by  the  suflFrages  of  a  large 
party  of  both  clergy  and  laity,  and  in  all  probability  had  as 
legitimate  a  title  to  the  chair  as  any  of  his  predecessors. 

But  the  image  controversy  was  still  rife,  and  the  new 
Pope  took  the  unpopular  side,  advocating  very  earnestly 
the  disuse  of  images  altogether.  The  clergy,  offended  at 
the  innovation,  but  miable  to  restrain  the  Pope,  resolved  on 
dethroning  him,  and  sought,  not  the  votes  of  the  people, 
but  the  swords  of  their  Lombard  neighbors.  By  their  aid 
Constantine  was  forcibly  deposed,  and,  ha\ang  been  cruelly 
deprived  of  sight,  was  shut  up  in  a  convent. 

A  furious  defender  of  images  was  elected  his  successor, 
imder  the  title  of  Stephen  IV.,  but  so  much  in  opposition 
to  the  will  of  a  large  party  that  he  could  only  maintain  his 


106  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

seat  by  the  help  of  the  Lombards,  until  the  leaders  of  the 
insurrection  were  taken  and  incapacitated  for  future  revolt, 
according  to  the  barbarous  practice  of  the  age,  by  having 
their  eyes  put  out.  Either  to  gratify  revengeful  passions, 
or  to  support  at  all  costs  the  appearance  of  infallibility, 
Stephen  next  summoned  a  council  of  provincial  bishops  to 
assemble  in  the  Lateran  church,  which  abrogated  all  the 
decrees  of  Constantine,  deposed  all  the  bishops  whom  he 
had  ordained,  annulled  all  his  baptisms  and  chrisms,  and, 
according  to  some  historians,  actually  sentenced  him  to  be 
ignominiously  scourged,  and  then  put  to  death — a  decree 
which  was  executed  by  burning  him  in  the  nave  of  the 
church ! 

Stephen  IV.  appears  to  have  been  one  of  that  basest  class 
of  men  to  whose  breasts  even  gratitude  is  a  stranger.  The 
services  of  the  Lombards  had  placed  him  in  power,  and 
one  of  his  earliest  actions  was  to  requite  them  by  advising 
the  young  French  monarch  to  repudiate  an  aUiance  which 
he  had  formed  with  the  daughter  of  their  king — a  step 
which  ultimately  led  to  their  ruin  by  the  invasion  of  a 
French  army,  commanded  by  Charlemagne  in  person. 

Rather  in  compliance  with  his  mother's  wish  than  from 
any  personal  inclination,  Charlemagne  had  been  wedded  in 
his  youth  to  the  daughter  of  Desider,  the  Lombard  king — 
a  match  not  more  repugnant  to  his  own  taste  than  it  was 
offensive  to  the  Pontiff,  who  dreaded  the  great  influence  it 
would  give  to  his  Lombard  neighbors.  As  soon  as  the 
young  prince  was  possessed  of  sovereign  power  he  deter- 
mined to  divorce  his  wife,  and  the  Pope  very  readily  pro- 
nounced that  his  marriage  ought  not  to  be  regarded  as 
vahd;  "for,"  said  the  wily  priest,  "it  would  be  arrant 
folly  in  the  Franks  to  contaminate  their  noble  race  with  the 
perfidious  infected  blood  of  the  Lombards,  who  have 
brought  leprosy*  into  Italy,  and  who  do  not  deserve  to  be 
reckoned  among  nations.  Having  promised  to  St.  Peter  to 
^  The  Pope  here  alludes  to  the  Arian  heresy. 


CHARLEMAGNE  DEFENDS  THE  POPES.        lOT 

be  friends  of  his  friends,  and  enemies  to  his  enemies,  the 
Franks  ought  to  shun  the  alliance  of  the  Lombards,  who 
are  the  deadly  enemies  of  Rome."  Stephen  even  ventured 
to  conclude  his  epistle  by  threatening  the  French  king  with 
excommunication  if  he  spurned  this  advice,  reminding  him 
that  it  proceeded  from  St.  Peter,  on  whose  tomb  the  letter 
was  written. 

Charlemagne  was,  of  course,  not  backward  to  comply 
with  a  mandate  which,  whether  he  sought  it  or  not,  was 
certainly  highly  congenial  to  his  own  wishes.  But  Desider, 
the  Lombard  chief,  very  deeply  resented  the  insulting  and 
ungrateful  language  of  the  Pope,  and  inflicted  a  not  un- 
merited chastisement  by  harassing  his  life  with  perpetual 
threats  of  invasion,  and  by  making  frequent  predatory  in- 
cursions on  the  estates  of  the  Church.  Thus  the  pontifi- 
cate of  Stephen  IV.,  which  had  commenced  on  his  own 
part  in  bloodshed  and  cruelty,  was  retributively  ordained  to 
be  passed  in  violence  inflicted  on  him  by  the  hands  of 
others. 

The  enmity  of  the  Lombards  still  continued  to  show 
itself  after  the  accession  of  Adrian  I.,  who  received  the 
tiara  in  '772.  The  following  year,  Desider,  mindful  of  his 
former  injuries,  endeavored  to  force  the  Pope  to  anoint  and 
consecrate  two  nephews  of  Charlemagne,  residing  in  Italy, 
to  the  sovereignty  of  France,  and  on  Adrian's  refusal  re- 
newed his  hostilities  with  Rome.  Adrian  urged  Charle- 
magne to  undertake  the  quarrel ;  and  he  feeling  himself 
partly  involved,  and  perhaps  not  sorry  to  have  so  plausible 
an  excuse  for  invasion,  quickly  crossed  the  Alps,  and  be- 
sieged Desider  in  his  capital  of  Pa\ia,  continuing  the  block- 
ade for  nearly  a  year. 

It  is  said,  that  at  the  approach  of  the  French  army  the 
Lombard  king  stood  upon  the  battlements,  eagerly  search- 
ing with  his  eyes  for  his  daring  assailant;  and  that  at 
length  perceiving  Charlemagne,  mounted  on  an  iron-clad 
charger,  clothed  in  armor  from  head  to  foot,  and  conspic- 


108  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

uous  by  his  stature  amid  the  surrounding  throng,  he  was 
struck  with  such  amazement  at  his  awful  aspect,  that  he 
exclaimed  in  a  dejected  tone :  "  Let  us  descend  and  hide 
ourselves  beneath  the  earth  from  the  angry  glance  of  such 
a  powerful  foe !" 

On  receiving  the  submission  of  the  king,  Charlemagne 
sentenced  him  to  be  imprisoned  for  hfe  in  the  monastery  of 
Corvey,  and  then  proceeded  in  triumph  to  Rome,  where 
the  grateful  acknowledgments  of  the  Pope  and  the  citizens 
awaited  him. 

Arriving  for  the  first  time  in  view  of  the  walls  and  towers 
of  the  far-famed  city  on  Easter-eve,  774,  he  was  received 
with  all  the  honors  which  had  been  formerly  paid  to  the 
imperial  exarch.  No  sooner  was  Adrian  informed  of  his 
approach  than  he  dispatched  a  company  of  magistrates  and 
nobles,  who,  having  met  the  young  conqueror  at  the  dis- 
tance of  thirty  miles  from  Rome,  conducted  him  in  great 
state  to  her  gates.  The  Flaminian  Way  was  hned  for  a 
whole  mile  by  troops  of  citizens,  arranged  under  the  Greek, 
Lombard,  Roman,  or  Saxon  banners,  according  to  their  re- 
spective nations.  The  soldiers  were  under  arms,  and  bands 
of  children  waved  branches  of  trees,  and  sung  patriotic 
hymns  in  honor  of  their  great  deliverer.  The  clergy  and 
nobles  formed  themselves  into  a  procession,  preceded  by 
large  decorated  crosses  and  ensigns  of  the  saints.  As  soon 
as  these  emblems  met  the  eye  of  Charlemagne,  he  alighted 
from  his  horse,  and  proceeded  on  foot  to  the  stairs  of  the 
Vatican,  whose  steps  he  devoutly  kissed.  In  the  portico, 
Adrian  awaited  him,  and  leading  him  to  St.  Peter's  shrine, 
the  Pontiff  there  publicly  proclaimed  Charlemagne  to  be 
"  King  of  Italy  and  Patrician  of  Rome  ;"  the  latter  title  be- 
ing given  in  the  middle  ages  to  foreign  princes  who  pro- 
tected the  Roman  See.  Charlemagne,  upon  his  part, 
promised  to  confirm  the  grant  of  territory  made  by  Pepin 
to  the  Pope,  and  engaged  to  fulfill  all  the  purposes  of  his 
illustrious  father  for  the  welfare  of  the  Church. 


INFLUENCE   OF  CHARLEMAGNE  ON  THE  PAPACY.       109 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE    FORGED    "DECRETALS"    AND    "DONATION" INFLUENCE 

OF  CHARLEMAGNE  ON  THE  PAPACY. A.  D.   774r-795. 

Adrian  soon  felt  that  the  conquest  of  the  Lombards  by 
Charlemagne  had  delivered  him  from  a  troublesome,  but 
comparatively  harmless  foe,  to  give  him  in  exchange  a  pa- 
tronizing and  powerful  master.  He  therefore  sought  very 
assiduously  to  secure  the  friendship  of  Charlemagne,  and 
succeeded  in  obtaining  from  that  great  monarch  several 
marks  of  personal  esteem.  But  the  French  king  was  more 
anxious  to  use  the  clergy  as  his  instruments  in  governing, 
than  to  enrich  them  or  invest  them  with  independent  power. 
Many  years  elapsed  before  Charlemagne  gave  any  substan- 
tial fulfillment  of  his  promise  respecting  the  Roman  territory, 
and  many  letters  were  written  by  the  Pope  urging  the  com- 
pletion of  the  contract. 

It  was  in  the  hope  of  deciding  the  mind  of  Charlemagne 
on  this  subject,  that  Adrian  I.  perpetrated  that  enormous 
deception*  which  has,  ever  since  its  discovery,  made  his 
memory  as  hateful  to  truth  as  that  of  the  vilest  popes.  In 
the  retirement  of  the  Vatican,  some  monk  or  bishop  was 
employed  to  forge  the  famous  documents  known  as  the 
Decretals,  and  the  Donation  of  Constantine — "those  two 
magic  pillars  of  the  spiritual  and  temporal  monarchy  of  the 
popes."  By  the  former,  all  ecclesiastical  disputes,  occur- 
ring in  any  part  of  the  world,  were  ultimately  referred  to 

^  In  ascribing  this  deception  to  Adrian,  it  is  not  meant  to  be 
inferred  that  he  was  the  author,  directly  or  indirectly,  of  the  p.teu- 
do-Isidorian  decretals,  though  even  this  is  far  from  impossible. 
The  authorship  is  unknown,  and  probably  belongs  to  no  single  indi- 
vidual ;  but  that  the  popes  were  at  the  bottom  of  it,  and  that  Adrian 
was  the  first  to  publish  them  to  the  world,  are  facts  tolerably  pat- 
ent from  the  Codex  Carolinus,  epist.  49,  et  aliis. 


110  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

the  Bishop  of  Rome;  and  by  the  latter,  Constantine  the 
Great  is  represented  as  resigning  to  the  popes,  on  betaking 
himself  to  his  new  eastern  metropolis,  the  full  and  per- 
petual sovereignty  of  Rome,  Italy,  and  the  provinces  of  the 
west.  Appealing  to  these  documents  as  authentic  in  one 
of  his  letters  to  Charlemagne,  Adrian  founds  on  them  his 
claim  to  the  fulfillment  of  the  promise  given  by  both  himself 
and  his  father,  regarding  it  no  longer  as  a  favor,  but  only 
as  a  partial  restitution  of  a  right  which  the  Greek  princes 
had  for  centuries  usurped.  So  great  was  the  credulity  of 
the  age,  that  the  fictitious  instruments  to  which  Adrian 
then  appealed  were  enrolled,  without  opposition  or  distrust, 
among  the  decrees  of  the  canon  law,  and  Adrian  was  by  no 
means  the  only  pope  who  had  the  effrontery  to  palm  them 
on  the  world  as  the  genuine  production  of  the  devout  Isi- 
dore of  Seville. 

But  besides  caring  for  the  temporal  welfare  of  his  see, 
Adrian's  mind  was  much  troubled  by  the  image  contro- 
versy, which  still  agitated  the  east,  and  in  which  he  upheld 
the  cause  of  idolatry  as  zealously  as  his  predecessors.  The 
emperor,  Leo  IV.,  espoused  the  side  of  the  iconoclasts  with 
hereditary  spirit ;  but  his  influence  was  much  neutralized  by 
the  exertions  of  his  wife,  the  empress  Irene,  who,  an  Athe- 
nian by  birth,  was  imbued  with  national  prejudices  in  favor 
of  image  worship.  She  had  generally  contrived  to  conceal 
her  own  fondness  of  images  from  the  emperor's  knowledge ; 
but  it  happened  that  at  a  time  when  his  anger  was  so  in- 
flamed against  the  orthodox  or  idolatrous  party  that  he  had 
put  some  of  them  to  death,  he  found  in  his  wife's  bed  two 
images  which  she  had  secretly  worshiped.  Indignant 
and  resentful,  the  emperor  was  taking  measures  for  her 
trial,  perhaps  her  death,  when  suddenly,  in  attempting  to 
place  upon  his  head  a  crown  consecrated  by  his  wife  to  the 
crucifix,  his  skin  became  covered  with  pustules  wherever 
the  crown  touched  it,  and  a  burning  fever  succeeding,  he 
died  in  a  few  hours. 


INFLUENCE   OF   CHARLEMAGNE   ON   THE  PAPACY.         Ill 

After  thus  murdering  her  husband,  Irene,  who  was  as 
ambitious  as  she  was  profligate  and  cruel,  seized  on  the 
reins  of  power,  governing  in  the  name  of  her  son  Constan- 
tine,  who  was  yet  a  youth.  Her  zeal  for  image  worship 
was  now  unrestrained,  and  her  first  step  was  to  court  the 
assistance  of  the  Pope  to  aid  her  in  utterly  exterminating 
the  iconoclast  sect.  To  the  disgrace  of  Adrian,  he  con- 
sented to  abet  the  plots  of  this  wicked  woman,  whose  share 
in  her  husband's  death  he  entirely  overlooked,  pretending 
even  to  believe  that  his  shocking  end  was  miraculously 
awarded  him  as  a  punishment  for  his  opposition  to  the  or- 
thodox practice  of  the  Church.  A  council  was  convened  by 
Irene,  which  met  at  Nice  in  the  year  ^81,  and  with  the 
concurrence  of  Adrian's  legates  it  unanimously  decreed, 
that  the  worship  of  images  was  agreeable  to  Scripture  and 
reason,  as  well  as  to  the  fathers  and  councils  of  the  Church. 
Very  justly  have  the  acts  of  this  council  been  pronounced 
"a  curious  monument  of  superstition  and  ignorance,  of 
falsehood  and  folly."  Images  of  the  cross  were  thenceforth 
to  be  consecrated,  and  put  on  all  the  vessels  and  vestments 
employed  in  the  worship  of  God ;  they  were  to  adorn  also 
the'  walls  of  houses,  and  to  ornament  the  public  ways. 
Especially  it  was  decreed,  that  images  of  Christ,  the  Virgin 
Mary,  the  angels,  and  the  saints,  should  be  regarded  as 
sacred ;  and  if  any  should  teach  otherwise,  or  dare  to 
throw  away  books  or  pictures  bearing  the  painted  cross,  or 
the  effigies  of  these  holy  personages,  or  treat  with  contempt 
the  relics  of  martyrs,  they  should  fall  under  the  censures 
and  punishments  of  the  Church.  Ofienders  in  holy  orders, 
it  was  added,  should  be  deposed,  and  all  others  excommu- 
nicated from  the  rites  of  religion. 

The  same  year  that  this  council  was  held,  Charlemagne 
paid  a  second  visit  to  Rome,  when  his  son  Pepin  was 
christened  by  the  Pope.  But  though  Adrian  had  gained 
some  influence  with  the  king,  it  was  not  adequate  to  ob- 
tain his  countenance  to  the  spread  of  idolatry  in  the  Church. 


112  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

The  clergy  of  France  were,  perhaps,  as  superstitious,  and  as 
bent  on  reducing  the  laity  to  subjection  as  those  of  Italy  or 
the  east,  but  their  object  was  attained  by  other  means. 
While  the  Greeks  and  Italians  worshiped  the  images,  the 
French  and  Germans  adored  the  relics  of  the  saints,  and 
the  popes  found  it  as  profitable  to  enrich  their  treasury  by 
selUng  in  France  bones  taken  from  the  catacombs,  as  to  en- 
hance their  power  at  home  by  exalting  the  sacredness  of 
consecrated  statues  and  pictures. 

Charlemagne,  however,  was  endowed  with  an  intellect 
which  rose  superior  to  these  superstitions,  and  on  receiving 
from  Adrian  the  decrees  of  the  Nicean  Council,  he  placed 
them  in  the  hands  of  the  learned  Alcuin  and  others,  with 
directions  to  draw  up  a  confutation  of  their  errors,  which 
was  afterward  published  in  the  name  of  the  king,  and 
known  as  the  "  Carolinian  Book."  In  794  he  further 
convoked  an  assembly  at  Frankfort  of  three  hundred  bish- 
ops of  the  west,  by  whom  the  decrees  of  the  eastern  coun- 
cil were  unanimously  rejected,  and  supreme  contempt  ex- 
pressed for  the  idolatrous  practices  which  those  decrees 
sanctioned  and  enjoined. 

These  decisive  steps  of  the  Frankish  king  were  a  source 
of  great  annoyance  to  Adrian,  but  he  thought  it  wise  to 
cloak  his  mortification,  and  in  various  letters  endeavored  to 
prove  that  there  was  no  real  opposition  between  the  Frank- 
fort and  Nicean  decrees. 

In  truth,  the  Pope  felt  that  the  friendship  of  Charle- 
magne was  becoming  every  day  more  essential  to  the 
strength  and  safety  of  the  Roman  See,  of  which  as  patrician 
he  was  the  sworn  protector.  In  all  his  conquests,  the  king 
made  it  a  condition  on  which  he  spared  the  lives  and  prop- 
erty of  the. conquered,  that  they  should  profess  the  Chris- 
tian faith.  The  whole  Saxon  nation,  with  the  valiant  Witi- 
kind  at  their  head,  after  carrying  on  for  years  a  desperate 
and  sanguinary  conflict,  were  at  last  compelled  by  Charle- 
magne to  submit  to  baptism.     By  a  process  like  this,  the 


INFLUENCE  OP  CHARLEMAGNE  ON  THE  PAPACY.         113 

warlike  kins:  became  one  of  the  most  successful  missionaries 
of  a  Church  which  only  asked  for  nominal  converts. 

Moreover,  while  Charlemagne  was  able  thus  greatly  to 
add  to  the  dignity  and  influence  of  the  Pope  and  the  priest- 
hood, he  was,  on  the  other  hand,  equally  competent  and 
not  indisposed  to  Hmit  their  power  and  regulate  their  func- 
tions. He  regarded  them  as  the  teachers  and  civilizers  of 
mankind,  and  though  he  often  intrusted  them  with  magiste- 
rial offices,  it  was  simply  because  he  thought  them  more 
capable  than  others  of  discharging  such  offices  with  ability. 
In  several  ecclesiastical  assemblies  he  laid  down  new  and 
stringent  regulations  for  the  internal  order  of  the  Church. 
He  forbade  the  clergy  to  carry  arms,  to  keep  falcons,  dogs, 
or  jesters ;  but  knowing  their  unconquerable  love  of  the 
chase,  he  permitted  them  to  retain  this  amusement  on  con- 
dition of  their  converting  the  skins  of  the  animals  they 
killed  into  binding  for  books,  which  he  hoped  by  these 
means  to  render  more  common.  Moderation,  decency,  and 
gravity  of  behavior  were  enjoined  upon  all  priests,  and  the 
monks  were  obliged  to  find  employment  in  the  fields  and 
schools. 

Such  proofs  of  an  independent  spirit  caused  Charle- 
magne to  be  feared  and  courted  at  the  same  time  by  the 
crafty  and  aspiring  Pontiflf;  and  with  so  much  prudence 
and  policy  did  Adrian  I.  conduct  all  his  intercourse  with 
the  king,  that  upon  his  death,  which  took  place  on  Christ- 
mas-day, YQo,  Charlemagne  expressed  very  profound  grief, 
and  composed  an  epitaph  in  Latin  verse,  breathing  both 
respect  and  aflfection.  The  vices  of  Adrian's  character  were 
of  a  kind  that  often  conceal  themselves  from  cotemporary 
observers  to  become  apparent  to  the  eyes  of  posterity. 


114  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

CHARLEMAGNE    THE    EMPEROR HIS    REGULATIONS    FOR   THE 

CLERGY. A.  D.  795-814. 

Leo  III.,  who  next  ascended  the  papal  throne,  was  as 
careful  as  his  predecessor  to  cultivate  the  regards  of  the 
powerful  Charlemagne.  One  of  his  first  acts  was  to  send 
the  banner  of  Rome,  with  the  keys  of  St.  Peter,  to  the 
Frank  king,  requesting  that  some  nobleman  might  be  de- 
puted to  receive  the  oath  of  allegiance.  Charlemagne  com- 
phed  with  the  request,  but  also  expressed  his  intention  of 
visiting  Rome  in  person. 

Until  this  visit  was  paid,  the  seat  of  the  new  Pontiff  ap- 
pears to  have  been  somewhat  insecure.  The  relatives  of 
the  late  Pope,  from  some  unknown  cause,  exhibited  a  vio- 
lent dislike  to  Leo,  and  even  conspired  against  his  life.  In 
the  year  799,  as  Leo  was  one  day  riding  through  the  city 
in  some  religious  procession,  followed  by  a  long  train  of 
priests,  and  chanting  the  liturgy,  he  was  suddenly  attacked 
by  two  of  these  relatives  of  Adrian — one  a  canon,  the  other 
a  sacristan — aided  by  a  body  of  armed  associates,  who  threw 
him  from  his  horse,  and  dragging  him  through  the  streets 
into  a  neighboring  convent,  were  about  most  cruelly  to 
mutilate  him  by  putting  out  his  eyes  aad  cutting  out  his 
tongue,  when  the  Pope's  party  breaking  in  rescued  him 
from  their  hands.  It  would  seem,  from  the  conspirators 
being  only  sentenced  to  perpetual  exile,  that  there  had  been 
some  provocation  on  the  part  of  the  Pope ;  but  whether 
this  be  so  or  no,  the'  view  here  disclosed  of  the  moral  state 
of  the  priesthood  in  that  age  is  alike  melancholy  and  re- 
volting. 

In  the  year  800  the  invincible  Charlemagne  had  com- 
pleted his  career  of  conquest.  Italy  had  submitted  to  his 
sway ;  the  Saxons,  Thuringians,  Avars,  and  a  multitude  of 


CHARLEMAGNE'S  REGULATIONS  FOR  THE  CLERGY.         115 

smaller  barbarous  tiibes  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Elbe, 
had  been  subdued  and  brought  under  a  uniform  system  of 
government  and  laws.  The  far-seeing  genius  of  Charle- 
magne had  perceived  that  unity  was  the  want,  and  anarchy 
the  tendency  of  the  age ;  and  the  wars  he  engaged  in  were 
undertaken  less  in  a  spirit  of  ambition  than  with  a  settled 
purpose  to  avert,  perhaps  by  the  only  means  within  his 
reach,  the  danger  which  threatened  society.  The  system  of 
polity  he  estabhshed,  since  known  as  the  feudal,  was  that 
which  already  existed  among  his  own  nation ;  and  though 
certainly  unfavorable  to  the  hberty  of  the  governed,  was 
well  adapted  to  give  strength  to  the  arm  of  the  governor — 
an  alteration  which  seems  to  have  been  just  then  essential 
to  the  growth  of  civilization.  Had  the  hostile  tribes  which 
Charlemagne  united  under  one  head  continued  much  longer 
divided,  Europe  would  most  hkely  have  relapsed  into  the 
barbarism  from  which  it  had  partially  emerged  since  the 
settlement  of  the  Franks  and  Goths.  •  The  consequences  of 
such  a  relapse  are  too  dismal  to  contemplate ;  for  there  was 
no  fountain  of  rehgion  or  literature  in  Italy,  Greece,  or  the 
world,  from  which  the  regions  parched  with  drought  might 
be  replenished  and  refreshed. 

By  the  armies  of  Charlemagne  the  power  of  the  Moham- 
medan, or  Saracenic  Moors,  was  also  broken  at  Roncesvalles 
and  elsewhere,  so  that  his  authority  was  now  acknowledged 
throughout  the  entire  west,  and  he  even  entered  into  a 
treaty  with  Irene,  the  empress  of  the  east,  which  defined 
the  limits  of  their  respective  dominions,  and  divided  all 
Europe  between  them. 

In  all  these  successes  Charlemagne  had  received  much 
assistance  from  the  Roman  pontiffs,  whose  emissaries  some- 
times prepared  the  way  for  his  victories,  but  more  frequently 
followed  in  his  track,  and  instilled  the  principles  of  obe- 
dience and  fidelity.  It  was  said  that  "  God  had  given  two 
swords  wherewith  to  govern  the  world,  the  one  to  the  Pope, 
the  other  to  the  emperor ;"  and  Charlemagne  was  not  un- 


116  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

grateful  for  the  support  thus  afforded  him,  nor  slow  to 
recompense  the  service.  It  was  he  who  first  set  the  ex- 
ample of  compelling  the  payment  of  tithes  to  the  clergy, 
which  had  before  been  a  voluntary  offering;  he  also  at- 
tached vast  estates  to  abbeys  and  churches  in  various  parts 
of  his  empire ;  he  gave  the  clergy  entire  jurisdiction  over 
their  own  body,  with  great  influence  in  all  civil  affairs ;  and 
finally,  he  resolved  that  on  exchanging  the  regal  for  the 
imperial  crown,  he  would  receive  it  at  the  hands  of  the 
Pontiff  himself,  that  each  might  thus  gain  honor  by  confer- 
ring it  on  the  other. 

On  the  24th  day  of  November,  in  the  year  800,  Charle- 
magne made  his  entry  into  Rome,  being  met  beyond  the 
walls  by  Pope  Leo  III.  Seven  days  after,  an  assembly 
was  convoked,  consisting  of  the  French  and  Roman  nobles, 
abbots,  and  prelates,  before  whom  Leo  appeared,  to  answer 
certain  charges  brought  against  him  by  the  party  who  had 
before  attempted  his  'life.  But  this  was  no  season  for  a 
rigorous  investigation  of  the  facts,  and  Charlemagne  will- 
ingly accepted  the  declaration  of  the  Pope  that  he  was 
guiltless  of  the  crimes  alleged. 

In  return  for  so  important  a  favor,  Leo  prepared  due 
honors  for  his  illustrious  guest.  On  Christmas-day,  Charle- 
magne appeared  at  the  service  of  the  mass  in  St.  Peter's ; 
and,  to  gratify  the  people,  he  wore  on  the  occasion  the  cos- 
tume of  the  Roman  patrician.  When  mass  was  concluded, 
the  Pontiff  approached  Charlemagne,  who  was  kneeling 
before  the  altar,  and  first  anointing  him,  then  placed  on  his 
head  a  golden  crown.  Instantly  the  lofty  roof  echoed  to 
the  shouts  of  the  vast  assembly,  both  clergy  and  people 
exclaiming,  "  Long  life  and  victory  to  Charles,  most  pious 
Augustus,  crowned  by  God,  the  great  and  pacific  emperor 
of  the  Romans !"  The  Pope  was  then  the  first  to  perform 
the  act  of  homage. 

Thus  was  the  western  empire  revived,  after  an  interval 
of  more  than  three  centuries ;  for  from  this  period  Charle- 


EFFECTS  OF  CHARLEMAGNE'S  POLICY.  Il7 

magne  dropped  his  former  titles,  assuming  those  with  which 
the  people  had  greeted  him  on  the  day  of  his  coronation. 
From  this  time,  also,  the  popes  were  permitted  to  exercise 
the  temporal  sovereignty  of  Rome  and  its  territory,  though 
still  acknowledging  subordination  to  Charlemagne  and  his 
successors — a  fact  expressed  in  the  coinage  issuing  from  the 
papal  mint,  by  the  Pontiff's  name  being  inserted  on  one 
side  of  the  coin,  and  that  of  the  emperor  on  the  other. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

EFFECTS  OF  CHARLEMAGNE'S  POLICY THE  POPES  AIM  AT 

INDEPENDENCE. A.   D.  814-858. 

As  long  as  Charlemagne  lived  to  control  and  restrain  the 
pontiffs,  the  alterations  he  had  effected  were  probably  bene- 
ficial, at  least  to  the  temporal  interests  of  the  Roman  people. 
Although  he  had  greatly  elevated  the  power  and  increased 
the  revenues  of  the  Pope,  his  vigorous  arm  was  able  not 
only  to  keep  them  in  subjection  to  himself,  but  also  to 
oblige  them  to  the  active  performance  of  what  he  regarded 
as  their  duty.  There  was  a  visible  improvement  in  both 
the  intellectual  and  the  moral  character  of  the  clergy  during 
the  reign  of  this  emperor. 

But  when,  in  the  year  814,  the  cathedral  of  Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle  received  the  remains  of  the  mighty  Charlemagne,  and 
the  crown  descended  to  his  son,  Louis  the  Meek,  it  soon 
became  apparent  that  the  popes  were  now  endowed  with 
powers  which  would  prove  injurious  to  themselves,  and 
make  them  a  terror  even  to  kings,  and  a  pest  to  society  at 
large.  Louis  inherited  none  of  the  qualities  of  his  father's 
master-mind,  and  the  pontiffs  were  not  slow  to  discover 
the  defect. 

In  816  Stephen  V.  succeeded  to  the  papal  chair;  and 
so  secure  did  he  feel  in  the  emperor's  indolence,  that  he  did 


118  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

not  even  think  it  necessary  to  ask  the  imperial  sanction, 
which  Adrian  I.  had  made  indispensable  to  the  validity 
of  an  election.  His  judgment  had  not  deceived  him ; 
for  on  Stephen's  visiting  the  emperor  at  Orleans,  shortly 
after  his  consecration,  Louis  saluted  him  with  all  kind- 
ness and  respect,  notwithstanding  the  indignity  he  had 
received. 

Stephen  survived  his  election  little  more  than  seven 
months,  and  was  followed  by  Paschal  I.,  who  thought  he 
could  not  do  better  than  imitate  the  independent  example 
of  his  predecessor,  and  did  it  with  equal  impunity.  But  of 
him,  and  of  Eugene  II.  and  Valentine,  who  quickly  suc- 
ceeded in  the  enjoyment  of  the  short-lived  pontifical  power, 
nothing  worthy  of  narration  is  known,  except  perhaps  that 
Valentine  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  to  receive,  on  his 
accession  to  the  tiara,  the  homage  of  the  senate  and  people 
in  the  abject  and  disgusting  ceremony  of  kissing  the  foot. 

The  memory  of  Gregory  IV.,  who  began  his  pontificate 
in  828,  is  rendered  odious,  chiefly  by  the  part  he  took  in 
the  parricidal  wars  of  the  sons  of  the  Emperor  Louis,  with 
the  view  of  efifectino:  that  monarch's  dethronement.  The 
weak  Louis  exhibited  so  much  partiality  for  his  youngest 
son,  Charles,  as  to  arouse  the  jealousy  of  the  two  elder. 
Lothaire,  the  eldest,  was  to  succeed  to  the  imperial  title, 
with  Italy  and  the  Rhine  country  for  his  domain ;  but  even 
he  grew  apprehensive  that  his  father's  fondness  for  Charles 
would  interfere  with  his  future  rights,  and  he  therefore  joined 
with  his  next  brother  in  a  conspiracy  against  Louis.  The  wary 
Pontiff,  perceiving  the  incapacity  of  the  emperor,  and  prog- 
nosticating his  fall,  espoused  the  cause  of  the  undutiful 
sons.  Happily  the  sword  was  not  appealed  to  ;  but  in  the 
negotiations  which  decided  the  dispute,  Gregory,  as  the 
ambassador  of  the  unfilial  conspirators,  performed  the  trai- 
torous office  of  demanding  from  Louis  a  formal  recognition 
of  their  claims,  and  submission  to  their  authority.  Nor  was 
he  content  until  the  dishonored  king  had  also  done  penance, 


EFFECTS  OF  CHARLEMAGNE'S  POLICY.  119 

in  the  monastery  of  Soissons,  by  kneeling  on  a  hair- cloth 
and  reading  a  paper,  in  which  he  accused  himself  of  theft, 
perjury,  and  murder. 

The  brief  reign  of  Sergius — (Sergius  IL,  who  succeeded 
Gregory  in  844) — was  troubled,  as  that  of  his  predecessor 
had  been,  by  the  predatory  incursions  of  the  Saracens.  In 
846  a  fleet  of  these  armed  marauders  dared  to  sail  up  the 
Tiber  almost  as  far  as  the  walls  of  the  city.  They  left 
Rome  itself  untouched,  but  could  not  depart  till  they  had 
violated  the  reputed  sanctity  of  St.  Peter's  church,  which 
then  stood  without  the  gates.  Looking  with  fierce  and  in- 
tolerant hate  on  what  they  too  truly  regarded  as  the  idola- 
trous worship  of  the  Christians,  they  stripped  the  church 
of  its  images  and  rich  ornaments,  and  carried  off  in  triumph 
the  silver  altar-piece.  The  Romans,  trembling  for  their 
homes  and  their  lives,  implored  the  aid  of  the  Franks ;  but 
the  force  sent  was  far  too  feeble  to  give  effectual  protection, 
and  the  question  began  to  be  mooted,  if  it  would  not  be 
wise  for  the  ancient  metropohs  to  offer  once  more  its  alle- 
giance to  the  Greek  emperor. 

In  the  midst  of  these  troubles  Pope  Sergius  died,  and 
was  immediately  followed  in  the  seat  of  power  by  a  man 
well  adapted  for  the  crisis,  and  who  was  chosen  by  the 
acclamations  of  the  people,  not  at  all  because  of  his  moral 
worth,  but  because  he  seemed  the  best  qualified  to  defend 
the  city  in  its  present  distress. 

This  was  Leo  IV.,  who,  without  waiting  for  the  consent 
of  the  emperor,  set  himself  at  once  to  discharge  the  func- 
tions of  his  office,  at  least  as  a  temporal  prince.  He  took 
the  promptest  measures  to  replenish  the  exhausted  treas- 
ury, caused  the  walls  to  be  repaired  wherever  they  were 
broken  down  or  decayed,  built  fortifications  on  the  banks  of 
the  Tiber,  and  threw  iron  chains  across  from  side  to  side,  to 
hinder  the  ascent  of  an  enemy's  fleet. 

It  was  very  soon  found  that  all  these  precautions  were 
needful.      The   Saracens   returned   in   greater   force,   and 


120  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

threatened  not  a  mere  invasion,  but  conquest  and  dominion. 
But  Leo  had  obtained  timely  assistance  from  the  Greeks, 
and  a  naval  conflict  took  place  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber. 
A  tempest  aided  the  Italians,  scattering  and  destroying  a 
great  part  of  the  hostile  fleet,  which  had  no  harbor  ofi'ering 
it  refuge  from  the  violence  of  the  sea.  Many  who  escaped 
the  waves  were  mercilessly  put  to  the  sword,  and  the  re- 
mainder were  employed  in  their  captivity  to  restore  the 
edifices  they  had  helped  to  destroy. 

Of  the  spoils  of  this  victory  Leo  devoted  a  considerable 
part  to  the  service  of  the  Church.  Thirteen  Arabian  bows, 
of  pure  and  massive  silver,  were  hung  as  ornaments  and 
trophies  around  the  altar  of  St.  Peter's ;  four  thousand 
pounds'  weight  of  silver  was  reserved  to  replace  the  silver 
vessels  used  in  divine  service ;  and  a  single  plate  of  gold, 
embossed  with  portraits  of  the  Pope  and  the  emperor,  and 
encircled  with  pearls,  weighed  no  less  than  two  hundred  and 
sixteen  pounds.  Leo  did  not,  however,  expend  all  his  booty 
in  vain  displays  of  splendor.  He  labored  more  than  most 
of  his  predecessoi-s  to  beautify  and  strengthen  the  city.  In 
particular,  he  surrounded  the  Vatican  hill  with  walls  and 
towers,  that  the  shrine  of  St.  Peter  might  be  no  more 
exposed  to  the  insults  and  ravages  of  Saracen  or  other 
invaders  ;  and  the  district  thus  permanently  inclosed  within 
the  civic  boundary  has  ever  since,  in  memory  of  its  founder, 
been  distinguished  as  the  Leonine  city. 

It  is  as  successor  to  Leo  that  many  historians  have 
placed  the  fabulous  female  pontiff,  Joan.  The  reality  of 
her  existence,  though  certainly  not  an  impossible  occurrence, 
is  exceedingly  improbable,  as  the  annalist  of  the  popes, 
Anastasius,  who  lived  at  this  very  time,  omits  even  to  men- 
tion her  name,  nor  can  it  be  found  in  any  writer  for  nearly 
two  centuries  afterward.  The  probability  is,  that  the  sur- 
passing and  altogether  monstrous  profligacy  of  the  popes 
who  filled  up  the  interval,  had  so  prepared  the  public  mind 
for  the  reception  of  the  tale,  that  it  was  no  sooner  invented 


THE  EFFECTS  OF   CHARLEMAGNE'S   POLICY.  121 

than  it  met  with  ready  behef,  and  has  in  consequence  been 
confidently  repeated  by  most  writers  not  seeking  their  in- 
formation at  those  fountains  of  authentic  history,  cotempo- 
rary  records.  The  papacy  has  crimes  enough  to  answer  for, 
without  our  swelhng  the  catalogue  unnecessarily;  and  how- 
ever plausible  the  story  of  Pope  Joan  may  appear,  it  is  the 
duty  alike  of  Christian  charity  and  of  historic  truthfulness 
to  reject  it,  unless  established  on  the  surest  evidence.* 

The  pontificate  of  Benedict  III.  claims  just  a  passing 
notice,  for  the  evidence  afforded,  in  the  circumstances  of 
his  election,  of  the  dependence  of  the  papacy  at  this  time 
upon  the  imperial  crown.  The  election  of  Benedict  having 
been  violently  opposed  by  a  party  who  would  have  conferred 
the  office  on  another  priest,  both  the  claimants  appealed  to 
the  emperor.  The  decision  from  the  imperial  court  was  at 
first  in  opposition  to  Benedict,  who  was  thrown  into  prison. 
But  shortly  afterward  this  judgment  was  reversed,  and 
Benedict  was  transferred  from  a  dungeon  to  the  throne  of 
the  Church. 

"  As  those  who  give  credence  to  the  story  may  think  it  unfair 
to  suppress  the  narrative  entirely,  it  shall  be  given  in  the  words 
of  Menzel,  the  German  historian :  "  Pope  John  VIII.  is  said  to  have 
been  a  German,  named  Jutta,  or  Gerberta,  who  was  born  at  Ingel- 
heim,  and  received  an  excellent  education  from  her  father,  a  man 
of  deep  learning.  Becoming  enamored  of  a  monk  at  Fulda,  she 
disguised  herself  in  male  attire,  took  the  oath  of  celibacy,  and 
joined  her  lover  in  his  monastery.  They  subsequently  traveled 
together  as  far  as  Greece,  and  Jutta  appeared  at  Athens  in  the 
character  of  a  public  teacher.  Here  her  lover  died.  She,  however, 
gradually  rose  from  one  dignity  to  another,  and  was  finally  elected 
Pope,  when  she  took  another  lover.  During  her  pregnancy,  ac- 
cording to  the  legend,  an  angel  promised  her  forgiveness  for  her 
crime  if  she  would  consent  to  publish  her  shame  before  the  as- 
sembled people ;  and  she  was  accordingly  delivered  during  a  great 
and  solemn  procession, ''  and  immediately  died. 

6 


122  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 


V 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE   POPES  GROW  MORE    ARROGANT THE    «♦  GREAT    SCHISM" 

COMMENCED, A.  D.  858-900. 

Nicholas  I.,  who  commenced  his  papal  reign  in  858,  was 
a  man  of  remarkable  character,  and  his  history  exhibits  in 
bold  relief  the  danger  of  investing  a  priesthood  with  secular 
power.  We  have  already  seen  that  the  ambitious  pontiffs 
were  of  two  sorts ;  one,  whose  bent  of  mind  led  them  to 
seek  the  spiritual — the  other,  the  temporal  exaltation  of 
the  Roman  See ;  and  as  Leo  IV.  was  a  fair  example  of  the 
latter  class,  so  was  Nicholas  I.  of  the  former. 

Taking  his  stand  on  the  forged  Decretals  and  Donation, 
which  had  been  urged  with  so  much  vehemence  against 
Charlemagne  by  Pope  Adrian,  Nicholas  deliberately  re- 
solved to  exalt  the  tiara  above  miter  and  crown,  and  boldly 
taught  the  doctrine  that  the  Pope^s  authority  should  be 
paramount  over  every  other.  Although  indebted  for  his 
election  to  the  friendly,  perhaps  servile  influence  of  the 
Emperor  Louis  II.,  who  was  then  residing  in  Rome,  and 
who  graced  the  ceremony  of  consecration  by  his  presence, 
the  haughty  priest  so  successfully  exercised  his  arts  upon 
the  monarch's  superstitious  nature,  as  to  cause  him  to  set 
the  example  to  future  emperors  of  humbly  leading  on  foot 
the  horse  of  the  Pontiff,  holding  the  bridle  for  as  great  a 
distance  as  a  strong  man  might  hurl  a  spear;  which  thus 
became  a  form,  not  of  eom-tesy,  as  when  Pepin  received 
the  Pope  for  his  guest  at  Pontyon,  but  one  of  custom,  and 
even  obligation. 

The  first  public  measure  of  Nicholas  was  an  act  of  inter- 
ference with  the  affairs  of  the  eastern  Church,  with  which 
the  popes  had  in  some  degree  renewed  their  intercourse 
after  the  favors  conferred  by  the   Greek  emperor  upon 


THE  GREAT  SCHISM  COMMENCED.  123 

Leo  IV.  The  emperor  now  reigning  had  deposed  the 
patriarch  Ignatius,  and  elevated  Photius,  a  man  of  great 
learning  and  superior  talents,  to  the  primacy  of  the  Greek 
Church.  The  deposed  Ignatius  appealed  to  the  Pope,  and 
Nicholas,  perhaps  jealous  of  Photius,  perhaps  flattered  by 
the  appeal,  or,  what  is  still  more  likely,  vexed  at  the  con- 
tinued withdrawal  from  Roman  jurisdiction  of  the  provinces 
to  the  east  of  the  Adriatic,  insisted  on  his  risfht  to  reg-u- 
late  the  succession  of  all  bishops,  both  in  the  east  and  in 
the  west.  Nicholas  further  excommunicated  Photius — a 
compliment  which  the  patriarch  returned  by  anathematiz- 
ing the  Pope.  Thus  was  laid  the  foundation  of  the  lasting 
schism  between  the  Greek  and  Latin  Churches ;  for  these 
ambitious  rivals  for  universal  supremacy,  Nicholas  and 
Photius,  were  never  reconciled,  and  the  strife  between  the 
two  sects  ended,  some  generations  later,  in  a  mutual  and 
absolute  renunciation  of  fellowship. 

Bishops  and  monarchs  were  alike  compelled  to  humble 
themselves  before  the  imperious  spirit  of  the  haughty  priest 
who  now  swayed  the  scepter  of  the  Roman  Chm'ch. 

The  princes  of  the  age  were  weak  and  superstitious,  and 
the  popes  seldom  lost  any  opportunities  for  asserting  the 
authority  of  the  popedom,  and  trying  to  establish  its  su- 
premacy over  all  merely  secular  powers. 

Nicholas  was  succeeded  in  867  by  Adrian  IL,  who 
soon  discovered  a  temper  fully  in  harmony  with  that  of  his 
predecessor.  The  King  of  Lorraine,  Lothaire  IL,  was  still 
under  the  censure  of  the  Church  for  divorcing  his  wife  Thiet- 
berg ;  but  hoping  that  by  a  change  of  pontiffs  the  prospects 
of  his  suit  were  brightened,  he  ventured  to  sue  once  more 
for  permission  to  appear  in  Rome,  and  to  plead  his  own 
cause.  With  Adrian  he  urged  also  that  he  deserved  this 
favor  for  his  faithful  exertions  to  drive  back  the  Saracens 
from  the  papal  domains.  Adrian  permitted  the  visit,  but 
resolved  on  duly  humbling  the  visitor ;  and  when  Lothaire 
arrived  in  Rome,  he  found  himself  regarded  and  treated  as 


124  LIVES  OF  THE   POPES. 

a  criminal  rather  than  as  a  king.  Presenting  himself  at  St. 
Peter's,  no  priest  was  in  attendance  to  receive  him,  and 
alone  with  his  followers  he  knelt  at  the  tomb  of  the  apostle. 
On  entering  the  rooms  near  to  the  church,  which  were  fixed 
for  his  abode,  he  found  them  not  even  cleanly  swept.  The 
next  day  was  Sunday,  and  Lothaire  attended  the  services 
of  the  church;  but  although  a  monarch  was  among  its 
worshipers,  and  when  their  interest  required  it  the  popes 
were  never  slow  to  do  homage  to  these  august  and  rare 
visitors,  Adrian  carefully  abstained  from  taking  any  part  in 
the  ceremonies  of  the  mass. 

On  the  following  day,  an  explanation  took  place,  and  the 
Pope  consented  to  receive  the  apologies  of  the  king,  but  at 
the  same  time  insisted  on  his  submitting  to  a  public  humilia- 
tion. Inviting  Lothaire  and  his  court  to  a  solemn  com- 
munion, the  Pontiff  thus  addressed  the  king :  "  If  thou  art 
innocent  of  the  crimes  laid  to  thy  charge,  and  heartily  in- 
tendest  to  refrain  from  such  crimes  in  future,  approach  and 
receive  the  sacrament  of  redemption,  which  shall  be  to  thee 
the  pledge  of  the  remission  of  thy  sins,  and  of  eternal  sal- 
vation. But  if  otherwise,  beware  of  taking  tliis  sacrament, 
lest  that  which  the  Lord  hath  prepared  as  a  remedy  for  his 
faithful  servants,  be  converted  into  a  chastisement  for  thee." 
In  like  manner  Adrian  addressed  each  of  the  nobles  who 
partook  of  the  sacrament,  warning  them  that  to  be  accom- 
plices in  Lothaire's  guilt  would  expose  them  to  a  similar 
retribution.  "  And  the  king,"  says  the  credulous  chronicler, 
''and  every  one  of  them,  knowing  himself  to  be  guilty, 
took  the  communion  with  a  rash  boldness,  and  every  one 
of  them  died  by  a  judgment  from  Heaven  before  the  first 
day  of  the  next  year  !"* 

So  imposing  had  the  arrogant  and  fallacious  claims  of 
the  pontiffs  now  become,  that  posterity  is  amazed  to  see 
these  men,  for  the  most  part  commonplace,  and  often  con- 

'-■  Hincmar,  in  his  "  Annals  of  St.  Bertin,"  quoted  by  Sismondi, 
"  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,"  vol.  ii,  p.  148. 


THE   GKEAT  SCHISM  COMMENCED.  125 

temptible,  regarded  as  almost  omnipotent  by  the  supersti- 
tious generation  amid  which  they  hved  and  reigned.  The 
threat  of  the  Pope  Adrian  was  construed  by  the  undoubting 
creduhty  of  the  age  to  be  the  immediate  cause  of  a  sickness 
which  soon  afterward  befell  Lothaire,  and  terminated  his 
life.  The  Pontiff  took  good  care  to  profit  by  the  event ;  for 
he  announced  it  in  due  form  to  the  several  monarchs  of 
Europe,  assuring  them  it  was  an  awful  lesson  of  Providence 
to  the  kings  of  the  earth,  inculcating  on  them  the  duty  of 
implicit  submission  to  the  Church. 

The  vast  empire  which  Charlemagne  had  consolidated  out 
of  the  various  tribes  and  clans  inhabitino-  central  and  western 

o 

Europe,  was  now  again  divided  into  factions  among  his  de- 
scendants ;  the  title  of  emperor  still  belonging,  however,  to 
the  possessor  of  the  territory  watered  by  the  Rhine.  There 
arose  continual  and  bloody  conflicts  between  these  degener- 
ate and  feeble  princes.  The  disorders  and  contentions  which 
prevailed  among  all  the  European  states,  gave  occasion  to 
the  popes  for  greatly  increasing  their  influence,  as  they 
often  became  the  last  arbiters  of  quarrels  which  the  sword 
was  unable  to  decide.  In  availina:  himself  of  this  advan- 
tage,  the  successor  of  Adrian,  John  VIII.,  greatly  dis- 
tinguished himself,  displaying  to  excess  that  greedy  lust  of 
power  and  proud  spirit  of  domination,  by  which  the  occu- 
pants of  the  papal  chair  have  rendered  themselves  odious 
to  mankind. 

Charles  the  Bald,  one  of  the  last  surviving  descendants 
of  Charlemagne,  although  wholly  incapable  of  defending 
his  possessions,  was  not  the  less  desirous  of  enlarging  them  ; 
and  while  actually  paying  tribute  to  the  Northmen,  who 
ascended  without  resistance  the  Seine  and  the  Loire,  laying 
waste  the  very  heart  of  the  country,  he  plotted  an  invasion 
of  Italy,  to  extend  his  already  unprotected  frontier.  In 
this  design  he  was  abetted  by  Pope  John,  who  foresaw  that 
so  weak  and  unprincipled  a  man  might  easily  be  turaed 
into  a  creature  of  his  own.     In  the  year  875  Charles 


126  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

hastened  to  Rome,  on  the  death  of  Emperor  Louis  II.,  and 
was  solemly  crowned  as  emperor  by  the  Pontiff,  during  the 
service  of  high-mass  on  Christmas-day.  The  Pope  then 
wrote  to  the  feudal  barons  assembled  at  Pavia,  to  discuss 
the  imperial  succession,  and  exhorted  them  to  unite  in  favor 
of  Charles,  saying,  "We  have  elected  him;  we  have  ap- 
proved him,  with  the  consent  of  our  brethren  the  bishops.'* 
And  so  influential  was  this  choice,  that  at  an  assembly  of 
bishops  and  nobles  held  three  years  later  in  the  same 
ancient  city,  the  power  which  the  Pope  thus  insolently 
claimed  of  disposing  of  the  imperial  crown  was  acknowl- 
edged by  the  synod  in  these  words,  addressed  to  Charles : 
"  Since  the  divine  favor,  through  the  merits  of  the  holy 
apostles,  and  of  their  vicar  Pope  John,  has  raised  you  to 
the  empire,  we  unanimously  elect  you,  according  to  the  will 
of  the  Holy  Ghost,  for  our  protector  and  lord." 

For  such  valuable  support  the  Pontiff  expected  of  course 
to  receive  an  adequate  return  ;  and,  as  if  the  humiliation  of 
receiving  his  crown  at  the  hands  of  the  Pope  were  not  suf- 
ficiently degrading,  Charles  further  consented  to  place  the 
government  of  Italy  under  his  control — a  power  which 
John  and  his  successors  most  shamelessly  abused. 

From  this  period  the  popes  made  no  secret  of  their  pre- 
tensions to  a  supreme  authority  over  both  civil  and  rehgious 
affairs.  They  declared  that  the  empire  itself  had  been 
transferred  by  their  decree  from  the  Greeks  to  the  French, 
and  that  the  ceremony  of  consecration  which  they  per- 
formed was  an  act  of  power  and  bestowment.  It  was  on 
this  flimsy  pretense  that  they  afterward  grounded  their 
claim  to  transfer  the  imperial  crown  again,  first  to  the  Ital- 
ians and  then  to  the  Germans. 

As  for  Italy,  John  plainly  expected  to  govern  it  without 
the  slightest  means  of  defending  it  from  foreign  encroach- 
ments. He  looked  to  the  Emperor  Charles  for  all  neces- 
sary succor ;  and  when,  toward  the  close  of  his  pontificate, 
the  Saracens  menaced  Rome  with  a  siege,  he  wrote  letters 


THE   GREAT  SCHISM  COMMENCED.  127 

to  that  monarch,  reminding  him  of  his  obligation,  and  em- 
ploying argument  that  savors  much  more  of  the  sovereign 
master  than  of  the  subject  and  dependent.  "  The  hea- 
then," says  he,  "  overwhelm  us  with  such  a  multitude  of 
evils,  that  nothing  comparable  to  it  can  be  found  in  the 
memory  of  man.  The  remnant  of  the  people  have  retreated 
within  the  walls  of  the  holy  city  ;  there  they  struggle 
against  inexpressible  poverty  and  want,  while  the  whole  re- 
gion beyond  the  walls  is  laid  waste  and  reduced  to  a  soH- 
tude.  There  remains  to  us  but  one  evil  to  fear — and  may 
God  avert  that  from  us  ! — the  loss  and  iiiin  of  Rome  itself.'* 
Then,  anticipating  excuses  from  the  beleaguered  Charles, 
the  Pope  reminds  him  that  the  power  that  conferred  the 
crown  could  also  take  it  away,  bidding  him  remember  the 
hands  that  had  given  him  the  empire,  "  lest,  if  driven  to 
despair,  we  should  change  our  opinion^ 

John  died  in  883,  and  the  two  next  years  each  supplied 
the  world  with  a  pope ;  but  neither  Martin  II.  nor 
Adrian  III.  have  left  any  record  behind  them.  One  in- 
cident in  the  life  of  their  successor,  Stephen  VI.,  is  worthy 
of  being  preserved. 

Stephen  was  raised  to  the  pontificate  at  a  momentous 
period  in  the  history  of  Europe.  The  empire  of  Charle- 
magne was  rapidly  falling  to  pieces  through  the  singular 
incapacity  of  his  descendants,  and  an  entire  reconstruction 
of  the  European  political  system  seemed  requisite.  At 
last,  the  extreme  imbecility  and  indolence  of  Charles  the 
Fat  compelled  the  German  barons  to  assemble  in  diet,  and 
elect  a  prince  who  should  be  able  both  to  govern  and  to  de- 
fend them.  Their  choice  fell  upon  Aniulf,  Duke  of  Bava- 
ria. But  the  setting  aside  of  the  directly  legitimate  succes- 
sion was  not  hkely  to  be  accomphshed  by  the  vote  of  an 
assembly,  however  powerful  it  might  be,  or  however  impe- 
rious the  necessity  that  demanded  the  step.  The  extrac- 
tion of  Arnulf  was  considered  by  many  as  tainted,  although 
he  was  of  royal  descent ;  and  accordingly  rivals  sprang  up 


128  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

in  almost  every  direction,  some  contending  for  the  personal 
independence  of  the  empire,  and  some  for  the  imperial 
crown  itself.  Among  the  latter  were  Guido,  Duke  of  Spo- 
leto,  and  Berengar,  Duke  of  Friuli,  between  whom  a  battle 
was  fought,  which  decided  Guido's  superiority,  and  by  con- 
sequence secured  to  him  the  support  of  the  Pontilff,  at  least 
so  long  as  the  Italian  house  should  be  able  to  withstand  the 
German  claimant  of  the  crown.  Amulf,  however,  had  at 
present  enough  to  do  without  crossing  the  Alps ;  the  dan- 
ger of  a  German  invasion  appeared  tolerably  remote  ;  and 
Stephen,  therefore,  crowned  Guido  as  King  of  Lombardy 
and  Emperor  Augustus. 

But  Stephen's  brief  tenure  of  papal  power  had  not  long 
been  closed  by  death  before  his  successor,  Formosus,  find- 
ing the  Italian  nobles  unmanageable,  requested  Amulf  to 
come  to  his  aid ;  and  although  he  had  already  crowned 
Lambert,  Guido's  son,  with  the  imperial  diadem,  he  did  not 
scruple  now  to  salute  the  German  prince  as  the  rightful 
emperor,  hoping  to  secure  to  himself  a  powerful  and  valua- 
ble ally.  Amulf  marched  into  Italy  at  the  head  of  a  strong 
army,  and  after  some  opposition  from  the  nobles,  whom 
he  treated  as  rebellious  vassals,  he  took  Rome  by  storm, 
the  Italians  having  shut  the  gates  against  him  in  spite  of 
the  Pope.  His  enemies  being  thus  silenced,  Arnulf  was 
pubhcly  crowned  by  the  Pontiflf  as  Emperor  of  the  West. 

Formosus,  in  897,  was  succeeded  by  Stephen  YIL,  who 
immediately  began  to  manifest  the  most  implacable  hostility 
to  the  very  memory  of  his  predecessor.  It  was  no  unusual 
thing  for  contentions  to  exist  between  the  connections  of  a 
deceased  and  reigning  pope,  and  it  generally  happened  that 
when  the  newly -elected  Pontiff  took  possession  of  the  Vat- 
ican, he  found  that  palace  plundered  of  all  its  valuable  or- 
naments and  furniture.  But  the  rancorous  and  revengeful 
spirit  of  Stephen  YII.  cannot  be  accounted  for  on  any  such 
ordinary  grounds,  nor  is  it  possible  now  to  discover  the  cause, 
though  he  tried  to  justify  himself  by  the  pretense  that  the 


THE   GREAT  SCHISM  COMMENCED.  129 

late  Pontifif  was  an  usurper,  who  had  been  excommunicated 
by  Pope  John  VIII. 

Stephen,  not  content  with  revihng  the  memory  of  the 
deceased  Pope,  caused  the  body  of  Formosus  to  be  dragged 
from  its  tomb,  that  it  might  formally  receive  a  sentence  of 
deposition.  The  body  was  carried  into  the  presence  of  a 
council  of  Italian  bishops,  convened  for  the  occasion,  and 
by  these  inhuman  wretches  the  inanimate  form  was  mock- 
ingly arrayed  in  the  rich  vesture  and  ornaments  which  it 
had  worn  when  endued  with  life.  They  then  placed  it  in 
horrible  state  upon  the  papal  throne,  Stephen,  the  living 
Pontiff,  now  advanced,  and  demanded  of  his  lifeless  brother : 
"  Wherefore,  0  Bishop  of  Porto,  hast  thou  carried  thy  am- 
bition so  far  as  to  usurp  the  See  of  Rome  ?"  On  receiving 
no  reply,  this  grave  assembly  passed  sentence  of  deposition, 
and  the  condemned  corpse,  being  stripped  of  its  robes,  was 
brutally  beheaded  and  deprived  of  three  fingers,  and  then 
ordered  to  be  cast  contemptuously  into  the  Tiber. 

This  ridiculous  and  disgusting  farce  was  the  prelude  to 
proceedings  of  greater  consequence.  Stephen  published 
an  edict,  in  which  Formosus  was  pronounced  an  usurper, 
and  all  the  acts  and  decrees  of  his  pontificate  were  uncon- 
ditionally annulled — at  the  hazard,  it  should  seem,  of  creat- 
ing thereby  a  rather  serious  breach  in  the  much-vaunted 
chain  of  regular  and  unbroken  succession.  The  revolting 
behavior  of  Stephen  soon  met  with  just  retribution ;  for, 
as  might  be  expected,  the  friends  of  Formosus  could  set  no 
bounds  to  their  indignation,  and  raising  an  insurrection  in 
the  city,  they  broke  into  the  Pope's  abode,  and  hurrying 
him  to  a  dungeon,  strangled  him  without  even  the  prelimi- 
nary form  of  a  trial. 

In  the  disturbances  which  ensued,  two  popes,  Romanus 
and  Theodore,  were  elected  to  the  chair,  and  were  super- 
seded in  the  same  year  by  John  IX.,  whose  honors  were 
almost  equally  short-lived,  as  he  died  about  the  close  of  the 
ninth  century. 

6* 


130  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

And  now  commenced  a  scene  of  fierce  discord,  base  and 
treacherous  outrage,  and  unblushing  licentious  profligacy, 
which  has  had  no  parallel  in.  the  history  of  Christendom, 
nor,  perhaps,  in  the  history  of  the  world.  It  is  summarily 
described  by  Hallam  as  comprehending  *'  a  series  of  revo- 
lutions and  crimes,  in  which  six  popes  were  -deposed,  two 
murdered,  one  mutilated.  Frequently  two,  or  even  three 
competitors,  among  whom  it  is  not  always  possible  by  any 
genuine  criticism  to  distinguish  the  true  shepherd,  drove 
each  other  alternately  from  the  city.  A  few  respectable 
names  appear  thinly  scattered  through  this  darkness ;  and 
sometimes,  perhaps,  a  pope  who  had  acquired  estimation 
by  his  private  virtues,  may  be  distinguished  by  some  en- 
croachment on  the  rights  of  princes  or  the  privileges  of  na- 
tional Chmxhes.  But  in  general  the  pontiffs  of  that  age 
had  neither  leisure  nor  capacity  to  perfect  the  great  system 
of  temporal  supremacy,  and  looked  rather  to  a  vile  profit 
from  the  sale  of  episcopal  confirmations,  or  of  exemptions 
to  monasteries." — [Middle  Ages,  vol.  ii,  p.  531.) 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

LICENTIOUSNESS  OF  THE  POPES INTERFERENCE  OF  OTHO 

THE  GREAT. A.  D.  900-973. 

It  is,  perhaps,  well  that  the  annals  of  the  times  now  to  be 
reviewed  are  so  meager  as  to  relieve  both  the  historian  and 
the  reader  of  the  painful  necessity  of  contemplating  a  scene 
of  iniquity  and  vice,  in  which  even  the  better  characters 
are  distinguishable  from  the  rest  only  by  being  engaged  in 
a  less  flagitious  order  of  crime.  Most  of  the  popes  of  the 
tenth  century  must  be  passed  over  in  silence,  and  those 
whom  the  continuity  of  this  narrative  obliges  us  to  con- 
sider shall  be  described  with  as  much  brevity  and  decent 
reserve  as  fidelity  to  truth  will  permit. 


LICENTIOUSMESS   OF  THE  POPES.  131 

During  the  first  quarter  of  the  tenth  century,  Italy  was 
a  prey  to  the  factions  of  the  feudal  chiefs,  who  were  now 
rising  into  importance,  and  among  whom  the  popes  strove, 
generally  in  vain,  to  maintain  an  independent  sovereignty 
over  the  city  and  territory  of  Rome.  In  order  to  accom- 
plish this  they  never  hesitated  to  favor  the  claims,  whether 
good  or  bad,  of  the  most  powerful  party.  Thus  Pope 
Benedict  IV.  abused  the  functions  of  his  office ;  and  when, 
in  901,  Louis,  King  of  Provence,  defeated  his  rival  pretend- 
ers to  the  Italian  crown,  and  came  to  Rome  to  be  installed, 
Benedict  consecrated  him  both  as  emperor  and  as  king  of 
Italy,  In  the  following  year,  Benedict  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  hostile  Duke  of  Friuli,  who  had  aimed  at  possessing 
the  crown,  and  whose  right  was  just  as  good  as  that  of 
Louis.  The  Pope  on  this  occasion  paid  the  penalty  of  his 
subservience  by  being  violently  put  to  death. 

Leo  v.,  who  next  assumed  the  tiara,  was  still  more  unfor- 
tunate, for  in  less  than  three  months  he  was  deposed  by  the 
plots  of  his  own  chaplain,  Christopher,  and  probably  ended 
his  career  in  a  Roman  dungeon.  Christopher  ascended 
the  blood-stained  steps  of  the  throne,  but  was  in  his  tm-n 
driven  from  power,  after  holding  it  a  few  months.  His 
expulsion  was  effected  by  a  revolt  of  the  citizens,  who,  in 
these  times  of  anarchy  and  crime,  became  the  ready  tools 
of  any  daring  and  wealthy  noble  who  would  pay  them 
well. 

Adelbert,  Duke  of  Lucca,  was  one  of  the  most  powerful 
of  the  Italian  nobles,  and  obtained  predominant  influence  at 
Rome  through  the  aid  of  the  licentious  Theodora,  a  Roman 
lady  of  fortune.  At  her  instigation,  he  placed  in  the  va- 
cant chair  of  the  papacy  Sergius,  one  of  her  paramours, 
and  the  third  pope  of  that  name.  Little  is  known  of  Ser- 
gius, and  what  is  known  redounds  only  to  his  dishonor  and 
that  of  the  Roman  See.  His  connection  with  Marozia,  the 
daughter  of  Theodora,  and  the  equal  of  her  mother  in 
.every  vice,  brands  his  name  with  eternal  infamy.     For  a 


132  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

few  years  lie  continued  in  power,  and  then  fell,  more  likely 
by  violence  than  otherwise,  to  make  way  for  new  favorites. 
Anastasius  III.  and  Lando  arose,  at  the  bidding  of  these 
infamous  women,  to  the  dangerous  post  of  honor,  and  both 
died  so  suddenly  as  to  excite  suspicion  of  foul  play. 

Another  lover  of  Theodora's  succeeded  as  John  X., 
whose  tenure  of  office  and  of  her  favor  was  more  protracted. 
Yet,  although  his  pontificate  endured  for  the  extraordinary 
period  of  twelve  years,  its  history  relates  almost  exclusively 
to  domestic  intrigues  and  broils.  It  is  said,  indeed,  that 
John  united  with  the  Dukes  of  Benevento  and  Naples  to 
oppose  the  Saracens ;  and  that  their  joint  eflforts  were  so 
successful,  that  these  fierce  invaders  were  utterly  swept 
from  the  Italian  shores  for  many  years  :  but  what  share  in 
these  feats  of  arms  was  borne  by  the  priestly  voluptuary 
under  consideration  is  left  to  our  conjectures.  Certain  it  is, 
that  though  he  died  a  violent  death,  it  was  not  on  the  field 
of  patriotic  conflict.  His  end  was  in  keeping  with  his 
life.  The  wanton  daughter  of  Theodora  was  provoked  to 
jealousy  by  the  slights  she  imagined  she  received  from  the 
Pontiff,  and  by  the  greater  attention  which  he  had  paid  to 
her  mother  than  to  herself ;  and  imputing  her  loss  of  influ- 
ence over  John  to  the  remonstrances  of  his  brother  Peter, 
she  resolved,  with  all  the  madness  of  infuriated  jealousy,  to 
accomplish  the  destruction  of  both.  She,  therefore,  incited 
her  husband  Guido,  Duke  of  Tuscany,  a  man  as  dissolute 
and  reckless  as  herself,  to  execute  the  plot  which  her  own 
ingenuity  had  devised.  The  appointed  day  arrived ;  the 
Pope  and  his  brother  were  both  known  to  be  enjoying  the 
luxurious  repose  of  the  Lateran  palace,  when  Guido,  at 
the  head  of  his  soldiers,  broke  suddenly  in  upon  their 
seclusion,  and  first  killing  Peter  in  the  Pontiff's  presence, 
dragged  John  himself  to  prison,  where  he  was  speedily 
dispatched. 

Two  other  equally  miserable  victims  were  exalted  to  the 
popedom  by  the  vile  Marozia  and  her  husband,  in  order  to 


LICENTIOUSNESS   OF  THE  POPES.  133 

be  quickly  destroyed.  One  of  these  creatures,  Leo  VI., 
was  pope  seven  months ;  the  next,  Stephen  VIIL,  for 
somewhat  more  than  a  year.  Both  of  them  probably  died 
by  poison  or  the  dagger. 

On  the  death  of  Duke  Guido,  Marozia  married  Hugh, 
king  of  Burgundy,  who  had  now  triumphed  over  all  the 
other  pretenders  to  the  crown  of  Italy,  and  was,  therefore, 
recognized  as  its  king,  though  the  yoke  of  a  transalpine 
sovereign  was  very  impatiently  borne  by  the  feudal  chiefs 
of  Lombardy.  Hugh  was  as  licentious  as  his  wife  ;  both 
indulged  their  guilty  passions  without  restraint,  and  as  they 
gave  to  the  papal  chair  what  occupants  they  pleased,  we 
may  be  sure  that  the  qualification  for  the  popedom  would 
not  now  be  piety,  or  even  morality  or  learning,  but  a  con- 
geniality of  taste  and  habits  in  sensuality  and  vice. 

The  power  of  Marozia  at  Rome  being  now  at  its  height, 
she  gave  the  tiara,  in  931,  to  her  son  Octavian,  who 
acknowledged  Pope  Sergius  III.  as  his  father,  and  who 
was  then  just  twenty  years  of  age.  The  young  Pontiff,  who 
assumed  the  name  of  John  XI.,  was  not  destined,  however, 
long  to  occupy  the  seat  in  which  he  had  been  placed  by 
such  unlawful  and  polluted,  though  powerful  hands.  Ma- 
rozia's  son  by  the  first  marriage,  Alberic,  was  incensed  at 
her  new  alliance,  and  sympathized  with  the  Italian  nobles 
in  regarding  the  intrusion  of  a  foreign  prince  as  an  insult 
and  degradation.  To  please  his  mother,  he  nevertheless 
attended  the  nuptial  banquet,  but  conducted  himself  so 
haughtily  toward  his  new  father,  that  Hugh  gave  him  a 
blow  on  the  cheek.  Alberic  no  longer  restrained  his  indig- 
nation, and  turning  to  the  nobles  around  him,  "  Romans !" 
exclaimed  he,  "  once  you  were  the  masters  of  the  world, 
and  these  Burgundians  the  most  abject  of  your  slaves. 
They  now  reign,  these  voracious  and  brutal  savages,  and 
my  injuiy  is  the  commencement  of  your  servitude."  The 
banquet  was  now  turned  into  a  conspiracy,  and  a  revolution 
was  shortly  effected.     Marozia  was  thrown    into  prison; 


134  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

Hugh  and  his  Burgundians  expelled  the  city ;  and  Alberic 
assumed  the  government  of  Rome  under  the  ancient  title  of 
consul,  permitting  his  brother  John  still,  however,  to  con- 
duct the  management  of  ecclesiastical  affairs.  But  even 
this  curtailed  dignity  was  not  long  allowed  him,  for  after 
being  closely  watched  for  a  couple  of  years,  this  unfortu- 
nate Pope  died  in  prison,  not  without  suspicion  of  having 
suffered  violence. 

The  new  government  established  by  Alberic  continued 
for  more  than  twenty  years,  but  without  any  visible  im- 
provement in  the  character  of  the  papacy.  The  pontiffs 
successively  raised  to  office  during  that  period  were  ap- 
pointed by  Alberic,  and  appear  to  have  been  chosen  for 
their  readiness  to  become  his  servile  instruments.  Of  such 
men  as  Leo  VII.,  Stephen  IX.,  Martin  III.,  and  Agape- 
Tus,  history  has  absolutely  nothing  but  their  names  to 
record. 

On  the  death  of  the  latter,  in  the  year  956,  Alberic  con- 
sidered his  son  Octavian,  then  eighteen  years  of  age,  mature 
enough  for  the  pontifical  dignity,  and  accordingly  designa- 
ted him  pope  by  the  name  of  John  XII.  This  profligate 
youth  surpassed,  if  it  were  possible  to  surpass,  his  prede- 
cessors in  his  utter  disregard,  not  merely  of  religion,  but  of 
the  commonest  forms  of  morality.  Truth,  honor,  decency 
— were  all  shamefully  defied.  Hardly  a  vice  could  be 
named  or  imagined  of  which  he  was  not  guilty.  The  gold 
and  silver  vessels  belonging  to  St.  Peter's  were  given  as 
presents  to  his  mistresses  and  other  companions  in  sensual 
pleasures ;  the  female  pilgrims  who  visited  Rome  were  de- 
coyed to  the  Lateran  and  ruined ;  the  treasures  of  the  see 
were  squandered  away  in  gambling  of  every  kind  ;  the  very 
show  of  divine  worship  was  abandoned  altogether,  or  inde- 
cently hunied  through ;  and  the  audacious  Pope  did  not 
scruple  publicly  to  invoke  the  pagan  deities,  and  mockingly 
to  drink  at  his  revels  to  the  health  of  the  devil. 

Such  was  the  character  of  Pope  John  XII.,  as  portrayed 


LICENTIOUSNESS   OF  THE   POPES.  1S5 

by  the  Romanists  themselves ;  and  yet  the  unblushing  ef 
frontery  of  Rome  still  calls  on  us  to  believe  that  this  wretch 
was  a  legitimate  successor,  and  during  his  life  the  only  one 
on  earth,  of  the  self-denying  Peter  and  Paul ;  and  that  sac- 
raments administered  by  his  polluted  hands  could  them- 
selves convey  grace  to  the  receiver.  Surely  common-sense 
alone  would  serve  to  suggest,  that  were  the  fiction  of  sacra- 
mental grace  as  true  as  it  is  false,  the  channel  through 
which  the  grace  comes  should  at  least  be  untaintedly  pure. 

Meantime,  a  new  yoke  of  servitude  for  poor,  sunken,  and 
priest-defiled  Italy  was  in  course  of  preparation.  Otho 
the  Great  had  now  reunited  the  German  nations,  which  had 
fallen  into  confusion  after  the  death  of  Charlemagne ;  and 
he  next  proceeded  to  lay  hands  on  Italy,  which  was  ill  able 
to  resist  invasion.  Invited  by  the  Pope,  who  found  himself 
incapable  of  ruling  the  ambitious  Italian  nobles,  Otho 
marched  across  the  Alps,  and  without  much  difficulty  suc- 
ceeded in  reaching  the  papal  metropolis.  The  Pontiff  soon 
found  that  he  had  obtained  a  master  where  he  expected  to 
find  a  friend ;  for  Otho  compelled  the  reluctant  John  both 
to  acknowledge  him  as  the  lawful  emperor  of  the  west, 
inclusive  of  Italy,  and  with  his  own  hands  to  perform  the 
ceremony  of  coronation.  He  completed  the  series  of  humil- 
iations by  causing  the  Romans  to  swear  that  they  would 
never  more  elect  a  pope  without  first  ascertaining  the  impe- 
rial pleasure. 

ISTo  sooner  had  the  emperor  departed  from  Rome,  than 
John  declared  that  the  oath  taken  by  himself,  the  clergy,  and 
the  people,  was  utterly  null  and  void,  and  retracted  all  the 
promises  which  he  had  so  lately  given.  The  news  of  this 
treachery  overtook  Otho  before  he  had  reached  the  great 
mountain  barrier,  and  he  immediately  returned  to  inflict 
chastisement  on  the  faithless  Pope.  Feeling  that  his  life 
was  not  safe  among  so  false  a  people,  he  commanded  his 
sword-bearer  never  to  quit  his  side,  lest  he  should  be 
assaulted  and  murdered  even  at  the  foot  of  the  altar.     Con- 


136  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

yoking  a  council  of  the  clergy,  he  ordered  them  to  depose 
the  Pope,  on  the  ground  of  many  of  his  profligate  acts, 
which  were  fully  exposed  and  clearly  proved.  John's  as- 
sociates in  revolt  were  severely  punished,  and  the  Pope  him- 
self, thus  disgraced,  soon  afterward  ended  his  scandalous  life 
by  a  horrible,  but  retributive  death;  for,  being  taken  in 
adultery,  he  was  killed  on  the  spot  by  the  injured  and 
exasperated  husband. 

On  the  degradation  of  John,  the  emperor  appointed  Leo 
VIII.  to  be  his  successor ;  but  the  nomination  was  so  dis- 
pleasing to  the  citizens  of  Rome,  that,  in  defiance  of  the 
imperial  mandate,  they  proceeded  to  elect  a  pontiff*  of  their 
own  choice,  named  Benedict  V.  The  emperor  again  hast- 
ened back,  and  reducing  the  city  by  famine,  compelled  the 
clergy  to  accept  Leo,  and  sentenced  Benedict  to  perpetual 
exile.  Leo  died  two  years  after,  when  John  XIII.  was 
raised,  by  imperial  command,  to  the  papal  chair.  Against 
this  appointment  also  the  Romans  rebelled,  and  boldly  im- 
prisoned the  emperor's  nominee.  Otho  once  more  marched 
upon  the  contumacious  city,  and  this  time  made  a  signal 
example  of  several  leading  revolters.  The  prefect  was 
mounted  naked  on  an  ass,  whipped  through  the  city,  and 
then  thrown  into  a  dungeon ;  thirteen  of  the  most  deter- 
mined were  hanged,  and  many  others  were  either  mutilated 
or  banished  from  Rome.  John  was  restored  to  power,  and 
retained  it  till  9*72.  His  character  is  little  known,  but  no 
very  favorable  glimpse  of  it  is  given  in  his  introducing  the 
absurd  practice  of  baptizing  and  consecrating  the  hells  of 
cathedrals  and  churches — a  ceremony  which  has  ever  since 
been  regarded  by  the  superstitious  devotees  of  Rome  as  a 
certain  charm  to  preserve  the  sacred  edifice  from  the 
approach  of  evil  spirits. 


STRIFES  OF  RIVAL  POPES.  137 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

STRIFES   OF  RIVAL  POPES. VAIN  EFFORTS  AT  REFORM  IN  THE 

CHURCH. A.  D.  973-1003. 

The  death  of  Otho  the  Great  in  9*73  was  the  signal  for  new 
disturbances  in  Italy,  which  resulted  in  disastrous  conse- 
quences to  the  Pontiff,  Benedict  VI.  Led  by  their  priests, 
the  citizens  of  Rome  broke  out  into  revolt  against  the  impe- 
rial authority.  Especially  indignant  that  a  pope  had  been 
imposed  upon  them  without  their  consent  being  even 
asked,  they  chose  a  cardinal  named  Francone  as  their 
leader,  and  at  his  instigation  hurried  Benedict  to  the 
castle  of  St.  Angelo,  where  he  was  presently  strangled. 
Francone  was  hastily  elected  to  fill  his  place,  and  he  forth- 
with ascended  the  papal  throne  with  the  title  of  Boni- 
face VII. 

The  career  of  Boniface  was  throughout  worthy  of  its 
commencement.  His  licentiousness  and  cruelty  were  such, 
that  the  same  hands  that  carried  him  to  the  throne  were  in 
a  few  months  again  lifted  for  his  expulsion  from  power. 
But  though  driven  from  the  city,  he  still  claimed  the  su- 
preme ecclesiastical  authority,  and  his  title  was  acknowl- 
edged by  some  of  the  clergy.  Meanwhile  others  stepped 
into  the  vacant  seat.  First  Donus,  of  whom  nothing  fur- 
ther is  known,  and  then  Benedict  VII.  obtained  the  covet- 
ed but  dangerous  honor.  The  city  was  kept  in  a  continual 
state  of  uproar,  by  pretenders  to  the  civil  as  well  as  the  ec- 
clesiastical magistracy.  Crescentius,  a  son  of  the  aban- 
doned Theodora,  seized  the  opportunity  to  attempt  a 
restoration  of  the  republic,  and  styled  himself  its  first  consul. 
The  adherents  of  Crescentius  supported  the  pretensions  of 
the  exiled  Boniface  to  the  popedom,  while  another  faction 
contended  for  Benedict,  who  was  in  actual  possession  of  the 
office.     The  providence  of  God  thus  most  righteously  and 


138  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

instructively  ordained  that  the  popes  should  themselves  be- 
come the  instruments  of  exposing  to  the  derision  and  scorn 
of  the  world  their  ridiculous  and  impious  assertion  of  infal- 
lible wisdom.  The  opposition  between  the  rival  "  heads  of 
the  Church  "  was  absolute.  The  pope  of  one  party  was  the 
anti-pope  of  another.  What  one  authority  decreed,  the 
other  strictly  forbade.  Benedict  excommunicated  Boniface, 
and  Boniface  anathematized  Benedict. 

To  quell  these  angry  tumults,  the  emperor  Otho  II.  hast- 
ened in  person  to  Rome,  and  his  presence  there  produced 
at  least  temporary  order.  Crescentius  was  pardoned,  but 
the  banishment  of  his  associate  or  creature,  Boniface,  was 
confirmed.  Benedict  VII.  sat  on  the  papal  throne  in  un- 
alarmed  security,  but  in  undignified  dependence,  for  the 
brief  remainder  of  his  hfe. 

Dying  in  984,  Benedict  was  succeeded,  at  the  imperial 
command,  by  the  chancellor  of  the  empire,  John  XIV. 
But  the  early  death  of  the  emperor  gave  new  courage  to 
the  faction  of  Crescentius  and  Boniface.  The  latter  re- 
turned to  Rome,  and  seizing  on  his  rival,  not  only  ejected 
him  from  the  power,  but  caused  him  immediately  to  be  put 
to  death.  In  a  few  months,  however,  his  own  possession 
of  ofl&ce  was  ended  and  the  clamor  of  his  party  silenced  by 
the  stem  and  peremptory  fiat  of  the  "  last  enemy,"  and 
Boniface  VII.  left  the  undesirable  prize  of  the  tiara  to  be 
struggled  for  by  other  competitors. 

John  XV.  was  the  successful  aspirant,  and  low  as  the 
real  authority  of  the  popes  had  now  sunk,  he  contrived  to 
display  as  much  as  the  mightiest  of  his  predecessors,  the 
arrogance  inherent  in  the  papacy.  Saint-worship  had,  by 
this  time,  become  the  universal  practice  of  Christendom. 
The  Virgin  Mary,  with  a  host  of  Church  heroes  and  hero- 
ines, known  and  unknown,  claimed  an  equal  or  even  a 
larger  share  than  the  Saviour  of  the  world  in  the  prayers 
of  professed  Christians;  and  the  priesthood  found  the 
canonization  of  new  saints  to  be  as  lucrative  a  source  of 


STRIFES   OF  THE  RIVAL  POPES.  139 

revenue  as  they  formerly  had  the  discovery  of  fabulous 
reUcs. 

But  greatly  as  this  custom  of  canonizing  the  dead  had 
come  into  vogue,  and  much  as  it  had  already  been  abused 
by  designing  priests,  no  pontiff  had  yet  assumed  to  himself 
the  power  and  right  of  enlarging  the  calendar  at  will.  This 
innovation  was  reserved  for  an  age  of  unequaled  credulity 
and  superstition,  and  John  XV.  was  the  daring  and  success- 
ful originator  of  the  crime. 

In  the  year  993  this  Pope  held  a  synod  at  Rome,  in 
which  one  Udlaric  was  formally  and  solemnly  enrolled  in 
the  catalogue  of  saints.  The  ground  of  the  procedure  was 
a  traditionary  and  legendary  account  of  Udlaric's  life,  (in- 
cluding some  most  absm-d  and  incredible  tales,)  which  was 
presented  to  the  Pope  by  the  Bishop  of  Augsburg,  and 
which  John  pretended  impUcitly  to  believe.  He  forthwith 
issued  a  decree,  enjoining  on  all  Christians  the  due  veneration 
of  the  newly-installed  saint,  expressed  in  the  following  terms : 
"John,  servant  of  the  servants  of  God,  to  all  archbishops, 
bishops,  and  abbots,  greeting  and  apostolical  benediction. 
Having  convened  an  assembly  at  our  palace  of  the  Lateran 
on  the  last  day  of  January,  in  which  John  the  most  holy 
Pope  was  sitting,  and  the  bishops  and  clergy  standing,  the 
most  reverend  Lintolph,  Bishop  of  Augsburg,  said,  '  Most 
holy  bishop,  give  me  leave  to  read  in  your  presence  the 
book  which  I  hold  in  my  hand,  respecting  the  life  and 
miracles  of  Udlaric,  formerly  bishop  of  my  diocese.'  The 
book  having  been  read,  we  hereby  resolve  and  ordain  that 
the  memory  of  Udlaric  shall  be  honored  with  pious  affection 
and  sincere  devotion,  because  we  ought  to  honor  and  show 
respect  to  the  relics  of  martyrs  and  confessors,  in  order  to 
adore  Him  whose  martyrs  and  confessors  they  are.  It  is, 
therefore,  our  pleasure  that  the  memory  of  Udlaric  be  con- 
secrated to  the  honor  of  the  Lord,  that  it  may  serve  to  cel- 
ebrate his  praise  forever." 

The  pretensions  of  the  papacy  were  thus,  as  we  see,  ad- 


140  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

vanced  more  insolently  than  ever  at  a  period  when  her 
corruptions  and  entirely  unscriptural  character  were  reach- 
ing their  height.  But  the  conduct  of  the  pontiffs  had  now 
been  so  long  and  so  constantly  an  outrage,  not  only  on 
Christianity,  but  on  humanity  itself,  that  there  were  many 
in  all  countries,  and  not  a  few  even  of  the  clergy,  who  be- 
gan to  dispute  the  authority  of  the  Pope,  and  to  desire 
some  kind  of  reform  in  matters  of  rehgion. 

This  feeling  displayed  itself  in  France  during  the  pontifi- 
cate of  John  XV. ;  and  the  boldest  denouncer  of  the  pa- 
pacy was  himself  a  Churchman,  destined  to  become  after- 
ward a  pope.  This  was  Gerbert,  a  man  so  renowned  for 
his  learning  in  the  physical  sciences  that  the  vulgar  thought 
him  a  magician;  but  so  esteemed  by  Hugh  Capet,  then 
king  of  France,  that  he  appointed  him  president  of  the  ca- 
thedral school  of  Rheims.  Now  it  happened  that  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Rheims  had  offended  the  king,  and  the  latter, 
wishing  both  to  humble  the  archbishop  and  to  flatter  the 
Pope,  besought  John's  interposition.  The  PontiflF,  however, 
delayed  taking  measures  so  long,  that  the  king  grew  indig- 
nant, and  summoned  a  synod  of  the  French  clergy  to  ad- 
judicate in  the  affair.  In  this  synod  many  bold  speeches 
were  uttered  respecting  the  character  of  the  papacy.  Ar- 
nulf,  a  friend  of  Gerbert's,  referring  to  the  recent  popes, 
exclaimed,  "  Is  it,  then,  settled,  that  to  such  shameful 
brutes,  destitute  of  all  knowledge,  both  secular  and  sacred, 
the  clergy,  distinguished  through  the  world  for  wisdom  and 
purity,  are  submissively  to  bow  ?  For  what  do  we  take 
him  who  sits,  blazing  with  purple  and  gold,  on  a  lofty 
throne?  If,  devoid  of  love,  he  is  puffed  up  with  knowl- 
edge, then  is  he  Antichrist  sitting  in  the  temple  of  God. 
If  he  is  wanting  in  both  knowledge  and  charity,  he  sits  in 
that  temple  like  a  statue — an  idol ;  and  to  seek  a  decision 
from  such  an  one  is  like  askinsf  counsel  of  a  block  of  stone. 
Much  better  were  it  to  seek  advice  where  we  might  expect 
to  find  the  fullest  understanding  of  the  divine  word — of  the 


STRIFES   OF  THE  RIVAL  POPES.  141 

bishops  of  Belgium  and  Germany — than  in  a  city  where 
everything  is  venal,  and  where  judgment  is  pronounced  ac- 
cording to  the  amount  of  the  bribe.  How  shall  any  of  the 
Roman  clergy,  among  whom  hardly  a  man  will  be  found 
who  can  either  write  or  read,  pretend  to  teach  what  he  has 
not  himself  learned  ?" 

This  synod  assumed  to  itself  the  right  of  deposing  the 
archbishop,  and  appointed  Gerbert  to  succeed  him.  But 
Pope  John  would  by  no  means  admit  that  such  power  was 
vested  in  the  synod,  and  pronounced  the  deposition  invalid, 
suspending  from  their  functions  all  the  bishops  who  had 
voted.  Gerbert  now  felt  it  his  duty  to  interfere,  and  writ- 
ing to  a  brother  bishop,  who  seemed  disposed  to  coincide 
with  the  Pope,  he  pleaded  thus  in  vindication  of  the  synod : 
**  Why  do  our  opponents  urge  that  we  ought  to  have  waited 
for  the  decision  of  the  Pope  ?  Can  they  show  that  the 
judgment  of  the  Roman  bishop  is  greater  than  the  judg- 
ment of  God  ?  The  first  Roman  bishop  said,  *  It  is  better 
to  hearken  unto  God  than  unto  men.'  Shall  we,  then,  give 
up  this  right  of  deposing  our  bishops,  and  with  it  the  power 
of  punishing  even  the  most  guilty  ?  I  say,  and  persist  in 
it,  that  if  the  Pope  himself  has  committed  a  sin  against  his 
brother,  and  having  been  often  reminded  of  it,  do  not  listen 
to  the  Church,  he  must,  by  the  command  of  God,  be  con- 
sidered as  a  heathen  and  a  publican ;  for  the  more  exalted 
the  station  one  occupies,  the  deeper  is  his  fall." 

It  is  gratifying  thus  to  see  that,  even  in  the  darkest  age, 
there  were  some  who  could  perceive  and  dared  to  speak 
the  truth ;  but  the  time  for  attempting  a  reform  in  the  pa- 
pacy had  not  yet  arrived ;  and  when  it  came,  the  utter 
failure  of  the  attempt  only  made  more  apparent  than  ever 
the  viciousness  of  the  principles  upon  which  the  whole  sys- 
tem was  based.  In  truth,  the  very  men,  such  as  Gerbert 
and  Arnulf,  who  desired  a  reform,  knew  not  what  it  was 
that  was  required.  Their  own  minds  were  so  largely  im- 
bued with  the  popular  notion,  that  the  established  forms  of 


142  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

religion,  in  government,  discipline,  and  worship,  were  es- 
sential to  the  existence  of  the  Church  of  Christ,  that  the 
really  spiritual  nature  of  Christianity  altogether  escaped 
them.  The  great  doctrines  of  the  gospel,  that  "by  the 
deeds  of  the  law  there  shall  no  flesh  be  justified  in  His 
sight ;"  that  "  all  have  sinned,  and  come  short  of  the  glory 
of  God ;"  that  "  the  righteousness  of  God  without  the  law 
is  manifested  .  .  .  even  the  righteousness  of  God  which 
is  by  faith  of  Jesus  Christ  unto  all  and  upon  all  them  that 
believe  " — of  these  and  many  other  important  truths  they 
knew  little  or  nothing,  and  were  therefore  quite  unprepared 
to  sweep  away  the  huge  and  stifling  mass  of  rubbish  be- 
neath which  Rome  had  entombed  the  fair  form  of  the  Chris- 
tian religion. 

The  Pontifi^,  Gregory  V.,  who  was  raised  to  the  pope- 
dom by  Otho  in  997,  lived  only  two  years  to  enjoy  the 
honor.  Yet  in  that  brief  interval  he  gave  abundant  proof 
to  the  world,  that  however  abject,  morally  and  politically, 
the  papacy  may  become,  it  will  never  relinquish  its  claims 
to  universal  supremacy  in  the  Church.  The  king  of  France 
had  just  then  married  a  lady  who  stood  within  the  pro- 
hibited line  of  relationship.  Gregory  publicly  declared 
that  the  marriage  was  null  and  void.  At  first,  the  king 
defied  the  arrogant  priest ;  but  Gregory  knew  his  powers, 
and  boldly  proceeded  to  pronounce  the  monarch  an  excom- 
municate person,  and  his  kingdom  under  the  interdict  of  the 
Church.  The  astonished  prince  beheld  himself  immediately 
deserted  by  all  his  subjects,  and  his  court  converted  into  a 
solitude.  Two  faithful  domestics  alone  remained  with  him ; 
and  even  these,  fearful  of  spiritual  infection,  superstitiously 
avoided  his  touch,  and  threw  into  the  fire  vessels  which  he 
used  in  eating  and  drinking.  Under  circumstances  so  strin- 
gent the  king  was  compelled  to  submit ;  and  by  dismissing 
his  bride  obtained  the  pardon  of  the  Pope. 

On  Gregory's  death,  the  Emperor  Otho,  still  hoping  to 
secure  some  beneficial  changes  in  the  state  of  the  Church, 


STRIFES   OF  THE  RIVAL  POPES.  143 

appointed  his  preceptor,  the  learned  Gerbert,  to  succeed 
him,  under  the  title  of  Sylvester  II.  The  earlier  career 
of  this  remarkable  man  might  justify  us  in  expecting  that 
his  advent  to  power  would  commence  a  new  era  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  Roman  Church ;  but  if  he  had  not  previously 
changed  his  sentiments  concerning  the  papacy,  he  had  at 
least  learned  the  corrupt  policy  of  silence ;  and  on  becom- 
ing Pope,  instead  of  instituting  reforms,  he  studiously  up- 
held all  the  vices  of  the  Roman  See.  Perhaps,  also,  he 
found  hindrances  over  which  he  could  exercise  no  control, 
as  well  as  temptations  which  he  had  not  the  moral  strength 
to  resist. 

Among  other  difficulties  with  which  Sylvester,  had  he 
been  ever  so  desirous  of  interfering  with  established  usages, 
would  have  had  to  contend,  was  one  of  a  most  singular  and 
extraordinary  character ;  this  was  the  panic-stricken  state  of 
society  on  the  approach  of  the  year  1000  of  the  Christian 
era.  A  belief  was  prevalent  throughout  Europe  that  in 
that  year  the  awful  predictions  contained  in  the  twentieth 
chapter  of  the  Apocalypse  were  destined  to  be  accom- 
plished, and  that  the  generation  then  living  would  witness 
the  final  judgment  of  the  world.  So  great  was  the  excite- 
ment, and  so  extravagant  the  consequent  fanaticism,  that 
the  wheels  of  commerce  stood  still,  tradesmen  forsook  their 
merchandise,  students  their  books,  and  multitudes,  resign- 
ing their  estates  into  the  hands  of  the  Church,  retired  into 
convents,  to  prepare  with  due  solemnity  for  the  expected 
event.  So  sudden  and  vast  an  accession  of  wealth  must 
have  greatly  strengthened  the  power  of  the  bishops  and 
clergy  throughout  Europe ;  and  had  Sylvester  been  ever 
so  strongly  inclined  to  introduce  beneficial  alterations,  it  is 
probable  he  would  have  utterly  failed  at  so  unpropitious  a 
time. 

His  life  was,  however,  so  shortly  terminated,  that  he  had 
little  opportunity  of  displaying  either  his  genius  or  his  in- 
tentions.    He  died  in  1003  ;  and  the  death  of  Otho  III., 


144  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

at  almost  the  same  time,  occasioned  an  entire  revolution  in 
Italian  ajQfairs,  and  changed  into  a  phase  yet  darker,  if  pos- 
sible, the  foul  and  lowering  aspect  of  the  Roman  Church. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

HEIGHT    OF    ANARCHY    IN    THE     STATE,    AND    PROFLIGACY    IN 
THE  CHURCH. A.  D.   1003-1046. 

Degenerate  as  were  the  Italians  of  the  middle  ages,  com- 
pared with  their  renowned  and  warlike  ancestors,  the  spirit 
of  liberty  had  never  wholly  departed,  and  had,  perhaps, 
received  new  life  from  the  admixture  of  the  Lombard  and 
Gothic  population  with  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  the  land. 
The  yoke  of  a  transalpine  emperor  was  always  felt  to  be 
galling,  and  a  moment  of  weakness  in  the  imperial  govern- 
ment was  sure  to  be  seized  for  erecting  the  standard  of 
independence.  Such  an  occasion  presented  itself  on  the 
death  of  Otho  III.,  when  the  Germans  were  much  divided 
in  the  choice  of  a  successor ;  and  Henry  II.,  who  was  eventu- 
ally elected,  found  full  occupation  for  many  years  in  sup- 
pressing the  factions  of  his  rivals. 

Left  thus  to  themselves,  the  nobles  of  Italy  recommenced 
those  struggles  for  freedom  which  had  ceased  since  the 
time  of  Otho  I.,  and  nothing  but  internal  disorganization 
could  have  prevented  Italy  from  acquiring  an  independent 
sovereign  of  its  own.  But  many  causes  combined  to  hinder 
this  desirable  result.  The  feudal  system  had  taught  the 
nobles  independence  of  each  other,  and  now  they  were 
more  eager  for  individual  greatness  than  anxious  for  their 
country's  welfare.  The  policy  of  Otho  I.  had  also  been 
directed  to  the  dissolving  of  the  bonds  of  connection  be- 
tween these  powerful  nobles,  whose  imion  would  have  made 
them  formidable  to  the  safety  of  the  empire.  To  humble 
the  barons  and  the  bishops,  he  had  given  charters  of  free- 


HEIGHT  OF  PROFLIGACY  IN  THE  CHURCH.  145 

dom  to  many  cities,  and  even  permitted  them  to  surround 
themselves  with  walls  and  fortifications.  Each  of  these, 
thus  transformed  into  a  petty  state,  was  selfishly  expending 
for  its  own  aggrandizement  the  resources  that  ought  to 
liave  been  devoted  to  the  common  weal.  "Venice  was  com- 
mencing, with  all  the  ardor  of  youth,  her  career  of  com- 
merce and  conquest.  Naples  and  other  sea-ports  strength- 
ened their  own  power  in  their  efibrts  to  resist  the  piratical 
Saracens  and  Normans.  Florence,  Milan,  Pavia,  and  other 
inland -towns,  had  built  up  their  walls,  and  armed  a  militia 
to  repel  the  attacks  of  the  Hungarians.  So  that,  although 
Ardoin,  the  Marquis  of  Ivrea,  on  being  elected  king  by 
some  of  the  northern  nobles,  was  able  to  maintain  the  title 
and  style  of  a  monarch  for  some  years,  he  never  gained  the 
support  of  the  nation,  and  his  forces  were  easily  routed 
when  the  new  emperor  found  leisure,  in  the  year  1014,  to 
quit  his  German  dominions  and  march  into  Italy.  But 
although  Henry  II.  then  enjoyed  the  honor  of  being 
crowned  before  a  Roman  assembly,  and  by  pontifical  hands, 
he  did  not  greatly  interfere  in  ecclesiastical  matters,  which 
•were  thus  abandoned  for  a  long  time  to  the  unscrupulous 
selfishness  of  a  venal  priesthood. 

The  popes  who  ruled  Rome  in  this  interval  of  discord  were 
all  of  them  the  mere  nominees  and  creatures  of  such  nobles 
or  popular  leaders  as  held  for  the  moment  the  predominant 
power  in  this  miserable  and  distracted  city.  Whatever  genius 
or  ability  they  had  was,  doubtless,  exhausted  in  their  endeav- 
or to  maintain  some  shadow  of  authority  in  the  midst  of 
domestic  squabbles.  It  need  occasion  us  no  sort  of  regret 
that  history  records  nothing  but  the  names  of  John  XVII., 
John  XVIII.,  and  Sergius  IV.,  the  last  of  whom  died  in 
1012. 

The  power  of  the  counts  of  Tusculum,  a  barony  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  city,  was  now  paramount  at  Rome,  and 
the  next  occupants  of  the  papal  chair  were  accordingly 
taken  from  among  their  partisans.     The  first  of  these  was 

7 


140  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

Benedict  VIII.,  whose  reign  was  distracted  by  domestic 
quarrels,  and  by  frequent  invasions  of  the  Greeks  and 
Saracens.  Dying  in  1024,  he  was  succeeded  by  his  brother, 
who  was  also  of  the  Tusculan  party. 

John  XIX.,  as  the  new  Pontiff  was  styled,  had  never 
been  a  priest  at  all ;  but  being  senator  and  Duke  of  Rome, 
it  was  easy  for  him  to  seize  on  an  office  which,  though 
sacred  in  name,  had  long  ceased  to  be  so  in  fact.  Yet  it 
was  necessary  to  gain  over  the  clergy,  and  this  was 
quickly  accomplished  by  extensive  and  unblushing  bribeiy. 
An  office  so  obtained  was  not  likely  to  be  esteemed  for  its 
own  sake,  and  this  soon  appeared  in  John^s  conduct  re- 
specting it.  He  only  valued  the  popedom  for  the  worldly 
advancement  which  it  promised  him,  and  if  it  did  not  answer 
this  end  it  would  hardly  cost  hnn  a  sigh  to  part  with  it  for 
a  better  prize.  The  authority  of  the  popes  was  daily  on 
the  decline ;  and  so  uncertain  a  remuneraticwi,  held  on  such 
dangerous  terms,  quickly  induced  the  mercenary  Pontiff  to 
form  the  design  of  selling  his  office  to  the  highest  bidder ; 
and  he  accordingly  entered  into  engagements  with  the 
Greek  emperor,  Basil,  to  transfer  to  the  Greek  patriarch  the 
title  of  "  Universal  Bishop,"  on  condition  of  receiving  a  large 
sum  of  money  in  return.  A  visit  of  the  Emperor  Conrad  II. 
to  Rome,  in  1026,  was  in  all  probabihty  the  cause  of  this 
eno-ao-ement  remaining  unfulfilled.  The  disorders  of  Italy 
brought  across  the  Alps  that  worthy  successor  of  Otho  the 
Great ;  and  after  the  ceremony  of  coronation  had  been  per- 
formed, Conrad  laid  down  such  stringent  regulations,  both 
for  the  nobles  and  the  clergy,  as  insured  the  return  of  order, 
at  least  for  a  season. 

On  the  death  of  John,  in  1033,  the  counts  of  Tusculum, 
still  in  the  ascendant,  had  the  audacity  to  elevate  to  the 
vacant  chair  a  boy  of  theu  own  family,  not  twelve  years  of 
age,  to  whom  they  gave  the  name  of  Benedict  IX.  It  is 
hard,  indeed,  to  determine  to  which  of  the  titles  ordinarily 
chosen  by  the  popes  should  be  awarded  precedence  for 


HEIGHT  OF  PROFLIGACY  IN  THE  CHURCH.  14V 

baseness  of  reputation ;  but,  perhaps,  in  the  person  of  this 
monster,  the  name  of  Benedict  has  attained  to  that  dis- 
graceful preeminence.  As  soon  as  Benedict  had  arrived  on 
the  vfl'ge  of  manhood,  he  recklessly  plunged  into  every 
species  of  debauchery  and  crime.  No  expenditure  was  too 
lavish,  no  act  was  too  daring,  that  would  serve  to  gratify 
his  passions.  All  that  has  been  related  of  John  XII. 
might  be  repeated  of  Benedict  IX.,  and  still  the  whole 
would  not  be  told.  The  former  was  a  voluptuary,  the  latter 
was  a  voluptuary  and  a  tyrant.  To  licentiousness  he  added 
ungovernable  fury  and  anger,  and  committed  several  mur- 
ders with  his  own  hands.  The  chroniclers  of  the  age, 
wearied  or  disgusted  with  their  task,  are  fain  to  sum  up 
the  catalogue  of  his  enormities  in  few  words,  by  declaring 
that  the  details  are  too  horrible  to  narrate. 

Used  as  the  Romans  were  to  base  and  profligate  pontiflTs, 
their  indignation  was  at  length  aroused  by  the  unparalleled 
vileness  of  Pope  Benedict ;  and  excited  by  his  repeated  and 
wanton  acts  of  cruelty,  they  raised  an  insurrection,  and 
ejected  him  by  force  from  the  city.  His  powerful  alliances, 
however,  enabled  him  to  return,  and  perhaps  he  might 
much  longer  have  continued  to  pollute  society  by  his  per- 
nicious example,  but  that  his  passions  were  turned  in  a 
direction  which  led  him  eventually  to  vacate  the  papal 
chair. 

Becoming  enamored  of  the  beautiful  daughter  of  an 
Italian  noble,  he  formally  demanded  her  in  marriage.  Her 
father  pretended  to  be  willing,  but  said  he  could  only  con- 
sent on  condition  that  Benedict  would  abdicate  his  office, 
hoping  that  the  throne  of  the  Church  would  thus  fall  into 
his  own  hands,  and  that  he  might  seat  on  it  whom  he 
pleased.  But  Benedict,  though  in  nowise  reluctant  to  part 
with  the  tiara,  was  determined  to  make  the  sacrifice  a  source 
of  pecuniary  profit.  He  therefore  selected  a  priest,  named 
Gratianus,  who  had  acquired  considerable  reputation  in 
Rome  for  being  more  than  usually  religious,  and  whose  rep- 


148  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

utation  had  proved  so  advantageous  as  greatly  to  enrich 
him,  and  to  him,  for  a  suitable  price,  he  sold  the  supreme 
headship  of  the  Church.  It  is  not  unlikely,  also,  that  the 
party,  now  growing  into  importance,  who  wished  ftr  re- 
forms in  the  Church,  aided  John  Gratianus  to  purchase  the 
office,  in  the  hope  that  he  would  become  their  instrument 
in  accomplishing  those  reforms.  At  all  events,  Gratianus, 
by  his  own  confession,  bought  the  triple-crown,  and  Bene- 
dict consecrated  with  his  blood-stained  hands  this  hopeful 
successor  of  the  apostles  by  the  title  of  Gregory  VI. 

But  Benedict  was  yet  doomed  to  disappointment.  The 
father  of  his  intended  bride,  mortified  at  the  failure  of  his 
own  schemes,  refused  to  part  with  his  daughter,  and  assum- 
ing that  the  papacy  was  still  vacant,  nominated  another  John, 
Bishop  of  Sabina,  under  the  name  of  Sylvester  III.  And 
now  Benedict,  enraged  at  the  trick  that  had  been  played 
him,  resolvefl  to  retain  the  supreme  power  in  the  Church. 
He  therefore  continued  his  abode  in  the  Lateran,  and  still 
styled  himself  the  most  holy  Pope.  Thus  the  world  be- 
held, with  some  astonishment,  three  pontiffs  at  once,  living 
in  different  palaces,  and  officiating  at  different  altars  in  the 
papal  city — Benedict  performing  the  priestly  functions  at  the 
Lateran,  Gregory  in  St.  Peter's,  and  Sylvester  in  the  church 
of  Santa  Maria  Maggiore ;  ''  the  afflicted  Church,"  to  use 
the  language  of  the  times,  "  wedded  at  once  to  three  hus- 
bands, witnessed  the  celebration  of  as  many  rival  masses  in 
the  metropolis  of  Christendom." 

But  these  spiritual  combatants  by  no  means  confined 
themselves  to  spiritual  weapons.  Each  summoned  his  par- 
tisans to  his  aid,  and  Rome  was  filled  with  brawls,  rob- 
beries, and  murders.  Swords  were  crossed  in  battle  over 
the  tombs  of  the  apostles  and  martyrs,  and  the  offerings 
which  the  devout  still  occasionally  brought  to  the  shrines 
of  the  saints  were  no  sooner  deposited  than  they  were 
greedily  carried  off  by  one  party  or  another. 

In  these  bloody  affrays  Gregory  particularly  distinguished 


HEIGHT  OF  PROFLIGACY   IN  THE  CHURCH.  149 

himself;  for  he  was  an  unlettered  man,  and  probably- 
thought  what  was  afterward  said  by  Pope  Julius  II.,  that 
a  sword  was  better  than  a  book.  But  the  party  who  sup- 
ported his  pretensions,  feeling  somewhat  scandahzed  by  the 
military  character  of  their  spiritual  chief,  adopted  the 
singular  expedient  of  making  the  Archbishop  of  Amalfi  his 
deputy  in  all  spiritual  offices  ;  so  that  while  the  bishop  was 
performing  mass  for  the  Pope,  Gregory  might  uninter- 
ruptedly wield  the  sword  in  defense  of  the  bishop. 

The  eyes  of  all  lovers  of  peace  were  now  anxiously 
directed  to  the  Emperor  Henry  HI.,  whose  power  alone 
seemed  competent  to  settle  those  disputes,  and  Henry  was 
himself  desirous  of  terminating  broils  so  disgraceful  to  the 
name  of  religion.  In  the  autumn  of  1046  he  arrived  at 
Pavia,  where  he  was  entertained  by  Boniface,  Margrave  of 
Tuscany,  with  a  magnificence  and  splendor  that  dazzled 
and  surprised  him.  Proceeding  to  Sutri,  a  town  about 
thirty  miles  northward  of  Rome,  he  there  convened  a 
council  of  bishops  and  clergy.  At  this  council,  Gregoiy 
presented  himself,  in  the  hope  of  receiving  the  imperial 
sanction  to  his  claim  of  the  popedom.  He  was  compelled, 
however,  to  confess  that  his  claim  rested  on  no  better 
ground  than  that  of  simony,  and  he  and  his  rivals  received 
one  sentence  of  deposition. 

The  emperor  entered  Rome  on  the  twenty-third  of  De- 
cember, and  the  day  following  he  held  in  St.  Peter's  an 
assembly  of  the  clergy  and  people  of  Rome,  whom  he  com- 
manded to  proceed  in  his  presence  to  elect  a  new  pontiff. 
But  they,  on  the  contrary,  entreated  the  emperor  to  accept 
the  office  of  Roman  patrician ;  and  promised  that,  as  in 
former  days,  they  would  abide  by  his  choice  in  the  selec- 
tion of  a  pope.  This,  probably,  was  just  what  Henry  in- 
tended ;  and  forthwith  assuming  the  green  mantle,  golden 
circlet,  and  ring,  which  formed  the  patrician  costume,  he 
took  the  hand  of  Suidger,  Bishop  of  Bamberg,  who  had 
followed  him  from  Germany,  and  leading  hhn  up  to  4he 


150  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

papal  chair,  invited  the  assembly  to  do  homage  to  Pope 
Clement  II.  Next  day,  being  Christmas-day,  the  new 
Pontiff  received  in  public  the  tiara  and  purple  robe,  and  im- 
mediately afterward  placed  the  iron-crown  on  the  head  of 
his  imperial  patron. 

Henry  set  out,  a  few  days  later,  on  his  return  to  Ger- 
many, taking  in  his  train  the  three  deposed  popes,  and  also 
a  friend  of  Gregory's  —  a  man  who  was  destined  afterward 
to  play  a  more  remarkable  part  than  any  of  them  in  the 
papal  drama.  This  was  Hildebrand,  afterward  Pope  Greg- 
ory VII. 

With  these  events  this  portion  of  our  narrative  properly 
ends.  We  have  now  traced  the  papacy  from  its  rise  to  the 
close  of  the  first  cycle  in  its  sin-stained  and  melancholy 
course.  We  have  seen  a  Christian  ministry,  designed  by 
its  divine  founder  to  instruct  and  purify  the  world,  receive 
the  first  element  of  corruption  at  Jewish  fountains,  and,  in- 
sensibly transforming  itself  into  a  priesthood,  establish  a 
spiritual  despotism  over  the  Churches  of  Christ.  We  have 
seen  that,  in  their  eagerness  to  extend  their  influence  and 
dominion,  they  lost  sight  of  the  true  idea  of  conversion,  and 
accepted  a  mere  outward  profession  of  Christianity,  that 
might  be  enforced  by  the  sword  or  bought  with  a  bribe,  in 
place  of  the  Scriptural  evidences  of  a  heart  renewed  by  the 
Spirit  of  the  living  God.  We  have  seen  them,  growing  yet' 
more  deeply  intoxicated  by  the  love  of  power,  courting  the 
favor  of  monarchs  on  the  one  hand,  and  pandering  to  the 
superstitions  of  the  people  on  the  other.  We  have  seen 
that,  from  becoming;  the  subordinate  and  occasional  admin- 
istrators  of  civil  power  in  an  age  when  they  were  almost 
the  only  persons  capable  of  exercising  it,  they  took  occa- 
sion, on  the  decline  of  the  empire,  to  assert  an  independent 
sovereignty,  and  to  found  a  kingdom  of  their  own.  We 
have  seen  how  the  sphitual  authority,  which  at  the  first 
was  the  same  among  all  bishops,  was  gradually  increased 
by-  the  Bishops  of  Constantinople  and  Rome,  until,  in  the 


HEIGHT   OF  PROFLIGACY  IN  THE  CHURCH.  151 

schism  which  divided  them,  the  latter  laid  claim  to  the  uni- 
versal supremacy  of  the  Church.  And,  finally,  we  have 
seen  how,  from  this  period,  when  the  Church  ceased  to  be 
a  spiritual  community,  and  when  the  Bishop  of  Rome  be- 
came much  less  the  minister  of  religion,  either  true  or  false, 
than  a  temporal  sovereign,  ecclesiastics  forgot  their  sacred 
functions  in  the  eager  pursuit  of  wealth  and  rule,  and  the 
popes  themselves  became  eminent  only  for  worldliness  and 
ambition,  which  at  length  degenerated  into  an  excess  of 
profligacy,  voluptuousness,  and  crime,  that  renders  the  pages 
of  history  inscribed  with  their  names  the  blackest  of  the 
entire  volume. 

With  the  progress  of  corruption  in  manners,  the  corrup- 
tion of  doctrine  kept  pace.  In  the  prurient  spirit  of  con- 
troversy which  distinguished  the  early  fathers  of  the  Church, 
the  abstruse  question  of  the  intermediate  state  of  the  soul 
between  death  and  the  resurrection  gave  rise  to  the  notion 
of  a  purgatory,  or  purifying  fire,  of  which  the  priesthood 
of  Rome  have  made  such  a  profitable  use.  The  fierce  dis- 
putes respecting  the  nature  of  Christ,  which  arose  from  the 
same  spirit,  originated,  or  at  least  gave  effectual  prevalence 
to  the  honor  paid  to  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  led  to  her  event- 
ual designation,  as  absurd  as  it  is  impious,  the  queen  of 
heaven.  When  pastors  became  priests  prayer  ceased  to  be 
communion  with  God  through  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and 
was  changed  into  the  intercession  of  a  holy  few  on  behalf 
of  the  sinful  many.  When  mere  profession  was  mistaken 
for  conversion,  the  performance  of  vain  ceremonies  took  the 
place  of  the  sincere  homage  of  the  heart,  and  a  reliance 
upon  those  outward  rites  was  substituted  for  a  trust  in  the 
atonement  of  Christ.  The  efficacy  of  that  atonement  once 
forgotten,  the  door  was  wide  open  for  the  wretched  con- 
trivances of  men  to  establish  their  own  merit.  Hence  self- 
mortifying  practices,  fasts,  pilgrimages,  and  penances,  were 
rapidly  multiplied,  and  the  sacraments  of  baptism  and  the 
Lord's  supper  were  transmuted  in  the  hands  of  the  priest- 


152  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

hood  into  infallible  means  of  grace.  The  baptism  which 
they  administered  could  alone  regenerate  the  soul  —  the 
bread  which  they  blessed  conveyed  to  the  recipient  the 
very  nature  of  Christ.  And  when  the  Bishops  of  Rome 
changed  the  public  acknowledgment  of  sin  into  a  confession 
whispered  in  the  ear  of  a  priest,  the  sluices  were  unstopped 
for  the  foul  and  desolating  flood  of  sacerdotal  despotism, 
scandalous  morals,  purchased  absolutions,  indulgences,  in- 
terdicts, and  all  the  other  accompaniments  of  priestly  domin- 
ation, which  swept  away  the  last  landmarks  of  the  ancient 
and  apostolic  faith. 

The'  papacy  had  lain  for  long  years .  on  a  couch  of  de- 
generate pleasures.  Emaciated,  haggard,  and  wan,  she 
had  become  to  the  world  a  spectacle  of  mingled  astonish- 
ment, horror,  and  disgust.  But  the  time  had  now  arrived 
when,  laying  aside  the  aspect  of  enfeebled  and  paralyzed 
age,  she  sprang  with  new  life  upon  the  world ;  and  in  fairer 
guise  and  with  firmer  attitude  than  ever,  boldly  claimed 
and  triumphantly  won  the  renewed  homage  and  allegiance 
of  mankind.  The  particulars  of  this  wonderful  metamor- 
phosis and  apparent  renovation,  it  must  be  left  for  future 
pages  to  explain. 


Ktt    SU0ltJy» 


FHOM  THE  AGE  OE  GEEGOEY  VH.  TO  THE  DAWN  OF  THE  EEFOE- 
MATION-A.  D.  1046-1431. 


CHAPTER  I. 

EFFORTS  OF  THE  ROMAN  PRIESTHOOD  TO  REFORM  THEMSELVES. 

A.  D.  104e-1052. 

History  affords  us  few  instances  of  renovated  empires. 
Theii'  progress  from  decay  to  ruin  is  usually  more  certain 
than  their  advance  from  incipient  vigor  to  dominant  matur- 
ity. The  power  of  resisting  decay  is  indeed  very  unequal ; 
but  even  the  old  Roman  empire,  long  as  it  struggled  for 
existence,  fell  at  last  beneath  the  inevitable  pressure  of 
time.  The  papal  power  affords,  however,  a  remarkable 
exception  to  the  general  rule.  From  a  state  of  inanition 
that  threatened  instant  death,  it  arose  again  to  astonish  the 
world  by  its  might,  and  to  win  even  a  greater  dominion. 
The  secret  of  its  strength  lay  in  the  moral  weakness  of 
mankind.  It  had  already  paralyzed  by  its  touch  the  minds 
of  men.  As  rehgion  is  the  strongest  motive  to  high  and 
noble  deeds,  so  is  superstition,  or  the  perversion  of  rehgion, 
the  most  powerful  chain  wherewith  to  bind  and  fetter  the 
soul.  The  authority  that  wields  it  and  rivets  it  upon  our 
moral  nature  may  securely  exult  in  the  slavish  subserviency 
and  degrading  thraldom  of  its  victims.  In  the  middle  ages 
superstition  had  its  mightiest  hold  on  the  European  mind, 
binding  and  swathing  into  helpless  subjection  all  the  insti- 
tutions of  society.  The  pope's  was  the  hand  that  held  and 
tightened  at  will  the  cords  of  bondage ;  and  we  shall  ac- 
cordingly see,  in  the  further  progress  of  om"  narrative,  how 

•     7* 


154  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES, 

the  Pontiff's  power  increased  with  the  strengthening  of  su- 
perstition, and  how  it  rapidly  decHned  when  superstition 
relaxed  its  grasp  at  the  bidding  of  advancing  civilization, 
and  above  all  of  reviving  religion. 

The  eleventh  century  opened  amid  general  murmurs  of 
discontent  at  the  profligacy  and  impiety  of  the  clergy.  Too 
faithfully  copying  the  example  of  their  papal  head,  the  in- 
ferior orders  of  the  priesthood  bought  and  sold  the  sacred 
office  without  the  faintest  attempt  at  secrecy,  or  the  least 
discovery  of  shame ;  using  it  when  purchased  not  at  all  for 
the  benefit  of  souls,  but  to  their  lasting  injury,  by  making 
it  merely  an  instrument  to  worldly  and  licentious  ends. 
"  The  world,"  says  a  witness  of  their  own,  "  lay  in  wicked- 
ness ;  holiness  had  disappeared,  justice  had  perished,  and 
truth  had  been  buried ;  Simon  Magus  lorded  it  over  the 
Church,  whose  bishops  and  priests  were  devoted  to  luxury 
and  vice." 

To  check  these  growing  evils  had  been  the  main  concern 
of  the  Emperor  Henry  III.,  when,  at  the  Council  of  Sutri, 
in  1046,  he  deposed  the  three  rival  popes,  Benedict  IX., 
Gregory  VI.,  and  Sylvester  III.,  appointing  in  their  stead 
his  faithful  subject  and  hearty  coadjutor  in  ecclesiastical 
reform,  Pope  Clement  II. 

Neither  Henry,  however,  nor  Clement,  nor  any  other  influ- 
ential leader  of  that  age,  appears  to  have  had  a  just  view  of 
the  reform  that  was  really  wanting.  Religion  had,  in  truth, 
already  fled  away  in  disgust  from  the  society  that  called 
itself  The  Church,  and  had  taken  refuge  in  the  sequestered 
valleys  of  Piedmont  and  the  south  of  France ;  and  she  was 
not  to  be  lured  back  to  the  busy  world  by  men  who  would 
either  keep  her  in  intolerable  bondage  to  secular  control,  as 
the  emperors  designed,  or  compel  her  to  become  the  mere 
handmaid  of  priestly  ambition,  as  Clement  and  the  reform- 
ing clergy  would  have  made  her.  Neither  the  imperial 
party  nor  the  reforming  Churchmen  seemed  aware  of  the 
sad  truth,  that  religion  herself  would  stand  aloof  equally 


EFFORTS  OF  THE  rRlESTHOOD  TO  REFORM.      165 

from  both,  shocked  at  the  presumption  of  the  one  and  the 
hypocrisy  of  the  other.  The  fundamental  error  on  both 
sides  was  the  prevalent  mistake  of  the  age — the  supposing 
that  religion  consisted  in  the  formal  discharge  of  sacerdotal 
functions  by  a  peculiar  class  of  men,  rather  than  in  a  vital 
and  soul-subduing  faith  in  the  great  High-Priest,  the  Divine 
Redeemer  of  mankind. 

The  immediate  effect  of  Henry's  interference  at  the 
Council  of  Sutri,  was  to  throw  a  great  accession  of  power 
into  the  hands  of  the  emperor.  It  was  settled  that  for  the 
future  no  pontiff  should  regard  himself  as  duly  installed 
until  the  emperor's  consent  to  the  election  had  been  given ; 
and  the  imperial  prerogative  in  ecclesiastical  affairs  was  in 
various  ways  greatly  enlarged. 

To  the  reforming  party  among  the  clergy  such  results 
were  only  less  distasteful  than  the  rude  anarchy  and  lawless 
immorality  w^hich  it  replaced.  The  restraints  imposed  by 
the  emperor  were  a  yoke  too  grievous  to  be  borne,  and 
they  panted  for  the  entire  emancipation  of  the  priesthood 
from  secular  control.  They  saw,  also,  that  to  make  the 
influence  of  their  order  permanently  secure,  a  vigorous  re- 
form was  requisite  among  themselves  of  all  abuses  that  di- 
minished the  veneration  of  the  vulgar  and  gave  occasion  for 
scandal.  This  party  had  confidently  hoped  that  Greg- 
ory VI.,  their  own  partisan,  would  have  receivedHhe  pope- 
dom at  the  emperor's  hands ;  and  when  Gregory  was  sent 
into  exile,  Hildebrand,  the  real  leader  of  the  movement, 
accompanied  him,  to  await,  in  the  retirement  of  the  abbey 
of  Cluni,  a  more  favorable  time  for  cariying  their  plans  into 
effect. 

Hildebrand,  whose  powerful  intellect  and  determined  en- 
ergy imparted  new  life  to  the  papacy  when  it  was  quiver- 
ing in  the  throes  of  death,  and  a  life  so  vigorous  that  the 
repeated  shocks  it  has  since  sustained  have  not  yet  sufficed 
to  destroy  it,  was  a  man  of  low  origin,  but  trained  from 
childhood  for  the  priestly  office,  and  endowed  with  a  tem- 


156  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

perament  that  made  such  training  exactly  congenial  to  his 
soul.  "  He  was,"  says  one  of  his  annalists,  "  a  monk  from  his 
boyhood,"  and  his  career  throughout  was  one  of  abstinence, 
bodily  mortification,  and  rigid  self-command.  In  the  mon- 
astery of  Cluni,  HHdebrand's  strict  monastic  habits  gave 
him  great  popularity  among  the  fraternity,  who  showed 
their  appreciation  of  his  genius  by  electing  him  to  the 
office  of  prior.  Here  he  continued  for  two  years,  pa- 
tiently awaiting  the  events  which  his  sagacity  confidently 
predicted,  and  which  were  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  ac- 
complishment of  his  own  vast  designs. 

The  short  reign  of  Clement  11.  was  by  no  means  one  of 
ease.  Beside  all  his  other  sources  of  discomfort,  the  Tus- 
culan  faction  were  still  actively  sowing  the  seeds  of  discon- 
tent in  the  hearts  of  the  Roman  populace,  and  plotting  for 
the  restoration  of  Benedict  IX.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  to 
their  machinations  the  Roman  priesthood  were  indebted  for 
the  early  removal  of  their  chief,  as  the  death  of  Clement 
took  place  in  1047,  and  so  suddenly  as  to  give  much  color 
to  the  suspicion  that  it  was  procured  by  the  administration 
of  poison. 

Another  German  bishop  was  selected  by  the  emperor  to 
occupy  the  dangerous  post,  by  the  title  of  Damasus  II. ; 
but  his  tenure  of  power  was  yet  more  brief  than  that  of  his 
forerunners.  In  less  than  a  month  the  office  was  again  va- 
cant ;  and  upon  Henry  the  embarrassing  task  once  more 
devolved  of  finding  a  suitable  successor. 

After  much  deliberation,  the  emperor  resolved  on  calling 
a  council,  and  to  leave  the  choice  of  a  new  pontiflf  to  the 
wisdom  of  that  assembly.  This  council  was  held  at  Worms, 
in  the  winter  of  1048,  and  Hildebrand,  the  prior  of  Cluni, 
both  attended  it  and  bore  a  prominent  part  in  its  proceed- 
ings. His  arguments  succeeded  in  securing  the  election  of 
Bruno,  Bishop  of  Toul,  a  man  of  fair  reputation,  but  whose 
easy  and  pliable  disposition  rendered  him  well  adapted  to 
the  purposes  of  the  subtile  Hildebrand,  and  whose  con- 


EFFORTS  OF  THE  PRIESTHOOD  TO  REFORM.      157 

nection  with  the  imperial  family  assured  his  proving  accept- 
able to  the  emperor.  Bruno  was  accordingly  appointed 
by  Henry  to  the  papal  dignity,  under  the  designation  of 
Pope  Leo  IX. 

Sympathizing  with  the  views  of  the  reformers,  and  nerved 
by  the  daring  spirit  of  Hildebrand  to  so  bold  a  deed  as  put- 
ting a  slight  on  the  emperor,  Leo  resolved  not  to  assiune 
the  pontifical  style  and  ofifice  until  he  should  receive  the 
gift  at  the  hands  of  the  Roman  clergy  and  people,  whom 
the  reforming  party  professed  to  regard  as  the  only  proper 
constituents  of  the  Roman  bishopric.  Accompanied  by  his 
strong-minded  associate,  the  prior  of  Cluni,  Leo  proceeded 
to  Rome,  not  with  the  usual  pomp  of  a  pontiff  entering  on 
possession  of  his  see,  but  in  the  simple  guise  of  a  pilgrim, 
on  foot,  and  without  attendants.  But  the  influence  which 
Hildebrand  had  already  acquired  in  Rome,  made  the  hazard 
of  such  a  step  much  rather  apparent  than  real.  By  his 
cautious  intrigues,  the  affair  was  so  skillfully  managed,  that 
the  pilgrim  visitor  no  sooner  appeared  in  Rome,  and  an- 
nounced to  the  assembled  citizens  that  it  was  only  from 
them  that  he  would  accept  of  the  dignity  which  the  em- 
peror had  offered,  than  the  city  rang  with  acclamations  of 
ready  acknowledgment  and  joyful  greeting.  And  so,  in 
February,  1049,  Leo  received  the  doubly- confirmed  honor, 
and  rewarded  at  the  same  time  the  zeal  of  Hildebrand,  by 
raising  him  to  the  rank  of  cardinal,  and  investing  him  with 
the  offices  of  sub-deacon  of  Rome,  abbot  of  St.  Paul's,  and 
keeper  of  the  treasury  and  altar  of  St.  Peter. 

The  main  result  which  Hildebrand  and  his  party  now 
hoped  to  achieve  was  the  strengthening  and  consolidation 
of  the  priesthood  into  a  distinct  and  superior  caste.  But 
it  was  clear  to  the  sagacious  mind  of  their  leader,  that 
as  long  as  the  present  habits  of  the  clergy  continued,  such 
a  hope  was  visionary  and  vain.  Superstitious  as  the  people 
were,  it  was  impossible  for  them  not  to  deride  and  despise 
claims  to  sanctity  put  forth  by  men  whose  practices  were 


158  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

the  scandal  and  chief  disgrace  of  their  age.  To  rear  the 
stupendous  fabric  which  Hildebrand's  imagination  had  al- 
ready designed,  it  was  requisite  to  prepare  the  materials. 
To  strengthen  "the  Church,"  it  was  first  of  all  necessary 
to  reform  the  clergy. 

And  in  Leo  IX.  Hildebrand  found  a  most  useful  instru- 
ment for  the  execution  of  his  plans.  Severely  ascetic  in  his 
own  habits  of  life,  himself  a  victim  to  that  strange  and  la- 
mentable superstition  which  leads  men  to  think  that  they 
shall  propitiate  a  God  of  love  by  "  voluntary  humiUty  "  and 
self-inflicted  tortures,  Leo,  though  naturally  timid,  was  pre- 
pared to  dare  much  in  order  to  stem  the  tide  of  voluptu- 
ousness which  had  rushed  in  upon  the  Church.  Personally 
familiar  with  those  inventions  of  a  deranged  pietism — beds 
of  bare  eart.h,  pillows  of  stone,  shirts  of  rough  hair,  and 
midnight  vigils — Leo  looked  with  as  stern  an  eye  as  Hilde- 
brand himself  on  the  luxurious  indulgences  of  his  eccle- 
siastical brethren. 

Two  sins  in  particular  he  regarded  as  crying  for  swift 
judgment  and  relentless  extermination.  These  were  the 
open  traffic  of  the  clergy  in  sacred  offices,  and  their  general 
lapse  into  the  supineness  and  pleasures  of  married  life. 
Respecting  the  former  no  comment  is  required.  No  ex- 
cuse will  be  pretended  by  any  for  so  manifestly  worldly  an 
abuse  of  an  institution  that  ought  ever  to  be  looked  on  with 
reverence,  and  only  upheld  by  hands  of  unstained  purity. 
But  the  latter  wears  a  different  aspect.  The  Church  of 
Rome  opened  a  wide  inlet  for  crime,  when  she  pronounced 
that  to  be  dishonorable  in  the  clergy  which  the  apostle  had 
unconditionally  declared  to  be  "  honorable  in  ally  For- 
bidden to  marry,  the  priesthood  generally  disobeyed  either 
the  letter  or  the  spirit  of  the  prohibition.  And  as  the  obli- 
gations which  wedded  life  involves  were  felt  by  the  vicious 
to  be  irksome,  it  was  far  more  common  to  keep  the  letter 
of  the  law  and  still  violate  its  spirit,  than  to  risk  the  dangers 
of  a  formal  and  legal  marriage. 


EFFORTS  OF  THE  PRIESTHOOD  TO  REFORM.      159 

Cunibert,  Bishop  of  Turin,  had,  on  the  other  hand,  given 
permission  to  his  clergy  to  marry,  and  even  Hildebrand's 
party  were  constrained  to  admit  that  the  diocese  was  greatly 
superior  to  others  in  the  purity  and  intelligence  of  its  spirit- 
ual guides.  But  the  celibacy  of  the  priesthood  was  an 
essential  part  of  Hildebrand's  scheme  for  strengthening 
and  aggrandizing  the  order ;  for  how  could  they  be  suffi- 
ciently wedded  to  each  other,  and  theh  party  interests  pur- 
sued at  the  expense  of  society,  if  permitted  to  entangle 
themselves  with  society  by  matrimonial  ties  ?  The  simple 
Leo  thought  celibacy  virtuous  —  the  subtile  Hildebrand 
knew  it  to  be  expedient ;  and  so,  with  one  motive  or  an- 
other, the  whole  band  of  reformers,  with  the  Pope  and  the 
cardinal  at  their  head,  set  themselves  to  denounce  and  pro- 
hibit both  simony  and  marriage  as  crimes  of  an  equal  dye. 

Engrossed  with  this  project,  hardly  a  month  had  passed 
away  since  his  instalment  in  office,  before  the  new  Pontiff 
commenced  a  \igorous  onslaught  upon  the  twin- corruptions 
of  the  Church.  In  April,  1049,  Leo  summoned  a  council 
at  Rome,  and  plainly  announced  his  intention  of  suspending 
all  prelates  guilty  of  siraoniacal  practices.  He  was  shame- 
lessly met  by  the  assertion,  that  this  measure  would  be  de- 
structive of  the  whole  Church,  as  none  could  be  found  who 
were  not  culpable  to  a  greater  or  less  degree.  And  so  true 
was  the  statement,  that  Leo  found  himself  obliged  to  mod- 
erate his  zeal,  or,  at  least,  to  limit  its  exercise.  Yet,  during 
the  three  following  years,  the  Pope  held  councils  in  many 
different  cities,  both  Italian  and  transalpine,  and  in  all  of 
them  simony  and  marriage  were  the  special  objects  of  his 
indignation,  censure,  and  punishment. 

But,  in  the  year  1052,  the  labors  of  Leo  were  turned  in 
another  direction ;  and  we  behold  the  austere  and  ascetic 
priest  transformed  into  the  anned  and  aggressive  wamor. 
It  is  the  natural  consequence,  righteously  retributive,  of  the 
Roman  bishop's  blending  the  two  incongruous  characters 
of  a  spiritual  and  a  secular  chief,  that  he  is  often  compelled 


160  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

to  be  inconsistent  with  himself ;  and  Leo,  who,  at  the  synod 
of  Rheims,  in  1049,  had  enacted  that  the  clergy  should 
never  bear  arms  in  war,  was  found,  four  years  later,  lead- 
ing in  person  a  hostile  expedition  against  the  Norman 
settlers  in  the  south. 

No  spectacle  is  more  pitiable  than  that  of  an  apparently 
sincere  man  vainly  struggling  to  arrive  at  truth.  And  this 
seems  to  have  been  the  condition  of  Leo  and  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  reforming  party  in  the  Church.  They  had 
closed  the  Scriptures,  and  trusted  with  blind  confidence  to 
the  counsels  of  fathers  and  popes.  And  without  the  guid- 
ance of  that  word  which  is  a  "  lamp  unto  our  feet,  and  a 
light  unto  our  path,"  no  wonder  that  at  every  step  they 
plunged  deeper  in  the  mire.  Their  very  efforts  at  reform 
were  violations  of  the  divine  commands,  and  naturally  in- 
volved them  in  grosser  conniption  than  ever. 


CHAPTER  XL 

THE    PSEUDO-REFORMATION    DEVELOPED HILDEBRAND'S 

TACTICS. A.  D.  105^1061. 

The  mighty  Charlemagne,  it  is  said,  shed  tears  on  one  oc- 
casion, as  he  beheld  the  ships  of  the  Northmen  sailing  past 
the  coast  of  France,  and  predicted  that  those  bold  mariners 
would  some  day  quit  their  Scandinavian  wilds  to  assail,  and 
perhaps  overturn  the  empire  he  had  labored  so  hard  to  es- 
tablish. This  prediction  had  been  long  since  fulfilled  in 
part,  and  the  Normans  had  established  a  strong  kingdom 
in  France  itself,  when  their  adventurous  spirit  tempted  them, 
in  the  eleventh  century,  to  visit  new  scenes,  and  to  acquire, 
if  possible,  new  possessions  in  the  Italian  peninsula, 

Tancred,  whose  chivalry  is  immortalized  in  Tasso's  "Je- 
rusalem Delivered,"  had  sent  forth  twelve  valiant  sons  to 
win  laurels  and  rewards  still  more  substantial  on  this  classic. 


THE  PSEUDO-REFORMATION  DEVELOPED.  161 

but  ill-fated  soil.  Lower  Italy  was  in  a  most  unsettled  state, 
and  furnished  the  best  field  in  the  world  for  the  prowess  of 
soldiers  of  fortune.  The  Lombard  chiefs  dwelt  on  their 
castled  heights ;  the  more  ancient  inhabitants  governed 
themselves  in  petty  civic  repubhcs ;  and  the  piratical  Sara- 
cens had  established  more  than  one  flourishing  sea-port, 
from  which  they  could  issue  at  pleasure  to  molest  and  de- 
spoil their  neighbors.  With  such  an  accumulation  of  com- 
bustible elments,  it  is  no  wonder  that  southern  Italy  was 
perpetually  involved  in  the  flames  of  civil  war. 

It  was  in  one  of  these  affrays,  in  the  year  1016,  that 
some  Norman  pilgrims  from  the  Holy  Land,  tarrying  for  a 
time  at  Bari,  so  distinguished  their  valor  in  the  aid  they 
gave  to  the  citizens,  as  to  receive  an  earnest  invitation  to 
bring  over  from  Normandy  a  strong  company  of  their  coun- 
trymen, to  dwell  in  lasting  alliance  with  the  natives ;  and  it 
was  in  response  to  this,  or  a  similar  invitation,  that  the  sons 
of  Tancred,  among  whom  Robert  Guiscard  and  William  of 
the  Iron  Arm  are  especially  eminent,  took  up  their  abode 
in  Italy.  They  shortly  became  so  prosperous  as  to  estab- 
lish an  independent  government,  the  metropolis  of  which 
was  Melfi,  and  the  first  prince  William  of  the  Iron  Arm. 

It  did  not,  however,  belong  to  Norman  genius  to  culti- 
vate the  arts  of  peace ;  and  the  warlike  habits  which  at  first 
made  them  welcome  in  Italy,  soon  proved  them  her  most  ter- 
rible scourge.  Tidings  at  length  reached  the  ear  of  the  Pope 
of  the  outrages  they  openly  committed,  and,  what  no  doubt 
chiefly  provoked  him,  of  the  injuries  inflicted  on  the  estates 
of  the  churches  and  abbeys  by  their  marauding  expeditions. 

Resolved  to  rid  Italy  of  so  dangerous  a  guest,  Leo  hast- 
ened across  the  Alps  to  the  emperor,  and  implored  the 
assistance  of  German  discipline  and  arms.  But  Henry  was 
fully  occupied  in  quelling  the  revolts  of  his  own  subjects, 
and  was  unwilling  to  undertake  the  settlement  of  so  remote, 
and  to  him  so  uninteresting  a  quarrel.  Nevertheless,  at 
the  earnest  entreaty  of  the  Pontiff",  he  furnished  him  with  a 


162  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

guard  of  seven  hundred  Germans.  This  insignificant  army- 
was  increased,  but  not  strengthened,  by  the  adhesion  of  a 
multitude  of  Itahans,  who  flocked  to  the  standard  of  the 
Pope  in  his  progress  from  Mantua  to  Beneventum ;  and  with 
such  a  promiscuous  array  Leo  took  the  field  in  the  spring 
of  1053. 

The  Normans  were  at  first  desirous  of  conciliating  their 
spiritual  chiefs,  and  oflfered  to  hold  the  lands  they  had  ac- 
quired as  humble  vassals  of  the  Roman  See.  But  the  Pon- 
tiflF,  confiding  in  his  large  army,  spurned  all  conditions  of 
peace  except  the  total  and  absolute  relinquishment  of  all 
their  estates.  To  this  they  gave  an  unhesitating  refusal, 
and  Leo,  issuing  from  the  gates  of  Civitella,  gave  instant 
signal  for  battle. 

The  conflict  was  soon  over.  The  "  rabble  rout,"  which 
Leo  had  gathered  around  him,  fled  at  the  first  assault, 
leaving  the  handful  of  German  allies  to  cope  alone  with  the 
enemy.  But  although  they  disdained  to  flee,  these  auxil- 
iaries were  unequal  to  so  hard  a  task  as  conquering.  They 
were  quickly  cut  down,  and  Leo  himself  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  \ictorious  Normans. 

Whether  from  pohcy  or  from  superstition,  the  conquerors 
treated  their  priestly  assailant  with  as  much  consideration 
as  if  he  had  been  their  constant  friend.  It  is  true  that  they 
detained  him  for  a  time  as  a  captive,  but  their  deportment 
toward  him  was  of  the  most  courteous  and  respectful  kind, 
and,  kissing  his  feet,  they  implored  in  the  same  breath, 
pardon  for  their  sinful  victory  and  his  paternal  benediction. 

But  Leo  was  not  to  be  conrforted  by  kindness ;  he  pined 
away  with  grief,  disappointment,  and  perhaps  remorse. 
He  but  just  survived  the  day  of  his  release,  and  having 
been  escorted  with  all  honor  into  Rome,  died  on  the  19  th 
of  April,  1054. 

The  battle  of  Civitella  threatened  to  be  a  serious,  if  not 
a  disastrous  blow  to  the  papal  interests,  but  the  skill  of  Hil- 
debrand  converted  it  into  a  signal  advantage.     The   nine 


THE  PSEUDO-REFORMATION  DEVELOPED.  163 

months'  intercourse  which  the  captivity  of  Leo  enabled  the 
cardinal  to  hold  with  the  Norman  leaders,  convinced  him 
that  they  possessed  the  very  qualities  of  which  the  Roman 
See  was  soon  to  feel  the  want — courage  and  address  in  war, 
combined  with  profound  veneration  for  priestly  authority. 
By  Hildebrand's  policy  the  Normans  were  prevailed  on  to 
enter  into  special  friendship  with  the  papal  party,  and  al- 
though unquestionable  conquerors,  both  to  hold  their  terri- 
tories of  Calabria,  Apulia,  and  Sicily,  as  fiefs  of  the  Church, 
and  to  acknowledge  the  supreme  Pontiflf  as  lord  paramount 
of  all  their  domains. 

The  dying  Leo  had  confided  the  care  of  the  see  to  Hilde- 
brand  until  his  successor  should  be  elected,  and  the  reform- 
ing party  were  anxious  that  the  cardinal  should  himself 
assume  the  tiara.  But  he  patiently  awaited  a  more  propi- 
tious time,  and  for  the  present  preferred  obtaining  permis- 
sion from  the  clergy  to  proceed,  as  their  ambassador,  to  the 
imperial  court,  and  to  recommend  whom  he  chose  for  the 
emperor's  confirmation.  Nor  did  he  discover  less  depth  of 
policy  on  this  occasion  than  when  he  procured  the  election 
of  Leo;  while  his  perfect  self-rehance,  and  his  ease  in 
gaining  the  mastery  over  other  minds,  were  never  more 
conspicuously  seen. 

On  arriving  in  Henry's  presence,  he  implored  that  Geb- 
hard,  a  German  bishop,  both  a  personal  friend  of  the  em- 
peror, and  his  staunch  adherent  in  all  his  struggles  with  the 
encroaching  papacy,  might  be  nominated  the  successor  of 
Leo.  Henry  knew  not  what  to  do.  He  was  unwilling  to 
lose  the  presence  of  so  useful  a  counselor,  and  probably  he 
dreaded  the  influence  which  the  wily  Hildebrand  might  ac- 
quire over  him  ;  yet  the  deserts  of  Gebhard  were  undenia- 
ble, nor  was  the  emperor  loth  to  reward  them,  though  he 
would  greatly  have  preferred  choosing  his  own  method, 
and  not  one  so  full  of  peril  to  himself.  Neither  was  the 
bishop  at  all  anxious  for  the  honor  thus  thrust  upon  him  ; 
but  for  every  excuse  Hildebrand  had  a  sufficient  reply,  and 


164  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

at  length  Gebhard  became  Pope,  under  the  title  of  Vic- 
tor II. 

Hildebrand  had  not  overreckoned  his  powers.  At  his 
bidding  Victor  engaged,  at  the  Council  of  Florence,  in  1056, 
to  pursue  the  reforming  policy  commenced  by  his  prede- 
cessor. He  held  many  councils  and  synods  during  his 
short  pontificate,  and  the  decrees  of  all  of  them  were  di- 
rected against  simony  and  marriage,  those  effectual  barri- 
ers to  ecclesiastical  ambition.  Toward  the  close  of  the 
year  1056  he  was  summoned  to  the  imperial  court,  where 
he  arrived  just  in  time  to  close  the  eyes  of  the  emperor  in 
death — an  event  which  threw  the  states  of  the  empire  into 
direful  confusion,  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  struggle 
between  priestly  and  royal  sovereignty,  which  Hildebrand 
had  so  long  foreseen  and  daily  expected.  Victor  received 
from  the  dying  monarch  the  charge  of  the  young  prince, 
and  promised  very  carefully  to  guide  his  infant  mind ;  but 
the  friendly  Pontiff  was  himself  snatched  away  by  death  in 
the  following  year. 

In  one  of  the  visits  of  Pope  Leo  IX.  to  the  court 
of  Henry  III.  he  had  brought  away  with  him  into 
Italy  two  illustrious  guests,  whose  fortunes  were  after- 
ward united  in  a  singular  manner  with  those  of  the 
papacy.  These  were  Godfrey,  Duke  of  Lorraine,  and  Fred- 
eric his  brother,  both  of  them  exiled  by  the  emperor  for 
revolting  against  his  authority.  Godfrey  continued  un- 
changed by  adversity,  and  sought  in  exile  to  achieve,  by 
both  his  military  and  his  political  skill,  the  wealth  and  the 
station  of  which  he  had  been  disappointed  at  home.  Even- 
tually he  became  the  most  powerful  prince  of  Northern 
Italy,  by  his  marriage  with  Beatrice,  the  rich  margravine 
of  Tuscany.  His  brother  Frederic,  more  pacific  or  more 
superstitious,  was  persuaded,  no  doubt  by  the  master-spirit 
that  then  guided  the  Roman  Church,  to  take  orders,  and 
so  became  Archdeacon  and  Chancelor  of  Rome. 

Thenceforth  the  princely  Frederic  held  a  high  place  in  the 


THE  PSEUDO-REFORMATION  DEVELOPED.  165 

esteem  of  the  Roman  court ;  his  pliant  disposition,  no  less 
than  his  royal  connections,  JStting  him  exactly  for  the 
purposes  of  the  sagacious  Hildebrand.  And  when  the 
death  of  Victor  opportunely  occurred,  Frederic  was  in- 
stantly elevated  to  the  papal  chair,  and,  without  ques- 
tion, through  Hildebrand's  influence,  although  the  subtile 
cardinal  had  skillfully  contrived  to  be  personally  absent  at 
the  time. 

Stephen  IX.,  for  so  the  new  Pontiff  was  called,  had  no 
sooner  assumed  the  tiara  than  he  duly  rewarded  the  pope- 
maker  of  the  age,  by  conferring  upon  him  the  title  of  car- 
dinal-archdeacon, and  appointing  him  legate  at  the  impe- 
rial court.  Hildebrand,  having  secured  the  tranquillity  of 
the  papal  throne  in  Italy,  at  least  for  the  present,  by  seat- 
ing upon  it  a  man  whose  powerful  relationships  would 
sufficiently  protect  him  from  domestic  foes,  set  forth  for 
the  German  court,  to  reconnoiter  the  ground,  to  ascertain 
for  himself  the  exact  position  of  parties,  and  to  forward,  by 
his  personal  presence,  the  great  scheme  of  ecclesiastical  ag- 
grandizement and  imperial  humiliation  which  he  had  so 
carefully  matured,  and  thus  far  so  cautiously,  yet  so  perse- 
veringly  and  successfully  worked  out. 

The  genius  of  this  statesman-priest  quickly  compelled 
the  submission  of  the  gentle  Agnes,  the  empress-mother, 
who  was  appointed  regent  of  the  empire  during  the  young- 
Henry's  minority.  Not  capable  of  fathoming  his  ultimate 
designs,  or  of  resisting  the  commanding  energy  of  his  will, 
Agnes  meekly  yielded  to  the  counsels  of  Hildebrand,  even 
in  suggestions  that  with  the  most  unsuspecting  would 
seem  adapted  to  awaken  mistrust. 

But  while  thus  prudently  feeling  his  way  and  making 
sure  his  progress  at  the  imperial  court,  the  unwelcome 
news  reached  the  cardinal  legate  that  Stephen  IX.  was  no 
more,  having  expired  after  a  brief  reign  of  eight  months. 
The  same  letters  bore  tidings  of  violent  and  successful  ef- 
forts put  forth  by  the  counts  of  Tusculum  to  seat  upon  the 


I 


166  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

papal  throne  one  of  their  own  partisans.  Resolved  at  all 
hazards  to  baffle  a  party  whose  object  was  the  very  reverse 
of  his  own,  and  who  would  certainly  restore  all  the  corrupt 
practices  which  he  had  largely  purged  from  the  priesthood, 
Hildebrand  promptly  recommended  the  regent  empress  to 
nominate  Gerard,  Bishop  of  Florence,  to  the  Roman  See, 
who  would  be  as  sure  of  Duke  Godfrey's  support  as  even 
Pope  Stephen  had  been.  Agnes  willingly  consented ;  and, 
guarded  by  Godfrey's  soldiers,  Gerard  entered  Rome  early 
in  1059,  and  took  possession  of  the  Vatican  without  the 
le^st  opposition. 

Nicholas  II.  was  the  title  which  Gerard  thenceforth  as- 
sumed, and  his  brief  pontificate  was  distinguished  by  some 
highly  important  events.  Both  in  its  ecclesiastical  and  its 
political  relations  the  papal  power  received  large  augment- 
ation. 

The  reforming  party  in  the  Church  professed  to  aim  at 
the  reestablishment  of  primitive  practice  in  all  matters  of 
disciphne  and  order.  It  was  on  this  ground  that  they 
advocated  the  enforcement  of  celibacy  and  the  punish- 
ment of  simony.  The  same  principle  would  have  led 
them  to  defend  the  election  of  the  pope,  and  of  bishops  in 
general,  by  the  suffrages  of  the  people.  We  have  seen, 
indeed,  that  when  it  suited  their  ends  they  actually  pleaded 
this  doctrine,  and  maintained  the  right  of  the  Romans  to 
elect  their  own  pontiff  without  appealing  to  the  emperor. 
But  their  real  object  was  to  establish  the  authority  of  the 
priesthood  on  an  independent  basis,  removed  from  the  in- 
terference of  either  the  emperor  on  the  one  hand,  or  of  the 
people  on  the  other.  The  obtrusion  of  the  latter  had  been 
most  offensively  felt  in  the  steps  lately  taken  by  the  popu- 
lace at  the  instioration  of  the  counts  of  Tusculum ;  and  Hil- 
debrand  saw  that  the  present  occasion  was  highly  favorable 
for  the  commencement  of  a  new  line  of  policy,  that  should 
prevent  such  obtrusions  for  the  future:  Against  the  people 
he  would  certainly  be  supported  by  the  strong  arm  of  God- 


THE  PSEUDO-REFORMATION  DEVELOPED.  167 

frey,  and  the  imperial  court  might  just  now  be  easily  cir- 
cumvented by  guile. 

A  council  was  accordingly  convened  in  the  Lateran 
church,  at  which  it  was  formally  enacted  that  the  election  of 
the  "  Bishop  of  the  Roman  universal  Church  "  should  hence- 
forth be  vested  with  the  five-and-thirty  cardinal  bishops  and 
presbyters  who  resided  in  the  city  and  territory  of  Rome, 
and  who  composed  the  college  of  cardinals.  Mention  was 
indeed  made  in  the  canon  both  of  the  emperor  and  of  the 
people,  but  in  such  terms  as  precluded  either  the  one  or 
the  other  from  exercising  any  effectual  control  over  the 
election.  Whatever  sentiments  may  have  been  held  at  the 
imperial  court  respecting  this  audacious  procedure,  no  no- 
tice was  taken  of  it  at  the  time.  The  character  of  the 
Empress  Agnes  was  too  timid,  and  the  young  emperor  was 
altogether  too  immature,  to  allow  of  any  resentment  being 
discovered ;  and  so  the  vast  consequences  which  lay  en- 
folded in  this  unjustifiable  piece  of  policy  were  left  to  dis- 
close themselves  as  the  progress  of  events  should  open  the 
way. 

By  a  new  alliance  with  the  increasingly  powerful  Robert 
Guiscard,  the  Norman  duke  of  Apulia,  Pope  Nicholas  also 
strengthened  himself  against  any  possible  revolt  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  the  principal  occasion  of  such  revolt  was  soon  af- 
terward removed,  when  Robert  marched  at  the  head  of 
his  warriors  against  the  strong-holds  of  those  independent 
and  turbulent  nobles  who  had  so  long  disputed  with  the 
clergy  and  the  emperor  the  right  of  nominating  the 
popes.  One  by  one  these  baronial  castles  were  leveled 
with  the  ground,  their  owners  killed  in  battle  or  driven 
into  exile,  and  the  undisputed  sovereignty  of  central  Italy 
was  finally  left  in  the  hands  of  the  supreme  head  of  the 
Church. 

While  these  political  events  tended  to  consolidate  the 
power  of  the  priesthood,  Hildebrand  zealously  persevered  in 
his  labors  at  reforming  the  order  itself,  which  process  he 


168  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

well  knew  could  alone  give  security  to  its  new  acquisitions. 
It  was  perfectly  natural  that  the  reforming  party,  insidious 
as  were  their  real  objects,  should  enlist  on  their  side  what- 
ever of  sincere  piety  yet  existed  in  the  nominal  Church. 
And  it  is  gratifying  to  think  that  during  the  pontificate  of 
Nicholas  II.  there  were  some  the  motives  of  whose  ardor  in 
the  cause  of  reformation  are  beyond  suspicion.  Such  was 
Ariald,  a  priest  of  Milan,  who  raised  his  voice  with  invinci- 
ble courage  against  the  gross  corruptions  of  the  clergy  in 
that  city.  He  accused,  and  alas!  he  could  justly  accuse, 
the  entire  body  of  mercenary  traffic  in  sacred  things.  Even 
the  Archbishop  of  Milan  had  purchased  his  office  with  a 
large  sum  of  money. 

The  zeal  and  eloquence  of  Ariald  soon  created  him  a 
party,  and  the  whole  city  of  Milan  was  quickly  divided  into 
factions,  and  engaged  in  a  hot  contest,  the  majority  of  the 
laity  siding  with  Ariald,  and  the  clergy  indignantly  denying, 
not  the  charges  alleged  against  them,  but  the  right  of  their 
accuser  to  interfere  with  their  time-honored  customs.  Both 
parties  at  length  eagerly,  and,  as  the  sequel  proves,  rashly, 
invoked  the  decision  of  the  Pope.  No  request  could  have 
been  more  welcome  to  Hildebrand,  who  promptly  em- 
braced every  opportunity  of  extending  the  authority  of  the 
Roman  See  over  every  other  diocese.  Legates  were  speed- 
ily sent,  and  a  sweeping  reformation  was  begim.  All 
priests  convicted  of  simony  were  obliged  to  do  penance, 
and  not  a  few  were  deprived  of  their  livings. 

But  the  true  purpose  of  the  reforming  party  was  quickly 
discovered  to  be  very  different  from  what  they  so  ostenta- 
tiously professed.  This  invitation  of  papal  arbitration  by 
the  inhabitants  of  Milan  was  straightway  interpreted  by  the 
Roman  legates  as  a  confession  of  papal  supremacy,  and  the 
Church  of  Milan,  which  had  boasted  of  its  independence, 
even  from  the  days  of  the  great  Ambrose,  its  primitive 
bishop,  was  to  be  henceforth  enrolled  among  the  subject 
Churches  of  the  Roman  See. 


STRUGGLE   OF  THE  POPES  WITH  THE  EMPERORS.        169 

Nicholas  died  in  1061,  and  the  struggle  between  the  sec- 
ular and  the  ecclesiastical,  the  imperial  and  the  papal  par- 
ties, which  had  so  long  been  approaching,  now  began  in 
good  earnest.  The  clouds  had  long  been  gathering  black- 
ness, and  the  tempest  burst  in  fierce  hurricanes  upon  both 
sides  of  the  Alps. 

It  was  an  ill  omen  for  the  reforaiing  party,  that  they  did 
not  scruple  to  employ  any  method  of  artifice  or  deceit. 
The  principle  that  the  end  justifies  the  means  had  virtually 
become  already  the  law  of  the  Roman  Church.  Pretending 
to  seek  reform,  they  really  aimed  at  aggrandizement ;  and, 
professing  to  be  most  pure,  they  secretly  countenanced  cor- 
ruption of  the  worst  kind.  How  could  any  real  reformation 
be  efi'ected  by  men  who  themselves  possessed  so  Uttle  of  the 
spirit  of  their  great  Master,  and  who  so  utterly  forgot  that 
ministers  especially  are  bound  to  show  themselves  "  patterns 
of  good  works  ;  in  doctrine  showing  uncorruptness,  gravity, 
sincerity,  sound  speech  that  cannot  be  condemned  ?" 


CHAPTER  III. 

STRUGGLE   OF    THE  POPES  WITH    THE   EMPERORS,   CAUTIOUSLY 
COMMENCED  fcy  HILDEBRAND. A.  D.  1061-1073. 

Anxious,  before  proceeding  to  the  election  of  a  new  pon- 
tiff, to  ascertain  how  far  they  might  presume  on  the  for- 
bearance of  the  German  court,  the  papal  party  dispatched 
thither  a  confidential  presbyter,  whose  instructions  were  to 
obtain  the  consent  of  the  empress  regent  to  the  election  of 
a  successor  to  Nicholas  by  the  mere  vote  of  the  college  of 
cardinals.  But  the  empress,  apprised  now  of  the  intentions 
of  the  party,  had  grown  indignant  at  their  audacity.  She 
firmly  refused  to  see  the  envoy,  and,  finding  all  endeavors 
to  gain  an  audience  fruitless,  in  less  than  a  week  he  set  out 
on  his  return. 

8 


170  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

Defeated  in  this  attempt  to  soothe  the  court  into  compli- 
ance, Hildebrand's  daring  spirit  now  resolved  on  open  op- 
position. Convoking  the  cardinals,  he  proposed  to  them 
that  Anselm  da  Badagio  should  be  elected  Pope ;  and  as  all 
were  unanimous  in  agreement,  Anselm  forthwith  assumed 
the  style  and  functions  of  supreme  Pontiff,  under  the  title 
of  Alexander  II. 

The  Empress  Agnes  had  also  summoned  a  council  im- 
mediately on  the  departure  of  the  envoy ;  and  the  prelates 
who  met  at  Basle,  in  obedience  to  the  mandate,  elected 
Cadalous,  Bishop  of  Parma,  who  was  acknowleged  by  the 
whole  imperial  party  as  the  true  and  proper  Pope,  by  the 
title  of  HoNORius  11. 

In  the  spring  of  the  following  year,  the  pretensions  of 
the  two  claimants  to  apostolical  succession  were  put  to  the 
test,  not,  however,  by  an  arbitration,  or  a  council,  or  any 
other  peaceful  and  Scriptural  means.  These  professed 
ministers  of  peace  and  chieftains  in  the  Church  of  Christ 
were  content  to  employ  "carnal"  rather  than  "spiritual" 
weapons,  and  resolved  to  decide  their  claims  by  an  appeal 
to  the  sword  rather  than  to  the  word  of  God. 

Early  in  the  year,  therefore,  Honorius  hastened  to  Rome, 
attended  by  an  army  of  Germans,  whose  commission  it  was 
to  establish  their  leader  by  main  force  in  the  "Apostolic 
See."  On  arriving  before  the  walls  of  Rome  they  found 
the  city  filled  with  the  troops  of  Alexander.  A  bloody 
battle  ensued  outside  the  gates,  in  which  Honorius  was  the 
victor,  driving  back  his  rival  to  the  shelter  of  the  city.  Yet 
their  strength  was  so  equal  that  they  were  both  compelled 
to  wait  for  fresh  resources  before  renewing  the  strife. 

In  the  meantime  the  duke  of  Tuscany  had  approached 
the  scene  of  conflict ;  and,  conscious  of  superior  might,  per- 
emptorily enjoined  a  truce  on  the  combatants,  and  com- 
manded both  pretenders  to  retire,  each  to  his  own  diocese, 
and  there  await  the  final  decision  of  their  claims,  which  he 
would  shortly  bring  in  person  from  the  imperial  court. 


STRUGGLE   OF  THE  TOPES  WITH   THE  EMPERORS.  l7l 

With  tliis  injunction  both  Alexander  and  Honorius  prom- 
ised to  comply.  Honorius  was  confident  that  judgment 
would  go  in  his  favor,  and  Alexander  trusted,  though  less 
hopefully,  in  the  skill  of  his  great  leader,  Hildebrand. 

The  prospects  of  the  papal  party  were  indeed  gloomy, 
but  the  genius  of  its  wonderful  chief  did  not  quail  before 
the  storm,  however  tremendous  it  might  be,  that  now 
threatened  to  overturn  all  his  designs,  and  utterly  ruin  his 
cause.  The  papal  historians  impute  the  successful  and 
extraordinary  turn  which  events  now  took  to  a  singular 
coincidence,  or  to  the  concurrent  ambitious  aims  of  other 
men;  but  the  impartial  student  of  Hildebrand's  charac- 
ter and  life  will  hardly  hesitate  to  ascribe  it  to  his  wide- 
spread influence,  his  unscrupulous  boldness,  his  practiced 
strategy. 

Hanno,  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne,  was  a  man  of  fear- 
less coui-age  and  restless  ambition.  There  is  no  I'eason  to 
question  the  statement  that  he  aimed  at  swaying  the  polit- 
ical councils  of  the  empire,  and  that  he  was  jealous  of  the 
greater  authority  and  confidence  which  the  Empress  Agnes 
reposed  in  the  Bishop  of  Augsburg ;  but  it  is  certain  that 
he  sympathized  with  the  papal  or  reforming  party  in  the 
Church,  and  the  qualities  just  alluded  to  would  make  him 
all  the  more  suited  to  be  the  instrument  of  their  designs  at 
so  critical  a  juncture  as  the  present. 

It  was  during  the  suspension  of  hostilities  between  Ho- 
norius and  Alexander  that  Hanno  invited  the  young  em- 
peror, then  twelve  years  of  age,  with  his  mother  and  the 
whole  court,  to  keep  the  feast  of  Pentecost  at  his  palace  at 
Nimeguen.  The  royal  party  had  reached  Kaiserswerth  on 
the  Rhine,  and,  in  the  company  of  the  archbishop,  rested 
there  awhile  from  the  fatigues  of  the  journey.  A  banquet 
was  prepared,  and  during  the  festivities  of  the  evening 
Hanno  talked  of  a  sumptuous  galley  which  he  had  recently 
had  built,  so  richly  embellished  with  gilding,  carved  work, 
and  tapestry,  as  to  surpass  every  vessel  of  its  kind.     He 


l72  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

then  politely  inquired  if  the  young  prince  would  not  hke  to 
inspect  this  triumph  of  art,  which  lay  at  anchor  near  the 
bank  of  the  river.  Henry,  with  boyish  curiosity,  readily 
complied,  and  was  immediately  conducted  on  board.  No 
sooner  had  he  embarked  than  the  signal  was  given;  the 
rowers  bent  sturdily  to  their  task,  and  the  boat  was  swiftly 
urged  against  the  stream  in  the  direction  of  Cologne.  Some 
way  had  been  made  before  the  treacherous  purpose  of  his 
kidnappers  burst  on  the  young  emperor's  mind ;  but  on 
guessing  their  intent,  with  characteristic  bravery,  he  plunged 
into  the  river,  hoping  to  gain  the  nearest  bank,  and  so  es- 
cape from  their  hands.  But  a  stronger  swimmer  than  him- 
self was  at  his  heels,  and,  easily  recaptured,  he  was  carried 
in  triumph  to  Cologne.  The  affairs  of  the  empb-e  were  now 
in  the  hands  of  the  archbishop ;  and,  with  all  other  matters 
of  state,  the  question  of  the  succession  to  the  papacy  must 
be  referred  to  his  decision. 

It  does  not  appear  that  any  advocate  of  Honorius  was 
permitted  to  appear  before  the  archbishop's  tribunal.  Da- 
miani,  a  zealous  partisan  of  Hildebrand,  conducted  the 
whole  business  in  the  form  of  a  discussion  respecting  the 
relative  claims  of  the  two  pretenders  to  the  papal  chair. 
The  discussion  in  such  hands  could  have  but  one  termina- 
tion. It  ended,  of  course,  with  the  triumphant  establish- 
ment of  Alexander's  right,  and  Hanno  immediately  ratified 
the  decision  by  a  formal  sentence  in  his  favor. 

Godfrey  himself  accepted  this  sentence  as  the  decree  of 
the  imperial  court,  and  Alexander  accordingly  marched  back 
to  Rome  under  the  protection  of  the  duke.  But  the  Pon- 
tiff's power  was  still  inadequate  to  overturn  the  opposition 
of  his  rival.  Honorius  had  seized  on  the  castle  of  St.  An- 
gelo,  and  in  that  fortress  he  continued  for  six  years,  dis- 
puting on  every  occasion  his  opponent's  title  to  the  pope- 
dom. The  decrees  of  Alexander  were  also  disregarded  by 
a  large  portion  of  the  clergy  ;  and,  indeed,  the  whole  of  the 
priesthood,  according  to  the  complaint  of  one  of  their  num- 


STRUGGLE  OF  THE  POPES  WITH  THE  EMPERORS.  1*73 

ber,  were  much  more  intent  upon  the  various  pursuits  of 
ambition  and  avarice  than  on  mere  ecclesiastical  questions, 
and  were  more  interested  in  the  pleadings  of  legal  advo- 
cates than  in  providing  their  flocks  with  the  bread  of  eter- 
nal life. 

This  interval  of  suspense  was  ended  in  1067,  when  Arch- 
bishop Hanno  called  a  council  at  Mantua,  and  summoned 
both  the  contending  parties  to  appear  and  receive  a  final 
settlement  of  their  claims.  Alexander  attended,  well  know- 
ing the  feeling  of  Hanno  in  his  favor,  and  willing,  for  the 
sake  of  the  advantage,  to  overlook  the  anomaly  of  a  sov- 
ereign Pontiff  appealing  at  the  tribunal  of  an  inferior  pre- 
late. But  Hononus,  equally  aware  of  Hanno's  views,  de- 
clined to  be  present  imless  he  were  honored  with  the 
presidency  of  the  council.  Alexander  was,  therefore,  for- 
mally pronounced  by  that  assembly  to  be  the  rightful  Pon- 
tiff, and  from  that  time  he  retained  undisturbed  possession 
of  the  see. 

The  pontificate  of  Alexander  was  a  mere  continuation  of 
Hildebrand's  policy ;  for  in  the  hands  of  that  man  the  Pope 
was  only  an  instrument.  So  complete  was  the  mastery 
which  the  cardinal  had  acquired  in  all  the  councils  of  the 
Church,  that  even  his  own  party  began  to  complain  of  his 
oppressive  and  overbearing  rule.  One  of  the  most  stead- 
fast and  eminent  of  his  partisans  was  that  Damiani  who  had 
so  successfully  pleaded  the  cause  of  Alexander  before 
Hanno.  But  zealous  as  he  was  for  the  independent  or 
reforming  party,  he  could  not  brook  the  imperious  spirit  of 
their  leader.  He  withdrew  altogether  from  public  life,  and, 
to  ilijrease  the  chagrin  of  Hildebrand  at  losing  so  powerful 
an  ally,  he  now  turned  his  satirical  pen  against  his  former 
associate  and  friend,  inditing  verses  whose  epigrammatic 
point  and  witty  truthfulness  soon  bore  them  to  the  lips  of 
the  people.  Some  of  these  still  commemorate  at  once  the 
bitterness  of  the  feud,  and  the  might  of  that  gigantic  spirit 
which  then  ruled  the  destinies  of  Rome.     Ridiculing  the 


1*74  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

meek  subserviency  of  Alexander  to  his  chief  adviser,  Dami- 
ani  said: — 

"  Papam  rite  colo,  sed  te  prostratus  adoro, 
Tu  facis  hunc  dominum,  te  facit  ille  Deum." 

Which  may  be  rendered  : — 

Before  the  Pope  I  bend  the  knee, 
But  must  prostrate  fall  to  thee  ; 
Thou  mad'st  him  sovereign  Pontiff  here, 
Therefore  as  God  he  11  thee  revere. 

And  when  exposing  to  the  Romans  the  arrogance  of  Hilde- 
brand's  behavior,  he  indignantly  advised  them  : — 

*'  Vivere  vis  Romae :  clara  deprome  voce, 

Plus  domino  Papae  quam  domino  pareo  Papse." 

Wilt  thou  live  quietly  in  Rome  ?    Then  loudly  swear  to  sing, 
"  More  than  my  lord  the  Pope,  1 11  honor  the  Pope's  king." 

So  little  of  true  humility  and  genuine  Christian  spirit,  ac- 
cording to  the  testimony  of  his  own  partisans,  did  that  cel- 
ebrated man  discover,  whom  the  Church  of  Rome  regards 
as  one  of  her  chief  benefactors,  and  numbers  among  her 
greatest  saints. 

The  state  of  affairs  had  now  become  so  critical  as  to  tax 
all  the  firmness,  and  demand  all  the  audacity  of  even  Hil- 
debrand.  In  Italy,  Alexander  was  no  sooner  seated  on  an 
undisputed  throne,  than  the  public  quiet  was  disturbed  by 
the  depredations  of  the  Normans.  Apulia  and  Sicily  were 
already  subject  to  these  mterlopers,  and  now  they  sought 
to  push  their  conquests  to  the  gates  of  Rome.  In  this  ex- 
tremity the  Pope  sought  for  aid  from  Godfrey,  the  Duke  of 
Tuscany,  and  his  veteran  skill  and  courage  drove  backithe 
invaders,  and  established  peace  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Rome.  But  a  war  of  parties  still  raged  in  nearly  every 
city.  The  stiife  which  Ariald's  zeal  had  kindled  in  Milan 
was  not  extinguished  by  his  violent  death,  and  the  flames 
of  dissension  were  rapidly  spreading  throughout  Italian 
society. 


STRUGGLE  OF  THE  POPES  WITH  THE  EMPERORS.  ll5 

But-,  baffled  for  a  season  at  home,  Hildebrand  meditated 
fresh  conquests  for  the  Chm'ch  abroad,  and  the  history  of 
England  afifords  an  instance  of  the  boldness  with  which  he 
attempted  encroachments.  It  was  during  the  pontificate  of 
Alexander  II.  that  William  the  Conqueror  undertook  the 
invasion  of  England.  Before  commencing  the  enterprise, 
he  sent  the  renowned  Lanfranc,  afterward  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  with  other  ambassadors,  to  Rome,  in  the  hope 
of  obtaining  the  sanction  of  the  Pope.  Under  the  Saxon 
nile,  England  had  not  been  so  obsequious  to  the  Roman 
See  as  accorded  with  papal  notions  of  fitness,  and  Hilde- 
brand urged  vehemently  that  William  should  receive  the 
full  countenance  of  the  Church.  The  Norman  duke  was 
quite  ready,  upon  his  part,  with  flattering  promises,  and 
even  engaged  to  hold  his  conquests  as  a  fief  of  the  Pope, 
and  to  send  an  annual  tribute  to  Rome. 

Lanfranc  accordingly  returned  with  a  papal  bull  author- 
izing the  expedition,  and  bearing  in  addition  a  consecrated 
banner  and  a  precious  ring,  containing,  as  was  pretended, 
one  of  the  hairs  of  the  apostle  Peter,  Armed  with  these 
sacred  defenses,  the  conqueror  set  sail  for  Britain,  and,  in 
the  autumn  of  1066,  commenced  his  victorious  career  by 
gaining  the  battle  of  Hastings. 

Although  the  subjugation  of  England  was  not  completed 
for  several  years,  William  very  early  rewarded  the  aged 
Lanfranc  with  the  primacy  of  Canterbury.  And  now,  ever 
watchful  for  the  interests  of  Rome,  the  wily  Hildebrand 
a\ailed  himself  of  Lanfranc's  known  devotion  to  the  papal 
power  to  extend  that  power  in  England.  The  custom  of 
receiving  the  pallium  in  person  from  the  Pope  had  long  been 
discontinued  by  English  archbishops,  but  when  the  an- 
nouncement of  Lanfranc's  elevation  reached  the  Pontiff, 
joined  with  the  request  that  the  pallium  might  be  trans- 
mitted as  usual,  a  reply  was  sent  that  the  ancient  practice 
must  be  inviolably  maintained  ;  but  that  if  Lanfranc  would 
undertake  a  journey  to  Rome,  he  should  be  welcomed  with 


176  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

all  honor,  and  the  investiture  be  formally  made.  Accord- 
ingly, the  old  archbishop,  accompanied  by  his  brother,  of 
York,  proceeded  to  the  papal  city,  and  by  this  act  prepared 
the  way  for  the  further  encroachments  which  Hildebrand 
had  in  contemplation. 

But  it  was  in  Germany  that  the  aims  of  the  reforming 
party  were  most  distinctly  seen,  as  it  was  against  the  impe- 
rial power  that  Hildebrand  directed  his  most  powerful 
blows.  From  the  hands  of  Hanno,  the  young  emperor 
had  passed  into  those  of  Adelbert,  Archbishop  of  Bremen, 
and  here  he  experienced  a  wholly  new  manner  of  life. 
Hanno  was  austere,  Adelbert  was  lenient  and  concihatory. 
The  prince  was  now  surrounded  with  companions  just  suit- 
ed to  his  taste,  and  was  suffered  to  indulge  freely  every 
sensual*  passion.  Henry  soon  became  profligate,  and  as 
profligate  habits  are  expensive,  he  became  rapacious  and 
tyrannical  as  well.  He  utterly  neglected  business,  except 
when  he  interfered  in  it  to  obtain  the  means  of  pursuing  his 
pleasures.  Whether  this  deterioration  of  Henry's  charac- 
ter was  artfully  sought  by  Hildebrand  and  his  party  or  not, 
it  certainly  proved  most  serviceable  to  their  ends. 

The  nobles  of  the  empire  soon  began  to  complain  of  their 
sovereign's  dissipated  habits.  Henry  only  laughed  to  scorn 
their  remonstrances  and  prayers.  The  Saxons,  who  more 
especially  groaned  at  his  exactions,  took  up  arms  to  avenge 
themselves.  Henry  laid  upon  them  yet  heavier  burdens. 
The  imperial  supremacy  was  evidently  falling  to  pieces. 
The  feudal  system,  which  had  created,  was  now  destroying 
it.  The  nobles  had  grown  too  powerful  to  be  kept  in  sub- 
jection ;  they  had  long  been  petty  princes — they  now  as- 
pired to  be  independent  monarchs.  All  this  was  very  ob- 
vious to  the  keen  eye  of  the  sagacious  Hildebrand,  and  he 
took  his  measures  accordingly. 

At  the  earnest  entreaties  of  his  nobles,  but  quite  in  oppo- 
sition to  his  own  wish,  Henry  had  married  the  Princess  Ber- 
tha of  Susa,  an  amiable,  but  not  a  personally   attractive 


STRUGGLE   OF  THE  POPES  WITH  THE  EMPERORS.       1*77 

woman.  His  aversion  for  lier  rapidly  increased,  and  at 
length  lie  sought  a  divorce.  This  was  not,  however,  to  be 
obtained,  except  with  the  consent  of  his  nobles  and  by  the 
permission  of  the  Church,  and  neither  of  these  could  be 
gained. 

An  assembly  of  the  imperial  barons  was  convened  at 
Worms,  in  1069.  By  that  assembly  the  question  of  the 
divorce  was  transferred  to  a  council  to  be  held  at  Mentz  in 
the  ensuing  autumn.  Hildebrand  heard  of  the  scheme,  and 
resolved  to  give  the  young  emperor  his  first  lesson  of  the 
empire's  destined  subjection  to  the  Church. 

When  the  council  was  assembled,  and  the  question  of 
divorce  fully  opened,  a  papal  legate  appeared,  and  to 
Henry's  utter  consternation,  peremptorily  forbade  the  con- 
templated measure.  He  declared  that  if  Henry  persisted  in 
contending  with  the  laws  of  the  Church,  no  pontifical  hands 
should  ever  consecrate  him  to  the  throne  of  the  empire. 
A  muiTQur  of  approbation  ran  through  the  assembly,  and 
Henry,  seeing  that  his  cause  was  lost,  departed  in  haste 
and  in  wrath. 

It  was  hardly  to  be  expected,  when  prelates  and  monks 
did  not  scruple  to  sell  benefices  to  the  highest  bidder,  that 
a  licentious  and  reckless  young  prince  should  hesitate  to 
employ  similar  means  for  replenishing  his  frequently  ex- 
hausted exchequer.  And  Henry  made  little  scruple  at 
conferring  the  most  dignified  offices  in  the  Church,  and  the 
choicest  monastic  estates,  on  those  who  were  liberal  in  sup- 
plying his  pecuniary  wants.  The  sums  given  in  this  way 
by  Churchmen  were  so  vast  as  to  be  called  by  the  chroni- 
clers of  the  times,  *'  mountains  of  gold"  and  "  rivers  of 
money."  The  riches  of  Croesus  and  Tantalus  were  said  to 
have  reverted  to  men  who  had  taken  on  themselves  the 
vows  of  poverty  and  the  scandal  of  the  cross. 

Among  the  rapacious  Churchmen  who  sought  to  ben- 
efit by  Henry's  prodigality,  was  the  Archbishop  Hanno, 
the  emperor's  first  guardian,  and  the  pretended  reformer  of 


178  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

ecclesiastical  abuses.  With  Henry's  permission,  he  had 
seized  on  the  monastery  of  Malmedy,  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Liege,  and  deaf  to  the  remonstrances  of  the  legal  pos- 
sessor, the  Abbot  of  Stablo,  he  vowed  that  he  would  not 
relinquish  the  prize,  even  though  St.  Remaclus  himself,  the 
founder  of  the  abbey,  should  rise  from  the  tomb  to  de- 
mand it. 

Hanno  forgot,  in  the  utterance  of  such  words,  that  he 
lived  in  an  age  when  miracles  were  multiplied  at  will.  In 
the  following  spring  the  city  of  Liege  was  honored  with  an 
imperial  visit,  and  great  were  the  banqueting  and  carousal. 
The  nobles  assembled  in  great  numbers,  and  among  them  at 
the  royal  table  Hanno  occupied  the  place  at  Henry's  right 
hand.  In  the  height  of  their  festivity,  the  doors  suddenly 
flew  open,  and  a  procession  of  monks  entered,  solemnly 
bearing  a  coffin.  At  their  head  was  the  Abbot  of  Stablo, 
who,  bidding  his  followers  to  pause  before  the  emperor, 
and  place  their  precious  burden  on  the  table,  exclaimed : 
"  Behold !  St.  Remaclus  has  arisen  from  the  tomb,  to  de- 
mand restitution  of  his  rights  !" 

The  guests  were  all  thrown  into  confusion,  the  queen 
burst  into  a  passion  of  tears,  and  the  emperor  and  arch- 
bishop hastily  escaped  from  the  scene.  But  the  rumor 
swiftly  spread  that  St.  Remaclus  had  arisen  from  his  tomb, 
and  the  banqueting  room  was  soon  thronged  by  a  crowd  of 
superstitious  devotees.  Miracles  were  rapidly  worked. 
The  sick  touched  the  coffin,  and  their  disorders  instantly 
ceased ;  the  blind  received  sight,  and  the  lame  began  to 
walk.  The  popular  enthusiasm  rose  so  high,  that  Henry 
and  the  archbishop  no  longer  dared  to  resist  the  claim  of 
the  abbot,  who  triumphantly  bore  back  to  their  resting- 
place  the  potent  relics  with  which  he  had  won  the  field, 
chanting  at  the  head  of  his  monks  the  psean  of  victory  and 
the  praises  of  St.  Remaclus. 

The  scandal  of  this  ridiculous  mummery  and  priestly  im- 
posture was  by  no  means  so  great  in  the  eyes  of  either  the 


STRUGGLE   OF  THE  POPES   WITH  THE  EMPERORS.        l79 

people  or  the  Pope  as  that  of  the  violence  of  Archbishop 
Hanno  ;  and  as  Henry's  share  in  such  transactions  was  often 
repeated,  by  personal  interference  with  ecclesiastical  aflfairs, 
and  by  the  countenance  which  he  gave  to  simoniacal  prac- 
tices on  the  part  of  the  clergy,  the  time  seemed  at  length 
fully  ripe  for  papal  interposition,  the  more  so  as  such  inter- 
position might  now  be  safely  ventured.  The  general  disaf- 
fection of  Henry's  subjects,  and  the  popular  feeling  in  favor 
of  the  reforming  movement,  had  greatly  diminished,  both  in 
Germany  and  in  Italy,  the  hazard  of  affronting  the  imperial 
power. 

A  council  was  therefore  held  at  Rome,  in  1073,  at  which 
sentence  of  excommunication  was  passed  upon  several  of 
Henry's  companions,  and  a  letter  was  dispatched,  which 
summoned  the  emperor  himself  to  appear  before  the  Pontiff, 
and  answer  to  the  charges  of  simony  and  other  offenses 
which  had  been  alleged  against  him.  This  was  the  last 
public  act  of  Pope  Alexander's  life,  for  in  the  following 
month  he  died,  and  the  summons  thus  daringly  issued  con- 
sequently fell  to  the  ground.  But  the  lips  that  had  dicta- 
ted the  summons  still  breathed ;  the  genius  that  had  planned 
the  entire  conflict,  which  was  to  secure  the  independence 
of  the  priesthood,  was  as  vigorous  as  ever.  Five  popes  had 
died  since  this  fictitious  reformation,  this  real  usurpation, 
had  commenced ;  but  Hildebrand,  the  pope-maker,  still 
lived,  and  displayed  in  a  green  old  age  all  the  energy  and 
boldness  of  his  youth. 


180  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

GREGORY  VII.  *.    HIS  MEASURES  TO   ESTABLISH  THE   INDEPEND- 
ENCE  OF  THE  PAPACY. A.  D.  1073-1075. 

Three  days  were  appointed  to  be  solemnly  devoted  to  fast- 
ing and  prayer  before  the  election  of  a  new  PontiflP.  But 
the  very  next  day  to  that  of  Alexander's  death,  events  took 
place  which  decided  the  choice  of  his  successor.  Hilde- 
brand's  tactics  were  as  politic  on  this  as  on  former  moment- 
ous occasions,  and  the  promptitude  and  secrecy  with  which 
his  plans  were  carried  into  effect  demonstrate  the  para- 
mount influence  he  had  acquired. 

In  the  church  of  the  Lateran  there  was  a  numerous 
gathering  of  both  clergy  and  laity,  to  assist  at  the  funeral 
obsequies  of  the  deceased  Pontiff.  The  subdued  cadences 
of  the  priests  who  chaunted  the  ser\ice  were  the  only  sounds 
that  broke  the  solemn  stillness  of  the  place,  when  suddenly, 
from  every  part  of  the  assembly,  a  cry  rang  through  the  edifice, 
and  echoed  from  the  vaulted  roof,  that  Hildebrand  was  the 
Pope  of  the  people's  choice.  Hildebrand  flew  to  the  pulpit, 
and  by  his  vehement  gesticulations  seemed  to  implore  that  a 
restraint  might  be  put  upon  these  passionate  and  disorderly 
emotions.  But  his  entreaties  were  in  vain.  The  people 
would  not  be  pacified  until  the  cardinals  announced  that 
Hildebrand  was  the  choice  of  the  conclave  as  well  as  of  the 
people.  Then,  arrayed  in  the  scarlet  robe,  and  crowned 
with  the  tiara,  Hildebrand  was  presented  to  the  crowd,  who 
renewed  their  shouts  and  aclamations  as  Pope  Gregory 
VII.  arose  to  pronounce  over  their  bended  heads  his  pater- 
nal benediction. 

When  the  news  of  this  election  reached  the  German 
court,  the  emperor  dispatched  an  envoy  to  learn  the  reason 
of  such  an  unusual  proceeding.     It  was  by  no  means  the 


INDEPENDENCE   OF  THE  PAPACY.  181 

new  PontiflF's  desire  to  provoke  the  hostility  of  Henry,  over 
whom  he  rather  hoped  to  acquire  that  influence  which  had 
been  invariably  yielded  him  by  others.  He  therefore  re- 
ceived the  messenger  with  great  respect,  assured  him  that 
the  election  was  altogether  contrary  to  his  personal  wishes, 
and  declared  that  he  still  awaited  the  confirmation  of  the 
sovereign.  With  this  feigned  submission  the  thoughtless 
Heniy,  who  knew  httle  of  Gregory's  real  character,  was 
very  well  content,  and  the  gorgeous  ceremonies  of  the  con- 
secration were  soon  afterward  celebrated  in  due  form. 

And  now  Gregoiy  was  at  full  liberty  to  pursue  the  am- 
bitious career  he  had  so  long  ago  marked  out,  and  had 
hitherto  pursued  with  so  much  caution  and  self-restraint. 
Resolved  to  strengthen  the  Church,  by  which  he  understood 
the  priesthood,  reformation  and  independence  of  secular  con- 
trol were  the  two  objects  he  kept  steadily  in  view — the 
first  as  preparatory  to  the  second.  The  great  truth  that 
religion  ought  not  to  be  in  bondage,  ought  not  to  be  either 
bribed  or  coerced  into  subjection,  was  firmly  apprehended 
by  Gregory,  and  for  this  he  is  entitled  to  all  praise.  But 
in  his  hands  this  truth  was  in  danger  of  being  perverted 
into  error,  as  pernicious  as  that  which  it  opposed  ;  for  Greg- 
ory would  not  scruple  to  bring  both  coercion  and  bribery 
into  the  service  of  religion.  He  did  not  perceive  that  both 
are  essentially  immoral,  and  inevitably  subvert  all  truly  re- 
ligious principle,  whether  employed  for  or  against  that 
sacred  cause.  It  was  his  determination,  at  all  costs,  to  res- 
cue the  clergy  from  their  vassalage  to  the  feudal  barons  and 
kings;  and  beginning  by  asserting  his  own  independence 
as  Pope,  he  proceeded  to  secure  that  of  his  order  by  enforc- 
ing with  stem  rigor  the  enactment  against  simony  and  mar- 
riage which  had  been  sanctioned  by  his  predecessors. 

His  first  efforts  were  directed  to  the  consolidation  of 
papal  power  in  Italy.  Soon  after  his  consecration  he  un- 
dertook a  journey,  which  proved  a  sort  of  visitation  to  all 
the  provinces  of  the  south.     Passing  from  city  to  city,  he 


182  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

inquired  into  all  abuses,  and  contracted  new  relations  with 
the  local  authorities.  Entering  the  territory  of  the  Nor- 
mans, he  attempted  also  to  bring  into  subjection  the  haughty 
Guiscard,  who  had  now  completed  his  conquest  of  Sicily. 
But  this  attempt  was  futile ;  Robert  was  as  haughty  and 
unbending  as  Gregory  himself. 

The  Pontiff  next  turned  his  attention  to  the  condition  of 
the  Church  abroad,  and  as  in  his  eyes  the  unity  of  the  Church 
depended  on  a  uniformity  of  ritual  and  a  sameness  of  forms,  he 
sought  to  effect  such  changes  in  foreign  Churches  as  should 
assimilate  them  to  that  of  Rome.  The  liturgy  of  the  Spanish 
Church  had  hitherto  be<3n  composed  in  the  Spanish  tongue, 
but  Gregory  made  diligent,  and  in  the  end  successful  at- 
tempts to  have  it  conformed  to  the  Roman  Breviary.  He 
even  claimed  the  Spanish  territory  as  a  fief  of  the  Roman  See ; 
but  the  claim  wa's  probably  misunderstood,  or  treated  with 
ridicule  by  the  Spanish  princes,  as  they  did  not  deign  a  reply. 

France  was  the  next  country  to  feel  the  effects  of  the 
new  pontifical  election.  PhiUp  of  France,  like  all  the  other 
monarchs  of  his  age,  had  been  accustomed  to  sell  the  high 
posts  of  dignity  in  the  Church  without  scruple  or  shame. 
And  now,  on  the  clergy  of  Macon  choosing  Landric  for 
their  bishop,  Philip  declined  putting  him  in  possession  till 
he  had  received  the  customary  present.  Confiding,  how- 
ever, in  the  energy  of  their  new  Pontiff,  the  clergy  repre- 
sented the  grievance  at  Rome,  and  Gregory  promptly  ap- 
plied himself  to  the  task  of  redressing  their  wrongs.  He 
wrote  to  the  French  king,  sharply  rebuking  his  interference 
in  ecclesiastical  affairs,  and  insisting  on  the  immediate 
installation  of  the  bishop.  He  even  threatened  to  lay 
France  under  an  interdict  if  his  demands  were  despised. 
To  the  Archbishop  of  Lyons  he  sent  a  peremptory  com- 
mand, to  consecrate  the  newly-chosen  prelate  without  ref- 
erence to  the  monarch's  will.  "  And  if  you  neglect  this," 
said  the  doughty  Pope,  "  let  that  person  come  to  Rome, 
and  by  God's  grace  we  will  consecrate  him  ourselves." 


INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  PAPACY.  188 

But  the  emperor  was  by  far  the  chief  antagonist  of 
papal  domination.  The  imperial  supremacy  established  by 
Charlemagne,  and  confinned  by  Otho  the  Great,  was  still 
acknowledged  by  the  princes  of  Germany ;  and  although  the 
greatly-increased  power  of  these  princes  indicated  that  they 
would  not  long  continue  to  be  mere  subjects,  the  blow  had 
yet  to  be  struck  that  should  degrade  the  emperor  to  the 
level  of  an  ordinary  king,  and  make  the  Pope  indisputably 
the  first  of  European  potentates. 

It  was  from  Saxony  that  the  first  omens  appeared  that 
threatened  the  integrity  of  the  empire.  Henry's  hatred  to 
his  Saxon  subjects  almost  resembled  infatuation.  It  had 
been  wickedly  nourished  in  his  youthful  mind  by  his 
priestly  guardians,  for  their  own  selfish  or  malicious  pur- 
poses. He  added  oppression  to  oppression,  wrung  from 
them  their  hard-won  wealth,  and  trampled  on  their  liberties, 
till  the  patience  of  the  Saxons  was  quite  exhausted,  and 
they  desperately  rose  in  revolt.  But,  heedless  of  all  danger, 
the  young  emperor  only  mocked  at  their  rage.  The  Saxon 
chiefs  assembled  at  the  gates  of  Goslar,  where  Henry  was 
residing,  and  demanded  an  immediate  heaiing  of  their  com- 
plaints. Henry  was  playing  a  game  at  hazard  when  the 
deputation  presented  their  request,  and  he  scornfully  bade 
them  begone,  and  wait  till  he  had  finished  his  game.  Such 
contempt  was  not  to  be  borne,  and  the  warriors  departed, 
breathing  deep  threats  of  vengeance. 

All  Saxony  was  quickly  in  arms,  and  Henry  was  astonished 
and  alarmed  at  hearing  that  sixty  thousand  men,  led  by 
Rudolf  of  Suabia,  were  on  their  march  to  besiege  him  in 
Goslar.  He  had  no  regular  troops,  and  it  was  quite 
doubtful,  in  the  present  discontented  state  of  the  people, 
whether  an  army  could  possibly  be  raised.  Henry  shut 
himself  up  in  the  castle  of  Hartzburg ;  and,  on  escaping 
thence,  fled  on  foot  through  dense  forests  and  pathless 
wilds  from  his  enraged  and  relentless  foes.  Fatisfue  and 
want,  and  harassing  cares,  soon  induced  a  disorder  which 


184  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

was  only  subdued  by  the  inherent  vigor  of  his  constitution. 
In  this  miserable  plight  the  forlorn  monarch  entered  the 
city  of  Worms.  The  faithful  citizens  pitied  their  fallen 
king,  and  in  beholding  his  calamities  lost  sight  of  his  faults. 
They  rallied  around  him,  and  shut  their  gates  on  his  fierce 
pursuers.  The  tide  of  fortune  had  turned  in  his  favor,  but 
Henry  knew  not  how  to  profit  by  the  advantage.  He  merely 
made  peace  with  the  Saxons,  promising  that  they  should  be 
unmolested  for  the  future. 

To  all  these  movements  in  Germany,  Gregory  steadfastly 
directed  his  discerning  eye.  He  foresaw  the  struggle  that 
was  impending  between  Henry  and  his  vassal  chieftains, 
and  well  knew  how  to  convert  it  to  the  interests  of  the 
Roman  Church.  Expecting  that  Rudolf  of  Suabia  would 
yet  become  a  competitor  with  Henry  for  the  imperial  crown, 
he  wrote  him  a  friendly  epistle,  expressive  of  his  wish  that 
the  temporal  power  should  ever  be  in  league  and  amity 
with  the  head  of  the  Church.  To  the  emperor  he  also  ad- 
dressed admonitions  to  refrain  from  simony  and  sacrilege, 
and  all  warlike  expeditions,  until  the  papal  legates  should 
have  investigated  the  state  of  affairs.  And  in  return,  the 
Pontifif  received  a  letter  from  Henry,  who  now  began  to  feel 
his  doubtful  position,  "full,"  as  Gregory  said,  "of  sweet- 
ness and  obedience."  The  letter,  in  fact,  expressed  Henry's 
regret  for  the  follies  of  his  youth,  and  sohcited  the  Pope's 
friendly  counsel  and  powerful  aid. 

Early  in  1074  the  Pope  summoned  a  council  at  Rome, 
for  the  further  prosecution  of  his  design  of  reforming,  or, 
as  we  might  more  truly  say,  of  aggrandizing  the  priest- 
hood. This  council  forbade,  not  merely  the  marriages  of 
priests,  but  the  continuance  of  the  marriage  tie  wherever 
it  subsisted.  The  clergy  were  to  put  away  their  wives, 
and  none  of  the  laity  were  to  receive  the  rites  of  religion  at 
the  hands  of  a  wedded  priest.  The  news  of  this  decree 
threw  all  Germany  into  an  uproar.  There  the  sacred  bond 
of  marriage  had  been  contracted  by  multitudes  of  priests. 


GREGORY  VII.   AND  HENRY  IV.  185 

who  now  flatly  refused  to  dissolve  them.  In  vain  did  the 
Archbishop  of  Mentz  endeavor  to  enforce  the  decree.  He 
soon  found  that  the  attempt  could  only  be  made  at  the 
hazard  of  his  life.  The  same  resistance  was  offered  in 
France.  The  Archbishop  of  Rouen,  who  published  the 
decree,  was  pelted  with  stones  by  his  own  clergy,  and  was 
compelled  to  seek  safety  in  flight.  Not  one  whit,  however, 
did  the  sagacious  and  imperturbable  Pontiff  abate  the  sever- 
ity of  his  demands.  He  knew  that  he  must  conquer ;  for 
he  had  read  the  characters  of  men,  and  understood  the 
signs  of  the  times.  With  more  than  regal  majesty  he 
wrote  to  the  prelates  of  Germany  and  France,  insisting  on 
their  prosecuting  the  work  of  reformation  at  any  imagina- 
ble risk  and  toil.  "  Because  there  is  no  possibility,"  he  said, 
"  of  evading  the  judgment  of  the  great  Judge  of  all,  we 
entreat  and  warn  you  not  to  let  the  prophetic  malediction 
come  upon  your  heads,  in  which  it  is  written,  *  Cursed  is 
the  man  who  keepeth  back  his  sword  from  blood  ;'  that  is, 
as  you  well  know,  who  withholds  the  word  of  preaching 
from  the  censure  of  carnal  men.  Ye,  brethren,  yourselves 
are  in  fault." 


CHAPTER  y. 

CONTEST  OF   GREGORY  VII.  WITH  THE  EMPEROR    HENRY  IV. 

THE   PAPAL    TRIUMPH. A.   D.  1075-1077. 

The  *'  sweetness  and  obedience"  of  the  young  emperor  did 
not  last  many  months.  Prosperity  had  returned  to  him, 
and  he  now  indulged  his  passions  and  his  whims  unappalled 
by  the  threats  of  the  Ch\irch.  His  companions,  who  had 
been  excommunicated  by  the  Pope,  were  reinstated  in  fa- 
vor, and  that  simony  which  Gregory  detested  beyond  all 
things   except  marriage,  was  openly  practiced  by  Henry 


186  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

himself,  and  by  all  the  nobles  of  the  empire.  Abbeys  and 
churches  were  sold  to  the  highest  bidder,  or  given  away 
with  indiscriminate  and  wanton  levity. 

Accustomed  to  preach  to  kings  as  well  as  to  subjects, 
Gregory  did  not  hesitate  to  address  long  and  earnest  remon- 
strances, not  unmingled  with  threatenings,  to  the  German 
court.  Reciting  Henry's  numerous  offenses,  the  Pontiff  said : 
"  It  seems  to  us  passing  strange  that  thou  inditest  so  often 
devout  epistles,  and  pourest  forth  by  the  mouth  of  thy  leg- 
ates such  expressions  of  humility,  and  yet  exhibitest  thy- 
self by  thine  actions  as  most  intractable."  Gregory  does 
not  seem  to  have  suspected  that  Henry  had  learned  in  his 
own  school  the  arts  of  duplicity  and  statecraft.  Wearied 
out  at  length  by  the  disregard  which  Henry  showed  to  his 
admonitions,  the  Pope  sent  legates  toward  the  close  of 
10*75,  commanding  Henry's  speedy  appearance  at  a  Roman 
synod  to  answer  his  many  accusers.  But  in  December  of 
that  year  an  event  happened  Avhich  threatened  to  put  a 
sudden  end  to  Gregory's  career,  and  which  strikingly  illus- 
trates the  rudeness  of  the  times. 

Right  royal  as  was  the  Pontiflf's  attitude,  and  menacing 
as  was  his  tone  to  even  kingly  foes,  he  does  not  appear  to 
have  held  undisputed  sway  in  his  own  city  of  Rome.  No- 
bles fortified  their  houses  into  castles,  and  issued  forth  with 
their  retainers  to  pillage  the  weak,  or  revenge  an  insult,  as 
in  cities  of  less  importance.  One  of  these  turbulent  chief- 
tains was  Cencius,  who  had  a  personal  spite  against  Greg- 
ory, because  of  certain  rebukes  which  he  had  received  from 
the  Pontiff  for  his  licentious  and  lawless  life.  It  was  mid- 
night on  Christmas-eve,  and  the  Pope,  with  his  clergy,  was 
celebrating  high-mass  in  the  spacious  church  of  Santa  Ma- 
ria Maggiore.  The  worshipers  were  few,  for  the  night  was 
tempestuous  and  dark,  so  that  the  church  had  a  gloomy 
and  deserted  appearance.  The  Pope  was  in  the  act  of  dis- 
tributing the  consecrated  wafer  to  the  laity,  when  Cencius 
and  a  band  of  ruffians  dashed  into  the  church.     With  clam- 


GREGORY  VII.   AND   HENRY  IV.  18Y 

orous  shouts  they  dragged,  the  Pontiff  from  the  altar.  In 
the  scuflSe  that  ensued  Gregory  was  wounded  in  the  fore- 
head by  the  cut  of  a  sword.  Stripped  of  his  robes,  he  was 
hurried  away  to  the  fortress  in  which  Cencius  dwelt,  and 
left  there  till  he  could  be  safely  removed  to  a  greater  dis- 
tance ;  for  the  populace  had  now  been  aroused,  and  were 
hastening  to  the  fortress  with  fierce  yells  and  threats  of 
vengeance.  Hasty  efforts  were  made  for  defense ;  but  bat- 
tering engines  were  brought  to  the  assault,  and  it  soon  be- 
came certain  that  the  rescue  would  be  effected,  or  all  the 
inmates  of  the  tower  in  which  Gregory  was  confined  be 
involved  in  one  common  ruin.  Gregory  was  not  unattended 
in  his  distress.  A  devoted  female  had  followed  him  to  the 
tower,  and  now  chafed  his  chilled  feet  and  stanched  his 
bleeding:  wound.  The  rockinof  of  the  tower  beneath  the 
shocks  of  the  catapult  at  length  made  Cencius  aware  of  his 
danger,  and  throwing  himself  at  Gregory's  feet,  he  im- 
plored pardon  for  his  crime.  Throughout  the  entire  scene 
Gregory  had  maintained  the  most  unshaken  dignity  and 
serenity,  and  he  now  assured  the  wretched  man  of  his 
hearty  forgiveness  and  protection.  The  tower  was  just 
then  broken  open ;  Cencius  escaped,  and  the  Pontiff  was 
carried  back  in  triumph  to  the  church,  that  he  might  con- 
clude the  service  so  rudely  internipted. 

The  year  had  turned,  but  it  was  still  the  Christmas  festi- 
val, and  the  emperor  was  celebrating  the  festivities  with 
his  court  at  Goslar.  A  deputation  was  announced  as 
freshly  arrived  from  Rome,  and  the  legates  of  Gregory 
were  ushered  into  Henry's  presence.  They  acquainted  the 
emperor  that  a  synod  was  to  be  held  at  Rome  in  the  ap- 
proaching Lent,  and  in  the  name  of  the  Pontiff  cited  him 
to  appear,  warning  him  that  excommunication  would  be  the 
penalty  of  disobedience. 

Henry's  ire  was  aroused  by  so  audacious  a  message,  and 
driving  the  legates  from  the  court,  loaded  with  every  spe- 
cies of  insult,  he  immediately  summoned  a  council  of  Ger- 


188  LIVES    OF  THE   POPES. 

man  bishops  to  decide  on  a  fit  punishment  for  the  daring 
and  rebellious  Hope.  The  council  was  held  at  Worms,  and 
the  prelates,  forward  to  gratify  their  monarch,  and  very  in- 
dignant at  Gregory's  innovations  respecting  simony  and 
marriage,  unanimously  agreed  that  he  should  be  no  longer 
Pope,  and  a  document,  abjuring  their  allegiance,  was  signed 
by  all  present,  and  afterward  by  the  bishops  of  Lombardy. 
Roland,  a  priest  of  Parma,  undertook  the  perilous  office  of 
bearing  the  tidings  to  Rome. 

It  was  now  the  second  week  in  Lent,  and  a  synod  of 
more  than  a  hundred  prelates  was  assembled  beneath  the 
richly-sculptured  and  gilded  roof  of  the  Lateran.  Gregory 
sat  at  their  head.  The  synod  were  expecting  some  mention 
to  be  made  of  the  imperial  defaulter,  when  the  priest  Roland 
presented  himself  before  the  throne  of  the  Pontiflf.  In  a 
fierce  and  vehement  tone  he  thus  addressed  the  Pope : — 
*'  The  king  and  the  united  bishops  of  Germany  and  Italy 
transmit  to  thee  this  command — *  Descend  without  delay 
from  the  throne  of  St.  Peter ;  abandon  the  usurped  gov- 
ernment of  the  Roman  Church ;  to  such  honors  none  must 
aspire  without  the  choice  of  the  people  and  the  sanction  of 
the  emperor.' "  Then,  turning  to  the  conclave,  he  said, 
"  To  you,  brethren,  it  is  commanded,  that  at  the  feast  of 
Pentecost  ye  present  yourselves  before  the  king  my  master, 
to  receive  a  pope  and  father  from  his  hands.  This  pretend- 
ed pastor  is  a  ravenous  wolf." 

A  moment's  pause,  and  a  loud  cry  of  indignation  rang 
through  the  crowded  aisles.  The  courageous  Roland  hard- 
ly escaped  with  his  life ;  but  Gregory,  in  the  midst  of  the 
tumult,  remained  calm  and  unmoved.  Reading  aloud  the 
letters  from  the  emperor  which  Roland  had  brought,  he 
then  addressed  the  assembly,  chiefly  to  caution  them 
against  undue  haste.  Before  the  synod  broke  up,  how- 
ever, the  decisive  blow  was  struck,  and  as  Hemy  had  ab- 
jured the  Pope,  the  Pope  now  excommunicated  Hemy, 
pronouncing  him  henceforth  interdicted  from  the  enjoyment 


GREGORY  VII.    AND   HENRY   IV.  189 

of  the  imperial  throne,  and  absolving  all  Christians  from 
their  oaths  and  allegiance  to  one  who  was  himself  now 
bound  by  a  solemn  anathema  in  the  name  of  the  holy  St. 
Peter.  Thus  was  openly  commenced  that  quarrel  between 
the  feudal  and  the  papal  sovereignties,  between  the  secular 
and  the  spiritual  dominions,  which  was  destined  to  reverse 
the  positions  of  the  Pope  and  emperor,  and  to  give  the 
papacy  a  long  and  triumphant  career  of  supreme  domination 
in  Europe. 

So  little,  however,  did  Henry  understand  the  momentous 
character  of  the  crisis,  that  he  did  not  address  himself  to 
its  exigencies  with  a  tithe  of  his  natural  energy.  He  was 
more  affected  at  first  by  the  dangers  which  now  threatened 
him  again  from  Saxony,  and  it  was  in  seeking  to  avert  these 
that  his  eyes  were  opened  to  the  far  greater  perils  that 
were  gathering  on  the  other  side  of  the  Alps. 

Saxony  was  once  more  kindling  into  revolt ;  for  Henry's 
hatred  to  the  Saxon  race  had  tempted  him  to  break  the 
promises  he  had  made  to  respect  their  rights,  and  govern 
them  with  kindness  and  good  will.  Hoping  to  quell  the 
rebelhon  before  it  attained  much  strength,  he  summoned 
his  vassals,  and  hastened  with  a  small  force  across  the  Saxon 
frontier.  But  he  had  wofuUy  underrated  the  urgency  of 
the  occasion.  Whether  sympathizing  with  their  Saxon 
fellow-subjects,  or  awed  by  the  interdict  of  the  Pope,  which 
hung  black  with  mysterious  terrors  over  Henry's  head, 
from  one  cause  or  another  his  nobles  fell  away  in  rapid 
succession,  and  the  emperor  had  the  mortification  to  see  his 
forces  dwindling  down  as  snow  melts  in  the  sunshine.  The 
Saxons  also  flew  to  arms  with  one  consent,  and  Henry  was 
compelled  to  retreat  in  disappointment  and  shame. 

Gregory's  measures  were  not  so  ill-judged.  Well  know- 
ing the  disaffection  that  prevailed  among  the  barons  of  the 
empire,  especially  in  Saxony,  he  addressed  to  the  prelates 
and  princes  a  letter  of  advice,  pointing  out  to  them  that 
this  was  the  moment  for  electing  a  new  sovereign.     In  this 


190  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

letter,  after  insisting  that  Henry,  if  still  permitted  to  reign, 
must  be  brought  to  obedience  to  the  Church,  that  he  mighit 
"  henceforth  think  of  the  holy  Church,  not  as  of  a  bond- 
maid subject  to  his  will,  but  as  of  a  mistress  set  over  him," 
Gregory  proceeds  to  advise  that  "  if  the  king  shall  not  be 
turned  in  his  heart  to  God,  let  a  person  be  selected  for  the 
government  of  the  kingdom  who  shall  pledge  himself  to 
observe  all  the  points  we  have  mentioned,  as  well  for  the 
maintenance  of  religion  as  the  weal  of  the  empire." 

Such  counsel  was  welcome  to  the  haughty  and  indignant 
princes,  and  they  accordingly  assembled  for  conference  at 
Tribur,  in  the  autumn  of  1076,  For  seven  days  did  their 
discussions  continue ;  legates  from  Rome,  bishops  from  Ger- 
many, and  barons  from  the  whole  empire,  but  especially 
Saxony,  all  taking  an  eager  and  excited  part.  Henry  him- 
self was  not  present.  Not  daring  to  appear,  he  remained 
a  few  miles  distant  at  Oppenheim,  and  thence  sent  repeated 
messages,  inquiring  the  progress  of  the  debate,  and  making 
humble  propositions,  which  he  trusted  would  conciliate  his 
offended  and  too  powerful  vassals. 

The  legates  of-  Gregory  were  men  wisely  chosen  and 
well-trained  for  their  task.  With  subtile  arguments  and 
eloquent  appeals  they  overcame  all  the  loyal  scruples  and 
hesitating  fears  which  had  weight  with  any  of  the  nobles, 
and  the  council  finally  resolved  that  Henry's  continuance 
in  power  should  solely  depend  on  his  reconcilement  to  the 
head  of  the  Church.  "  If  the  sun  should  go  down  on  him 
still  an  excommunicated  person  on  the  23d  of  February, 
1077,  his  crown  was  to  be  transferred  to  another."  Until 
then  he  was  to  dwell  in  unostentatious  retirement  at  Spires. 

Unwelcome  as  this  sentence  was,  the  development  of  the 
feudal  system  had  now  made  the  emperor  so  completely 
dependent  on  his  nobles,  that  Henry  had  no  choice  but  to 
submit.  That  system,  which  in  its  youth  had  given  the 
emperor  absolute  dominion  over  the  estates  and  lives  of  his 
vassals,  in  its  maturity  divided  the  power  among  a  multi- 


GREGORY  VII.  AND  HENRY  IV.  191 

tude  of  nobles,  each  a  petty  sovereign,  with  whose  collective 
might  no  emperor  could  contend,  and  whose  several  forces 
might  be  brought  to  combine  against  him  almost  as  readily 
as  for  him.  Reduced  to  this  sad  necessity,  Henry  endured 
with  a  chafing  spirit  his  solitude  and  the  anxieties  of 
suspense  for  two  weary  months ;  but  his  impatient  soul 
could  bear  it  no  longer,  and  seeing  no  other  way  of  obtain- 
ing relief,  he  determined  on  a  personal  visit  to  the  Pope,  to 
beseech  the  pardon  and  favor  of  the  Church. 

It  was  the  depth  of  winter,  a  winter  of  such  extreme  se- 
verity that  the  Rhine  was  frozen  over  from  November  to 
April,  and  the  road  to  Italy  was,  in  those  days,  a  bare 
track,  often  winding  through  mountain  passes,  blocked  up 
at  this  season  with  snow,  and  sometimes  scaling  the  very 
ridges  of  the  Alps,  from  which  the  snow  never  departs. 
But  Henry's  impetuosity  could  brook  no  delay.  Retinue 
he  had  none,  save  one  faithful  friend,  and  his  yet  more 
faithful  wife,  who  bore  a  babe  in  her  bosom.  His  path  lay 
through  hostile  regions,  and  he  had  to  purchase  a  passage 
from  their  sovereigns  by  the  sacrifice  of  vast  estates.  As 
he  entered  the  defiles  of  the  Alps,  peasants  preceded  him, 
and  cleared  away  the  snow  and  ice,  which  accumulated  so 
much  upon  the  heights  as  to  occasion  both  difficulty  and 
danger.  The  descent  was  still  worse.  The  whole  moun- 
tain side  was  one  vast  sheet  of  ice,  where  hardly  the  chamois 
could  find  a  footing.  The  emperor  himself,  on  hands  and 
knees,  slowly  and  painfully  made  his  way  from  crag  to  crag. 
Not  seldom  the  treacherous  path  failed  them,  and  men 
were  rolled  headlong  into  the  deep  abysses  of  snow.  The 
queen  and  her  infant  son  were  let  down  in  the  skins  of 
slaughtered  beasts,  by  means  of  ropes.  And  thus,  amid 
hardships  which  royalty  rarely  knows,  the  journey  was  ac- 
complished, and  the  imperial  pilgrim  found  himself  early  in 
January,  107*7,  on  the  Italian  side  of  the  Alps. 

No  sooner  was  it  noised  abroad  that  the  emperor  had 
arrived  than  his  Italian  subjects  hastened  to  give  him  wel- 


192  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

come.  In  the  north  of  Italy  Gregory's  name  was  hated  for 
the  rigor  of  his  enactments  respecting  the  clergy,  and  it 
was  hoped  that  the  emperor's  visit  would  put  a  stop  to  his 
daring  encroachments.  Now  again,  therefore,  Henry  was 
surrounded  by  zealous  friends,  who,  if  they  dared  not  fight 
for  him,  would  at  least  give  him  liberal  entertainment.  But 
no  time  was  to  be  lost  in  festivities.  The  decisive  day  was 
rapidly  approaching,  when  the  empire  would  either  be  con- 
firmed in  his  possession  or  become  the  prize  of  a  long  and 
bloody  strife.  Gregory  was  proceeding  for  that  very  pur- 
pose through  Tuscany  to  Augsburg,  where  the  diet  was  to 
be  held  that  should  define  and  settle  the  future  relations 
of  the  emperors  and  the  popes.  Hearing  of  Henry's  ap- 
proach and  of  the  general  welcome  he  had  received,  Greg- 
ory retired  to  the  castle  of  Canossa  to  await  the  arrival  of 
his  royal  visitor.  Canossa  was  the  favorite  residence  of  the 
''  Great  Countess  "  Matilda,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  Tus- 
can duchy  of  her  mother,  Beatrice,  and  her  father-in-law, 
Duke  Godfrey.  Over  the  mind  of  this  extraordinary  wo- 
man the  genius  of  Hildebrand  had  obtained  a  complete 
mastery,  and  her  devotion  to  his  interests  was  undoubtedly 
one  of  the  principal  causes  of  his  great  success.  She  was 
herself  a  scholar  and  a  warrior,  the  most  powerful  princess 
of  Italy,  and  the  most  faithful  adherent  of  the  papacy  in 
all  its  diversified  fortunes. 

To  Canossa  Henry  accordingly  directed  his  steps,  at- 
tended now  by  a  train  of  Italian  followers.  Arrived  before 
the  fortress,  he  solicited  an  immediate  audience,  first  of  the 
Countess  Matilda  and  then  of  the  Pontiff.  By  the  first  his 
request  was  granted,  but  neither  his  own  royal  character 
nor  the  intercessions  of  Matilda  could  prevail  on  the  stem 
Gregory  to  admit  Henry  to  his  presence.  Message  after 
message  did  the  emperor  dispatch,  expressed  in  the  hum- 
blest tone,  and  offering  the  most  ample  atonement,  but  not 
for  many  days  would  Gregory  listen  to  a  syllable  of  his 
petition.     Henry  was  just  reduced  to  the  verge  of  despair, 


GREGORY  VII.  AND  HENRY  IV.  193 

and  a  longer  delay  might  have  driven  him  to  indignation 
and  defiance,  when  he  received  the  announcement  that  he 
should  obtain  absolution  on  one  condition  alone  —  his  de- 
livering up  into  the  hands  of  the  Pope  his  crown,  scepter, 
and  other  symbols  of  royalty,  and  confessing  himself  un- 
worthy to  bear  the  name  of  king.  These  arrogant  terms 
were  not,  however,  insisted  on  even  by  the  audacious  Hil- 
debrand,  and  probably  they  would  not  have  been  complied 
with  even  by  the  abject  and  crest-fallen  Henry ;  but  it  was 
inexorably  demanded  that  he  should  do  penance  in  the 
castle-yard  before  he  should  receive  the  pardon  of  the  Pope. 

It  was  toward  the  end  of  January,  and  winter  had  laid 
his  icy  hand  on  all  the  scene,  when  Henry,  attired  in  the 
white  woolen  robe  of  a  penitent,  entered  the  gates  of  the 
fortress.  His  followers  regarded  him  with  strange  and,  con- 
flicting emotions,  in  which  pity  strove  with  ridicule,  and 
contempt  with  anger.  But  whatever  emotions  filled  the 
breast  of  Gregory,  they  were  not  expressed  that  day.  The 
rising  sun  found  Henry  at  his  post,  and  the  setting  sun  still 
left  him  there,  faint  with  fatigue  and  hunger,  and  bursting 
with  a  vexation  and  anger  which  he  dared  not  express.  A 
second  day  and  a  third  witnessed  a  repetition  of  the  same 
barbarities ;  and  the  sovereign  of  vast  kingdoms  servilely 
submitted  to  cruelties  which  the  most  despotic  tyrant  would 
now  hesitate  to  inflict  on  the  \'ilest  malefactor ;  and  to  crown 
all,  it  was  at  the  hands  of  one  who  called  himself  the  vicar 
of  Christ,  the  chief  representative  on  earth  of  the  "  meek 
and  lowly  "  Jesus. 

On  the  evening  of  the  third  day,  Henry's  fortitude  was 
quite  overcome,  and  taking  refuge  in  an  adjacent  chapel, 
he  there  fell  on  his  knees  before  the  Countess  Matilda,  and 
besought  her,  with  sobs  and  tears,  to  intercede  in  his  be- 
half. This  time  her  entreaties  prevailed,  and  Henry  was 
permitted  to  appear  before  the  now  triumphant  and  exult- 
ing Pope.  The  gates  of  the  castle  were  thrown  open,  and 
the  royal  penitent  stood  in  the  presence  of  the  haughty 

9 


194  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

Gregory,  "  from  the  terrible  glance  of  whose  countenance," 
we  are  told,  "  the  eye  of  every  beholder  recoiled  as  from 
the  lightning."  The  one  was  youthful,  tall,  and  graceful ; 
the  other  was  aged,  decrepit,  and  austere.  It  was  the  sub- 
mission of  the  physical  to  the  intellectual,  and  still  more  of 
the  secular  to  the  sacerdotal,  that  was  then  ratified  for  ages 
to  come  ;  and  Henry  and  Gregory  were  fit  types  of  the  new 
era.  Henry  promised  to  submit  to  the  Pontiff's  judgment 
respecting  the  imperial  crown,  and  even  to  resign  that  crown 
if  Gregory's  decision  should  be  adverse.  He  engaged  to  be 
guided  by  the  Pope's  counsel  in  all  his  future  acts ;  and  to 
abstain,  till  his  judgment  should  be  given,  from  any  use  of 
his  royal  prerogative.  Then,  and  not  till  then,  did  Gregory 
pronounce  the  absolution. 

But  even  in  this  act  of  assumed  clemency  the  Pope  dis- 
covered his  resolution  to  trample  on  his  fallen  foe.  Hold- 
ing in  his  hands  the  consecrated  wafer,  "  Behold !"  he  ex- 
claimed, fixing  his  fierce  eye  on  the  jaded  countenance  of 
the  emperor,  "  behold  the  body  of  the  Lord !  Be  it  this 
day  the  witness  of  my  innocence.  May  the  almighty  God 
now  free  me  from  the  suspicion  of  the  guilt  of  which  I  have 
been  accused  by  thee  and  thine,  if  I  be  really  innocent ! 
May  he  this  day  smite  me  with  sudden  death  if  I  be  really 
guilty !"  Looking  up  to  heaven,  he  then  broke  and  ate  the 
bread.  Turning  again  to  Henry,  he  said,  "  If  now  thou 
also  art  conscious  of  innocence,  and  assured  that  the  charges 
brought  against  thee  are  false,  free  the  Church  from  scan- 
dal and  thyself  from  suspicion.  Take,  as  an  appeal  to 
Heaven,  this  body  of  the  Lord!"  This  challenge  Henry 
was,  of  course,  unable  to  accept.  He  submitted  in  silence 
to  the  haughty  speeches  of  the  Pope,  meditating  in  his 
heart  a  swift  and  ample  revenge.  When,  at  length,  the 
monarch  retired  from  the  presence  of  Gregory,  and  quitted 
the  castle  of  Canossa,  he  repaired  to  the  camp  of  his  Italian 
followers,  who  had  now  greatly  multiplied,  and  who  anx- 
iously awaited  the  issue  of  the  strange  transactions  that 


GERMAN  CIVIL  WAR.  195 

were  taking  place  within  tlie  fortress.  Sympathizing  with 
the  indignation  of  Henry,  they  also  felt  and  expressed  their 
contempt  for  the  emperor  himself,  who  ought,  in  their  esti- 
mation, to  have  treated  a  pope  with  as  little  ceremony  as 
his  father  had  done  at  the  Council  of  Sutri.  They  either 
forgot  or  did  not  know  how  crippled  Henry's  German  re- 
sources had  become  by  numerous  divisions ;  and  that,  in 
fact,  a  crisis  had  arrived  in  the  history  of  the  empire,  wliich 
not  even  the  genius  of  Henry  III.  could  have  longer  de- 
layed. 

But  if  we  may  pity  Henry,  how  strongly  must  we  repro- 
bate the  conduct  of  the  Pope !  Is  this  a  bishop  of  the  Chris- 
tian Church  ?  Is  this  a  disciple  of  Christ  ?  Whatever  may 
have  been  the  sincerity  and  the  zeal  of  Gregory  in  the  cause 
which  he  adopted,  the  unbounded  arrogance  he  displayed 
is  too  clear  a  proof  that  of  the  spirit  and  genius  of  Chris- 
tianity he  knew  absolutely  nothing.  In  him  the  passions  of 
the  unrenewed  heart  were  displayed  in  their  most  devel- 
oped and  even  exaggerated  forms.  Yet  this  is  the  man 
whom  Rome  adores !  Well  has  it  been  said,  that  Greg- 
ory VII.  was  the  most  complete  and  finished  example  of 
the  spirit  and  nature  of  the  papacy  itself ! 


CHAPTER  VI. 

RENEWAL     OF    THE     CONTEST     BETWEEN     GREGORY     Vll.     AND 

HENRY  IV. GERMAN   CIVIL  WAR  AND  PAPAL  USURPATIONS 

DEATH  OF  GREGORY  VII. A.  D.  1077-1085. 

Animated  alike  by  the  reproaches  and  the  promises  of  his 
Itahan  subjects,  the  emperor  resolved  on  swiftly  avenging 
himself  for  the  insolence  of  Gregory.  For  this  pm-pose  he 
immediately  invested  the  castle  of  Canossa  with  aniied 
troops.     By  the  aid,  however,  of  his  faithful  friend,  the 


196  LIVES   OF  THE   POIES. 

Countess  Matilda,  the  Pontiff  escaped  from  the  hands  of 
the  besiegers,  and  retreated  in  safety  to  Rome.  The  time 
had  now  expired  for  the  settlement  of  Henry's  tenure  of 
the  imperial  crown,  and  though  he  had  received  absolution, 
the  sentence  of  deposition  had  not  been  revoked.  Neither 
did  the  nobles  of  Germany  at  all  desire  that  it  should  be ; 
for,  assembling  at  Forcheim  in  March,  1077,  they  elected 
Rudolf  of  Suabia  as  emperor ;  and  the  legates  of  the  Pope 
not  only  acceded  to  the  choice,  but  actually  crowned  Ru- 
dolf in  the  new  cathedral  of  the  city  of  Mentz. 

When  the  news  of  this  transaction  was  brought  to  Greg- 
ory he  cautiously  refrained  from  adopting  either  side.  He 
foresaw  that  a  stiiiggle  must  take  place  between  Rudolf 
and  Henry,  and  he  determined  that,  issue  as  it  might,  the 
event  should  be  subservient  in  some  way  to  the  interests  of 
the  Roman  See.  Recognizing  both  the  rivals  as  kings,  he 
bade  both  to  lay  down  their  arms,  and  await  his  own  ar- 
rival in  Germany,  when  he  would  make  a  just  decision.  But 
this  cautious  line  of  conduct  was  perfectly  unintelligible  to 
Rudolf's  partisans.  It  was  at  the  instigation  of  Gregory 
himself  that  they  had  elected  a  new  sovereign.  The  papal 
legates  had  ratified  the  choice  by  placing  the  crown  on  his 
head ;  and  the  followers  of  Rudolf,  therefore,  naturally  ex- 
pected the  Pontiff's  counsel  and  aid  in  the  struggle  they 
had  commenced,  and  the  more  so  because  Rudolf  was  in 
favor  of  those  very  measures  which  Gregory  so  zealously 
urged  for  the  reformation  and  aggrandizement  of  the  clergy. 
But  though  Gregory,  doubtless,  wished  well  to  the  cause 
of  the  revolted  nobles,  he  also  saw  that  its  success  was 
doubtful ;  so  that  if  veracity  and  faithfulness  commanded, 
ambition  far  more  loudly  forbade  him  to  link  his  own  for- 
tunes and  those  of  the  Roman  Church  with  the  uncertain 
destiny  of  Rudolf. 

That  the  Pope  had  sagaciously  discerned  the  signs  of  the 
times  in  this  as  in  all  other  instances,  was  abundantly  proved 
by  the  events  of  the  following  year.     Upon  Henry's  return 


GERMAN   CIVIL   WAR.  197 

into  Germany  he  found  himself  once  more  the  object  of 
popular  regard.  Whether  from  pity  of  their  monarch's 
misfortunes,  or  a  revived  sentiment  of  loyalty,  or  a  dislike 
to  the  pretensions  of  Rudolf,  multitudes  flocked  to  the 
standard  of  Henry,  and  the  emperor  soon  saw  in  his  camp 
the  principal  nobles  and  prelates  of  the  empire,  together 
with  an  army  of  twelve  thousand  men.  The  horrors  of  the 
civil  war,  thus  meanly  promoted  by  the  Pontiflf,  continued 
for  several  years  without  either  Rudolf  or  Henry  gaining 
any  dedded  advantage.  Rudolf  was  in  the  position  of  a 
revolter,  who  has  influence  enough  to  disturb  remote  prov- 
inces, but  not  strength  to  subvert  the  government ;  Hemy 
in  that  of  a  sovereign,  who  can  maintain  his  own  regal  title 
in  the  heart  of  his  empire,  but  too  weak  to  preserve  his 
authority  at  its  extreme  limits.  Both  parties  appealed  to 
the  Pope,  for  both  desired  the  aid  which  papal  anathemas 
could  then  give  to  the  basest  cause,  and  Gregory  leaned  to 
the  one  side  or  the  other  exactly  as  policy  required. 

While  this  conflict  was  going  forward  in  Germany,  Greg- 
ory spent  the  comparative  leisure  allowed  him  by  the  inter- 
val of  suspense  in  attending  to  the  discipline  of  the  clergy, 
and  in  endeavorinof  to  streno^then  the  influence  of  the  Ro- 
man  Church  in  distant  countries.  It  was  at  this  time  that 
the  celebrated  Berenger,  Archdeacon  of  Tours,  was  brought 
before  a  council  to  answer  for  his  heresy  in  denying  the 
doctrine  of  transubstantiation.  For  nearly  thirty  years  had 
Berenger  zealously  contended,  in  opposition  to  the  ortho- 
dox creed  of  the  Romanists,  that  the  bread  and  wine  used 
at  the  Lord's  Supper  continued  to  be  bread  and  wine  after 
their  consecration  by  the  priest.  But  Berenger  was  far 
more  of  the  schoolman  than  the  Christian,  and  rather  a 
theologian  than  a  martyr  for  truth.  As  often  as  he  was 
brought  into  peril  for  his  really  Scriptural  doctrine  his  for- 
titude always  gave  way,  and  he  recanted  his  "  errors."  On 
the  present  occasion,  he  stood  before  a  judge  who  cared 
little  about  the  matter,  and  whose  private  opinions  rather 


198  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

favored  Berenger's  views.  Gregory's  whole  soul  was  ab- 
sorbed in  what  appeared  to  him  of  much  gteater  conse- 
quence than  the  disputes  of  polemics — the  struggle  between 
the  priestly  and  the  secular  powers.  Still  it  would  not 
have  been  seemly  for  a  pontiff  to  countenance  heresy,  and 
he  therefore  insisted,  though  with  comparative  forbearance 
of  manner,  on  Berenger's  renouncing  as  falsehood  what 
both  of  them  believed  to  be  the  truth.  Berenoer  made  a 
declaration,  that  he  believed  the  bread  and  the  wine, 
"  through  the  mysrery  of  prayer,  and  through  the  words 
of  our  Redeemer,  to  be  converted  into  the  true,  proper,  and 
life-giving  body  and  blood  of  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord." 
This  satisfied  his  bigoted  persecutors,  and  he  was  then 
allowed  to  depart  unmolested.  To  the  end  of  his  days, 
however,  he  continued  to  teach  what  he  really  believed, 
and  to  deny  the  doctrine  which  he  here  pretended  to  ac- 
cept.    Of  such  weight  is  compulsory  confession ! 

Gregoiy  also  renewed  his  efforts  to  establish  a  uniform 
liturgy  throughout  the  Churches  of  the  West.  The  Bohe- 
mians had  hitherto  used  their  native  language,  the  Sclavo- 
nian,  in  all  the  services  of  religion.  At  Hildebrand's  sug- 
gestion, Alexander  II.  had  prohibited  the  practice,  and 
now  the  regulation  he  had  originated  as  cardinal,  he  en- 
forced as  supreme  Pontiff.  And  before  the  end  of  the 
eleventh  century — long,  very  long  before  Gregory's  influ- 
ence had  died  away — the  Latin  liturgy  was  generally 
received  among  the  Churches  that  acknowledged  the 
Pope's  authority. 

But  Gregory's  success  was  not  uniform.  In  attempting 
similar  encroachments  in  England  he  met  with  a  decided 
and  stern  rebuff.  The  great "  Conqueror,"  who  then  wielded 
the  sceptre,  was  not  disposed  to  stoop  even  to  the  Pope, 
and  he  finally  resolved  that  the  priesthood  of  his  kingdom 
should  be  under  his  own  exclusive  control.  When,  there- 
fore, Gregory  sent  a  legate  to  demand  of  William  the  per- 
formance of  homage  for  his  kingdom,  and  payment  of  the 


GERMAN   CIVIL  WAR.  199 

tribute  called  "  Peter's  pence,"*  he  received  the  following 
irreverent  reply :  "  Thy  legate,  Hubert,  holy  father,  hath 
called  on  me  in  thy  name,  to  take  the  oath  of  fealty  to  thee 
and  thy  successors,  and  to  exert  myself  in  enforcing  the 
more  regidar  payment  of  the  duties  paid  of  old  by  my  pre- 
decessors to  the  Church  of  Rome.  The  one  request  I  have 
granted,  the  other  I  have  refused.  Homage  to  thee  I  have 
not,  and  I  do  not  choose  to  do.  I  owe  it  not  on  my  own 
account,  nor  do  I  find  that  it  has  been  done  by  those  before 
me.  So  much  of  the  money  in  question  as  is  collected  Hu- 
bert will  lay  before  thee,  and  that  which  we  have  yet  to 
collect  shall  be  sent  thee  at  a  convenient  season." 

The  chagi'in  of  the  haughty  Gregory  at  this  epistle  may 
be  easily  conceived.  He  expressed  it  by  recalling  his  leg- 
ate from  England,  and  directing  him  not  to  regard  the 
money,  which,  without  the  homage,  was  not  worthy  to  be 
received. 

But  what  he  lost  abroad  he  more  than  retrieved  at  home. 
The  prompt  and  strenuous  support  which  Gregory  received 
from  the  "  Great  Countess  "  Matilda,  was  ample  compensa- 
tion for  the  lack  of,  at  the  best,  the  constrained  assistance 
of  distant  and  grumbling  alhes.  She  not  only  supplied  sol- 
diers and  money,  sympathy  and  counsel,  but  completed  her 
life-long  devotion  to  the  Roman  See  by  transferring  a  large 
portion  of  her  Tuscan  patrimony  to  Gregory  and  his  suc- 
cessors forever,  and  which  still  counts  among  the  most 
valuable  estates  of  "the  Church." 

The  year  1080  brought  with  it  some  important  results  in 
the  conflict  between  the  Pope  and  the  emperor.  The  par- 
tisans of  Rudolf  had  gradually  diminished,  until  it  was  evi- 
dently necessary  to  strike  some  decisive  blow  to  save  his 
cause  from  absolute  ruin.     Once  more,  therefore,  messen- 

"  "  Peter's  pence  "  was  a  tax  invented  by  the  popes,  by  which 
a  penny  was  gathered  from  every  house  in  those  kingdoms  which 
acknowledged  papal  supremacy.  A  capital  method  at  once  to  se- 
cure allegiance  and  fill  the  "  treasury  of  St.  Peter !" 


200  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

gers  were  dispatched  to  Rome,  who  earnestly  entreated 
that  Gregory  would  no  longer  delay  to  avow  himself  the 
associate  and  patron  of  the  king  whom  his  own  legates  had 
crowned.  This  time  their  entreaties  prevailed.  It  is  not 
likely  that  the  politic  and  unscrupulous  Gregory  would 
adopt  a  cause  which  he  knew  to  be  failing,  and  it  is,  there- 
fore, probable  that  for  once  he  was  deceived  by  over- 
colored  statements  of  Rudolf's  prospects.  Summoning  a 
council  of  prelates,  and  other  dignified  clergy,  he  laid  be- 
fore them  Rudolf's  petition,  and  then  solemnly  pronounced 
an  anathema  upon  Henry,  with  a  sentence  of  deposition 
from  the  imperial  throne.  "  I  give,  grant,  and  concede," 
were  the  Pontiff's  arrogant  terms,  "  that  Rudolf  may  rule 
and  defend  the  German  empire.  Upon  all  who  adhere  to 
him  I  pronounce  the  absolution  of  their  sins,  and  bestow 
upon  them  blessings  in  this  world,  and  in  that  which  is  to 
come." 

The  supposition  that  Gregory  was  misled  by  false  re- 
ports is  confirmed  by  the  excess  of  folly  into  which  he  was 
on  this  occasion  betrayed ;  so  gross  was  it  in  itself,  and  so 
totally  unlike  his  usual  demeanor,  that  except  it  sprang 
from  a  decided  misconception  of  Rudolf's  position,  we  can 
only  ascribe  it  to  the  imbecility  of  age.  On  the  Sunday 
which  followed  the  synod,  he  solemnly  foretold  from  the 
altar,  that  Henry  would  either  be  dead  or  deposed  ere  three 
months  had  passed  away  ;  and  so  confident  of  this  did  Greg- 
ory feel,  that  he  transmitted  to  Rudolf  a  golden  diadem, 
bearing  an  inscription,  which  united  in  one  sentence,  as  by 
a  bond  of  amity,  the  names  of  the  Pontiff  and  the  future 
emperor. 

On  the  news  reaching  Henry  that  the  Pope  had  now 
openly  declared  war  against  him,  he  instantly  took  vigorous 
measures  for  self-defense.  He  was  no  longer  a  thoughtless 
boy.  Calamity  had  done  something  to  instruct  him,  though 
it  seems  also  to  have  soured  his  temper.  He  now  deter- 
mined to  meet  Gregory's  excommunication  by  counter  an- 


GEKMAN   CIVIL  WAR.  201 

athemas,  and  resolved  that  the  deposition  of  the  emperor 
should  be  followed  by  as  formal  a  deposition  of  the  Pope. 

Guibert,  Archbishop  of  Ravenna,  had  long  been  at  the 
head  of  the  anti-papal  party  in  the  north  of  Italy.  He  and 
his  associates  still  kept  ahve  the  dissensions  in  Milan,  which 
began  with  Leo  IX. 's  prohibition  of  clerical  marriages. 
Against  Guibert,  in  particular,  had  Gregory  leveled  the 
bolts  of  excommunication  and  anathema  ;  but  supported  by 
imperial  favor,  the  archbishop  still  maintained  his  ground. 
To  this  man  the  emperor  now  turned,  resolving  to  elevate 
him  without  delay  to  the  papal  throne.  A  council  of  about 
thirty  prelates,  but  with  a  large  concourse  of  nobles,  assem- 
bled for  this  purpose  at  Brixen  in  the  Tyrol,  and  decreed 
that  "  the  insolent  Hildebrand  "  was  to  be  forthwith  de- 
graded and  dethroned,  and  that  Guibert,  under  the  title  of 
Clement  III.,  should  occupy  the  vacant  chair. 

A  few  months  were  spent  by  Henry  in  preparing  for  a 
blow  equally  decisive  against  his  rebellious  vassal,  the 
Saxon  Rudolf.  That  chief  had  encamped  with  a  considera- 
ble army  on  the  banks  of  the  Elster,  with  a  marsh  in  the 
foreground  to  protect  him  from  a  sudden  assault.  On 
Henry's  arriving  at  this  point,  he  lost  no  time  in  compassing 
the  marsh,  and  commencing  the  attack  on  the  flanks  of  Ru- 
dolf 's  arm}^  A  furious  battle  ensued,  in  which  the  imperial 
forces  were  entirely  defeated,  and  the  monarch  only  saved 
himself  by  escaping  across  the  river,  in  which  many  of  his 
soldiers  were  drowned.  But  the  victory  of  the  Saxons  was 
purchased  at  a  cost  that  made  it  worse  than  a  defeat.  Ru- 
dolf himself  was  slain,  and  with  his  death  ended  all  rivalry 
for  the  imperial  crown. 

The  same  sun  that  witnessed  the  battle  of  the  Elster, 
beheld  also  a  conflict  in  Italy  between  Henry's  forces  and 
those  of  the  Countess  Matilda ;  and  there  Matilda  suf- 
fered as  signal  an  overthrow  as  Henry  himself  had  re- 
ceived in  Germany.  The  Pontiff  was  now  driven  to  other 
quarters  for  aid,  and  he  hastened  to  obtain  it,  for  he  well 

9* 


202  LIVES  OF  THE  POPJBS. 

knew  the  emperor  would  lose  no  time  in  punishing  his  nu- 
merous oflFenses. 

Henry  crossed  the  Alps  early  in  the  following  spring ; 
but  the  rude  German  warfare  of  that  age  did  not  permit 
him  to  capture  so  strongly  fortified  a  place  as  Rome  in  the 
brief  space  of  a  modem  siege.  For  three  whole  years  he 
hovered  about  the  banks  of  the  Tiber  or  the  Po,  now  seiz- 
ing a  fortress,  now  gaining  a  town,  and  now  suffering  a 
partial  defeat.  By  this  harassing  process,  however,  the 
patience  of  the  Italians  was  gradually  worn  out ;  and  in  the 
year  1084  he  sat  down  before  the  metropohs,  with  the  hope 
of  soon  becoming  its  master. 

During  this  interval  of  tedious  suspense,  the  Pontiff's 
behavior  was  in  no  wise  altered.  He  never  condescended 
to  make  advances  to  the  emperor,  nor  ever  dreamed  of  a 
single  concession.  On  the  contrary,  at  the  diminished 
synods  which  he  could  yet  assemble  within  the  walls,  he 
repeatedly  excommunicated  Henry,  with  Guibert  his  ally, 
and  the  whole  mass  of  their  partisans.  So  much  firmness 
and  constancy,  even  in  a  questionable  cause,  extort  admi- 
ration from  the  most  reluctant,  and  compel  us  to  believe 
that,  however  arrogant  and  unjustifiable  were  his  assump- 
tions, he  was  at  least  sincere  and  earnest  in  the  cause  he 
had  espoused.  In  March,  1084,  the  emperor  effected  an 
entrance,  and  the  populace,  wearied  by  Gregory's  obstinate 
resistance,  hailed  the  triumph  of  Henry  as  a  deliverance 
rather  than  a  disgrace.  Gregory  shut  himself  up  in  St. 
Angelo,  and  Henry  at  last  enjoyed  the  greatest  ambition  of 
his  life,  in  receiving  the  imperial  diadem  in  the  Church  of 
St.  Peter,  and  at  the  hands  of  Clement  III.,  a  pope  of  his 
own  appointment. 

Meanwhile,  succor  was  approaching  for  the  imprisoned 
Gregory.  Robert  Guiscard,  whose  life  had  been  spent  in 
camps,  had  at  length  found  leisure  to  attend  to  his  Pontiff's 
petitions ;  and  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  army,  containing 
in  its  ranks  a  host  of  Saracens,  was  marching  to  the  deliv- 


GEliMAN    CIYli.   WAK.  203 

efance  of  Rome.  Appalled  at  the  tidings,  Henry  hastily- 
departed  for  Germany,  pretending  that  an  absence  of  four 
yeai-s  made  his  retm-n  a  necessary  duty.  Left  to  take  their 
own  course,  the  Romans  decided  on  shutting  their  gates 
against  the  terrible  Nomians,  and  defending  their  city  as 
liege  subjects  of  the  empire.  But  to  Guiscard's  veteran 
troops,  the  capture  of  Rome  was  no  such  labor  as  it  had 
proved  to  the  Germans.  He  took  it  in  a  few  days ;  and, 
meeting  with  a  stubborn  resistance  after  his  entrance,  he 
gave  license  to  his  soldiers  to  plunder,  burn,  and  slay 
without  restraint.  By  this  savage  procedure,  the  fiercest 
passions  were  excited,  and  a  horrible  and  bloody  scene 
ensued.  Gregory  beheld,  with  impotent  dismay,  his  o^^ti 
partisan  and  protector  becoming  the  worst  enemy  of  his 
cause. 

When  the  carnage  was  over,  and  the  Normans,  having 
indulged  to  satiety  their  lust,  avarice,  and  cruelty,  had 
taken  fheir  departure,  the  Pontiff  found  that  instead  of 
being  reverenced  as  formerly,  with  a  homage  little  short  of 
what  is  due  only  to  God,  he  was  now  regarded  with  uni- 
versal disgust.  The  Romans  attributed  to  him  their  mis- 
fortunes and  suffering3,  and  could  scarcely  tolerate  his 
presence.  The  unhappy  old  man  fled  hastily  to  Salerno, 
and  there,  borne  down  by  the  weight  of  years  and  heart- 
broken by  the  calamities  of  his  old  age,  he  expired  on  the 
25th  of  May,  1085.  His  end  was  in  perfect  keeping  with 
his  hfe.  He  earnestly  and  repeatedly  besought  his  friends 
to  continue  the  policy  he  had  begun.  Being  asked  to  ab- 
solve, ere  he  died,  the  multitude  on  whom  he  had  pro- 
nounced the  censures  of  the  Church,  he  sternly  replied, 
"  With  the  exception  of  Henry,  styled  the  king,  and  of 
Guibert,  the  usurper,  and  of  those  who  abet  their  designs, 
I  absolve  and  bless  all  men  who  unfeignedly  believe  me  to 
possess  the  power  as  the  representative  of  St.  Peter  and 
St.  Paul."  His  last  words  were  significant  of  the  mortified 
pride  of  his  soul:  "I  have  loved  justice,"  he  murmured. 


204  LIVES   OF  THK  POPES. 

"and  hated  miquity,  and  therefore  I  die  in  exile."     And  so 
he  breathed  out  his  spirit. 

We  must  do  Gregory  the  justice  to  remember  that  his 
ambition  was  devoid,  as  much  as  that  passion  can  be,  of 
all  sordid  selfishness.  It  was  the  aggrandizement  of  the 
Church,  and  not  of  himself,  that  he  sought.  But  when 
this  abatement  is  made,  it  is  sufficient  to  place  the  character 
of  this  greatest  of  the  popes  by  the  side  of  that  of  his  divine 
Master,  to  convince  us  that  the  true  spirit  of  Christianity 
had  altogether  passed  from  the  system  which  now  usurped 
its  name. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

IMMEDIATE  SUCCESSORS  OF  GREGORY  VII. URBAN  COM- 
MENCES THE   CRUSADES. A.  D.  1085-1099.     9 

The  years  immediately  following  the  death  of  Gregoiy  were 
not  filled  with  events  of  a  momentous  nature.  The  papal 
party  had  carried  their  eflforts  as  far  as  the  state  of  society 
would  at  present  admit.  They  had  indeed  gained  a  de- 
cisive victory,  but  were  not  yet  in  a  position  to  enjoy  the 
advantages  of  their  success.  The  victory  was  a  moral  one 
— one  of  opinion.  They  had  won  the  world  to  approve  of 
their  object,  and  henceforward  the  emperor  was  looked  on 
as  far  inferior  to  the  pope.  In  truth,  the  imperial  power 
was  dwindled  to  a  petty  sovereignty,  while  the  influence  of 
the  PontiflF  was  felt  in  all  the  courts  of  Europe.  By  his 
legates,  who  were  established  at  all  of  these  courts,  he 
made  known  his  will ;  and  so  widely  spread  was  the  sway 
of  the  priesthood,  so  completely  did  it  embrace  all  ranks  in 
society,  that  few  monarchs  dared  treat  with  contempt  the 
advice  of  a  papal  legate. 

As  yet,  however,  the  true  state  of  public  opinion,  and 
the  real  might  which  the   popes  had  acquired,  was  only 


IMMEDIATE  SUCCESSORS  OF  GREGOKY  VII.  205 

partially  discovered.  The  emperor  continued  for  some 
years  to  contend  against  the  growing  evil,  and  a  series  of 
anti-popes  disturbed  Italy  by  the  struggles  which  they 
carried  on,  when  both  Gregory  and  Guibert  were  laid  in 
their  graves. 

Victor  III.,  who  followed  Gregory,  was  a  man  of  con- 
siderable learning;  but  his  bookish  habits  adapted  him  far 
more  for  the  cloisters  of  Monte  Cassino,  which  he  reluctantly 
left,  than  for  a  prominent  position  in  pubHc  life.  After  his 
consecration,  he  hurried  back  to  his  convent  in  great  trepi- 
dation, and  Rome  was  left  in  the  possession  of  Guibert  and 
his  partisans  for  nearly  two  years,  at  the  end  of  which  Vic- 
tor died.  In  1088,  Otho,  the  Bishop  of  Ostia,  and  a  per- 
sonal friend  of  the  Countess  Matilda,  succeeded  to  the 
papal  throne  by  the  title  of  Urban  II.  He  had  been  edu- 
cated at  Cluni,  and  afterward  trained  for  ecclesiastical  life, 
under  the  superintendence  of  Gregory,  and  was  both  de- 
sirous and  capable  of  prosecuting  the  plans  of  his  instruc- 
tor. The  policy  of  Gregory,  both  within  and  without  the 
Church,  was  as  vigorously  pursued  as  the  troubled  state  of 
the  times  would  permit.  At  the  Council  of  Placenza,  held 
in  1095,  it  was  decreed  that  no  ecclesiastic  should  receive 
any  Church  dignity  at  the  hands  of  a  layman ;  that  no 
prince  should  confer  the  investiture ;  that  celibacy  was  bind- 
ing on  the  priesthood ;  and  that  transubstantiation  was  the 
orthodox  doctrine  respecting  the  Lord's  Supper, — decisions, 
all  of  them  tending  to  the  aggrandizement  of  the  Church, 
and  the  furtherance  of  papal  domination. 

The  multitudes  that  now  began  to  attend  at  the  papal 
councils,  sufficiently  attest  the  growing  influence  of  the  priest- 
hood over  the  popular  mind.  The  Council  of  Placenza  was 
so  large  that  it  could  only  be  held  in  the  open  air ;  and 
that  of  Clermont,  which  was  summoned  in  the  same  year, 
numbered  two  hundred  bishops,  four  thousand  of  the  infe- 
rior clergy,  and  more  than  thirty  thousand  of  all  ranks  of 
the  laity.     But  the  occasion  which  brought  such  multitudes 


206  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

together  at  the  Council  of  Clermont  demonstrates  yet  more 
clearly  that  the  twelfth  centiiry  was  to  open  a  new  era  to 
the  world,  the  triumph  of  a  corrupted  religion,  and  the 
reign  over  nearly  all  Europe,  not  so  much  of  feudal  mon- 
archs  as  of  popish  priests.  From  the  age  of  Leo  the  Great, 
the  system  of  private  confession  to  priests  had  tended  much 
to  increase  the  influence  of  that  order,  and  as  the  morals  of 
society  degenerated  during  the  "  dark  ages,"  and  in  the 
large  commixture  of  barbarian  with  civilized  nations,  that 
influence  greatly  advanced ;  for  penances  were  appointed, 
of  so  painful  a  natm*e,  and  of  such  enormous  magnitude, 
that  for  some  crimes  a  whole  life  might  be  wearily  worn 
away  before  the  sin  was  expiated,  according  to  the  priestly 
code.  Interrogating  the  penitent  respecting  his  minutest 
secrets,  the  priest  not  only  compelled  him  to  account  for 
his  words,  actions,  and  thoughts,  but  also  prescribed  the 
terms  of  his  acceptance  with  God.  To  every  sin  some 
penance  was  allotted,  which  might  last  from  forty  days  to 
seven  years ;  so  that  the  remark  of  a  shrewd  but  sarcastic 
writer  is  obviously  true,  that  "  in  those  times  of  anarchy 
and  vice,  a  modest  sinner  might  easily  incur  a  debt  of  three 
hundred  years." 

Thus  the  penances  of  the  longest  life  were  far  from  ade- 
quate, and  it  was  to  meet  this  difficulty  that  the  ingenious 
but  unscriptural  system  of  indulgences  was  invented.  The 
poor  might  compound  for  their  penances  by  severe  bodily 
mortifications ;  the  rich  by  the  payment  of  fines.  A  year's 
penance  was  taxed  to  the  former  at  three  thousand  lashes, 
and  to  the  latter  at  four  pounds  sterling.  But  other  means 
of  commutation  were  employed ;  and  military  service  in 
defense  of  the  Pope,  or  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land, 
was  often  preferred  to  a  voluntaiy  infliction  of  stripes. 
In  the  eleventh  century,  these  pilgrimages  had  greatly 
multiplied  ;  and  a  journey  to  Jerusalem  was  naturally 
held  to  be  more  efficacious  than  a  visit  to  the  shrine  of 
any  mere  martyr  or  saint.     The  Christian  turns  away  in 


IMMEDIATE  SUCCESSORS  OF  GREGORY   VII.  207 

mingled  hoiTor  and  disgust  from  the  perverted  notions 
of  atonement  that  meet  him  at  every  step  as  he  traverses 
this  gloomy  period,  and  blesses  God  that  the  blood  of 
Christ  alone  has  abundant  power  to  cleanse  him  from  all 
sin. 

From  such  a  pilgrimage  there  returned  to  Italy,  in  the 
year  1093,  a  man  of  singular  character  and  eccentric  ap- 
pearance. He  was  popularly  known  by  the  name  of  Peter 
the  Hermit.  This  pilgrim  came  bearing  letters  from  the 
Patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  complaining  of  the  grievous  abuses 
which  devout  pilgrims  endured  at  the  hands  of  the  new 
masters  of  Syria,  the  Ottoman  Turks.  But  Peter  himself 
was  a  far  more  eflBcient  pleader  than  the  aged  patriarch. 
With  bare  head  and  naked  feet,  his  emaciated  and  haggard 
form  clothed  in  a  coarse  garment,  riding  on  an  ass,  and 
holding  in  his  hands  a  huge  crucifix,  he  passed  through  the 
villages  and  cities,  haranguing  the  people  wherever  they 
could  be  gathered  together,  and  passionately  imploring  their 
immediate  assistance  in  behalf  of  his  afflicted  brethren,  and 
in  defense  of  the  sacred  relics  which  had  been  sacrilegiously 
snatched  from  the  Christian  hands  alone  entitled  to  guard 
them. 

At  length  the  orator  found  his  way  to  the  Pope,  and 
was  received  by  Urban  with  the  greatest  possible  respect. 
The  times  were  undoubtedly  favorable  to  Peter's  enterprise, 
and  indeed  the  design  was  by  no  means  new.  Sylvester  H. 
had  ardently  wished  to  deliver  the  Holy  Land  from  the 
yoke  of  the  Saracens,  and  Urban's  own  patron  and  ex- 
emplar, Gregoiy,  had  very  seriously  entertained  the  thought 
of  rescuing  it  from  the  far  more  oppressive  dominion  of 
the  Turks.  He  had  even  made  arrangements  for  the  pur- 
pose, when  he  was  compelled  to  set  them  aside,  that  he 
might  contest  more  important  matters  with  his  domestic 
foe,  the  emperor.  But  the  emperor  was  now  fully  engaged 
in  maintaining  his  own  crown  against  rebellious  vassals  ; 
and,  in  the  generally  disorganized  state  of  society  through- 


208  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

out  Europe,  the  pupil  of  Gregory  saw,  as  Gregory  himself 
had  formerly  seen,  a  favorable  opportunity  for  uniting,  un- 
der papal  guidance,  the  conflicting  nations,  and  for  taking 
advantage  of  that  reverence  for  the  priesthood  which  per- 
vaded western  Europe,  to  make  more  imperious  than  ever 
the  supremacy  of  the  papal  throne.  The  enterprise  which 
Peter  suggested  was  the  very  thing  to  accomplish  these 
subtle  purposes. 

The  warlike  spirit  was  more  developed  in  France  than 
elsewhere,  and  indeed  Germany  was  yet  hostile  to  papal 
rule,  so  that  Urban  naturally  turned  to  the  former  for  aid 
in  his  great  design.  First  sending  Peter  (himself  a  French- 
man) on  his  mission  of  arousing  the  passions  of  the  people, 
the  Pontiff  announced  at  the  Council  of  Placenza  that  he 
would  shortly  hold  another  at  Clermont,  in  the  province  of 
Auvergne,  expressly  to  lay  before  the  clergy  and  nobility 
of  France  the  duty  of  undertaking  a  religious  war.  It  was 
in  1095  that  this  "  monster  "  council  was  convened.  Peo- 
ple flocked  to  it  from  all  parts  of  France,  and  even  Germany. 
So  great  was  the  multitude  that  they  could  not  be  sheltered 
within  the  limits  of  Clermont.  The  neighboring  towns  and 
villages  were  filled  with  strangers,  and  the  poorest  were 
obliged  to  dwell  in  tents,  or  to  sleep  in  the  open  air.  The 
square  used  for  the  market  was  the  place  of  meeting,  and 
a  platform  was  erected  in  the  center  as  a  throne  for  the 
Pontiff  and  his  attendant  prelates.  Next  to  Urban  sat  Pe- 
ter the  Hermit,  clad  in  his  grotesque  and  uncouth  garb,  and 
expressing  in  his  wan  and  meager  countenance  the  passions 
that  devoured  his  soul. 

Peter  first  harangued  the  assembly,  and  then  the  Pope 
himself  rose  to  address  them,  in  terms  somewhat  less  fever- 
ish, but  still  violently  impassioned.  The  wrongs  of  the 
pilgrims,  the  outrages  of  the  infidels,  the  sacredness  of  the 
holy  sepulcher  and  all  the  adjacent  region,  the  duty,  merit, 
and  honor  of  the  enterprise,  were  all  vividly  and  pathetically 
set  forth;  and  then  —  most  conclusive  argument  of  all  — 


IMMEDIATE  SUCCESSORS   OF   GREGORY  VII.  209 

a  general  absolution,  plenary  indulgence  for  all  sins  whatso- 
ever, was  offered  by  the  Pontiflf  to  every  volunteer  in  this 
Heaven-appointed  mission. 

Urban  ceased,  but  the  voice  of  the  crowds  around  him 
soon  broke  the  silence.  First  in  a  murmur,  and  then  in  a 
shout  swelling  louder  and  louder,  the  cry  arose :  **  God 
wills  it!"  "God  wills  it!"  "God  mdeed  wills  it,"  re- 
sponded the  Pontiff;  "let  this  be  your  watch-word  and 
battle-cry ;  and  let  the  cross,  a  red,  a  bloody  cross,  be  the 
badge  upon  your  shoulders,  and  the  emblem  on  your 
shields  and  banners  !"  The  effect  of  these  pontifical  appeals 
was  quickly  seen.  Everywhere  the  warlike  spirit  of  the 
age  received  a  religious  direction,  and  a  stronger  because 
a  sacred  impulse.  Unholy,  because  "carnal"  weapons 
were  made  bare  in  defense  of  what  was  imagined  to  be  the 
kingdom  of  Christ ;  a  kingdom  from  which  the  Saviour  had 
too  clearly  departed,  when  it  resorted  to  such  weapons  for 
its  defense. 

The  prospect  of  a  full  remission  of  all  crimes,  by  means 
of  adventures  so  congenial  to  their  taste,  incited  innumera- 
ble desperadoes  to  assume  the  badge  of  the  cross.  Rob- 
bers, incendiaries,  homicides,  joined  themselves  by  thousands 
to  the  ranks  of  the  crusaders.  Fanaticism  and  hypocrisy, 
lust  and  avarice,  strangely  urged  their  several  votaries  to 
pursue  one  path  ;  and  all  under  the  sacred  and  now  wofully 
profaned  name  of  Christian  zeal.  Not  a  few  also  were 
tempted  by  the  tyranny  of  their  feudal  lords  to  abandon 
certain  slavery  at  home  in  search  of  freedom  or  a  grave  in 
foreign  lands. 

The  Pontiff  was  earnestly  entreated  to  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  this  motley  array ;  but  Urban  wisely  decided  that 
his  presence  was  required  at  home,  and  committed  the 
charge  of  this  first  armament  —  which,  ere  it  reached  the 
walls  of  Jerusalem,  had  lost  by  fatigue,  famine,  and  battle, 
more  than  a  million  of  men,  women,  and  children,  and  still 
numbered  forty  thousand  fighting  men  —  to  Godfrey  of 


210  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

Bouillon,  the  devout  and  valiant  hero  of  Tasso*s  "  Jerusalem 
Delivered,"  and  who,  in. the  poet's  eyes, 

" Burns  with  a  lioly  zeal  to  chase 

From  Zion's  wall  the  pagan's  impions  race : 
Yet,  while  religious  fires  his  breast  inflame, 
Despises  worldly  empire,  wealth,  and  fame." — Book  i,  61. 

The  short  remainder  of  Urban's  pontificate  was  employed 
in  efforts  to  strengthen  the  relations  of  the  papacy  with  the 
various  princes  of  Italy,  especially  the  Normans ;  and  in 
carrying  out,  by  the  decrees  of  successive  councils,  the  plans 
of  Gregory  for  the  isolation  and  aggrandizement  of  the 
priesthood.  The  Pontiflf  died  in  the  month  of  July,  1099, 
just  as  the  crusaders  under  Godfrey  were  triumphantly 
breaking  through  the  ramparts  of  Mount  Zion.* 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

DEATH  OF  HENRY  IV. IMPERIAL  RIGHT   OF  INVESTITURE  RE- 
LINQUISHED  BY  HENRY  V. A.  D.  1099-1122. 

The  renowned  abbey  of  Cluni  now  gave  another  of  its  in- 
mates, another  of  the  disciples  of  Gregory,  to  the  papal 
throne.  This  monk,  named  Rainer,  assumed  the  title  of 
Paschal  II.,  and  having  very  reluctantly  consented  to 
guide  the  affairs  of  the  Church  in  these  troubled  times,  set 
himself,  as  vigorously  as  his  weak  mind  would  allow,  to 
carry  out  the  designs  of  his  great  master.  The  spirit  of 
Gregory  thus  lived  and  reigned  at  Rome  for  nearly  half  a 
century  after  his  actual  death. 

The  Emperor  Henry  IV.  still  continued  under  the  inter- 
dict which  Gregory  had  pronounced,  and  his  hostility  to 
the  papal  claims  was  as  vehement  as  ever.  One  of  Pas- 
chal's  first  measures  was  to  renew  the  sentence  of  excom- 

*See  "The  Crusades,"  No.  451  of  Sunday  School  and  Youth's 
Library. 


IMPERIAL  RIGHT  OF  INVESTITURE.  211 

munication  against  him,  and  he  further  decreed  that  the 
right  of  investiture  should  no  more  be  exercised  by  any 
layman,  including  the  emperor  himself.  This  decree  might 
have  proved  as  harmless  to  Henry  as  the  thunders  of  the 
Vatican  have  often  been,  had  not  Paschal  followed  it  up 
by  as  base  an  act  as  any  that  can  be  found  in  these  sad 
annals  of  perfidy  and  crime.  The  young  son  of  the  em- 
peror, Prince  Henry,  had  broken  out  into  revolt  against  his 
aged  father,  although  he  had  bound  himself  by  a  solemn 
oath  that,  on  condition  of  succeeding  to  the  crown  at  his 
father's  death,  he  would  be  a  peaceful  and  obedient  son. 
Knowing  the  importance  of  papal  aid  in  his  treasonable  at- 
tempt, the  prince  applied  to  the  Pope  for  the  remission  of 
his  oath,  cunningly  promising  to  support  all  the  Church's 
rights ;  ^nd  Paschal,  tempted  by  so  dazzling  a  bait,  released 
him  from  the  obligation  of  his  sacred  and  filial  vow. 

In  vain  did  the  emperor  protest  against  the  ingratitude  of 
his  son.  Though  still  supported  by  many  of  the  nobles,  he 
was  abandoned  by  the  majority,  and  these  went  over  to  the 
prince,  who  thus  commenced  his  rebellious  career  under  the 
most  shining  auspices.  Battles  were  fought  without  any 
decisive  result,  and  a  conference  between  the  aged  monarch 
and  his  graceless  son  was  finally  held  at  Coblentz.  Struck 
to  the  heart  at  the  sight  of  his  ungrateful  child,  the  emperor 
threw  himself  at  his  feet,  exclaiming,  **  My  son,  my  son  !  if 
I  am  to  be  punished  by  God  for  my  crimes,  at  least  stain 
not  thine  honor,  for  it  is  unseemly  in  a  son  to  sit  in  judg- 
ment over  his  father's  sins."  The  prince  pretended  contrition, 
but  shortly  afterward  caused  his  father  to  be  seized  and 
imprisoned  at  Bingen,  where  he  was  required  by  the  Arch- 
bishops of  Mentz  and  Cologne  to  give  up  the  crown-jewels. 
The  gray-headed  man,  finding  entreaties  useless,  placed  on 
his  person  the  jewels  once  worn  by  Charlemagne,  and  then 
appearing  in  state  before  the  prelates,  defied  them  to  touch 
the  ornaments  worn  by  the  ruler  of  the  world.  He  was, 
nevertheless,  cruelly  stripped  of  the  insignia  of  royalty,  and 


21-2'  LIVKS   OF  THE   POPES. 

eventually  compelled  to  sign  his  abdication  in  favor  of  his 
son.  So  low  did  he  fall  in  his  last  days,  that  he  was  un- 
gratefully thrust  from  the  door  by  the  very  minions  whom 
he  had  formerly  enriched,  and  was  obliged  to  part  with 
portions  of  his  apparel  to  provide  himself  with  necessary 
food.  He  closed  his  eventful  career  in  1106,  and  from  his 
death -bed  sent  his  sword  and  ling  to  his  hard-hearted  son 
in  token  of  forgiveness.  The  vengeance  of  the  papacy  fol- 
lowed him  even  in  the  grave ;  his  body  was  disinterred  from 
the  consecrated  ground  in  which  it  had  been  laid  by  his 
friends,  and  not  till  1111  was  the  interdict  removed,  and 
his  remains  suffered  finally  to  repose  in  the  Cathedral  of 
Spires. 

The  Pontiflf  gained  nothing,  however,  by  his  base  espousal 
of  the  cause  of  the  rebellious  prince.  That  prince,  now 
Henry  V.,  was  more  determined  than  his  father  to  assert 
the  imperial  right  of  investiture  with  crosier  and  ring.  He 
appointed  several  bishops,  in  due  form,  to  vacant  sees,  and 
gave  to  an  excommunicated  monk  the  government  of  an 
important  abbey.  Such  direct  opposition  to  canonical  law 
provoked  all  the  ire  of  the  Roman  See,  and  new  proscrip- 
tions and  louder  threats  were  the  immediate  result.  Henry 
scornfully  smiled  at  these  fulminations,  and  resolved  to  visit 
Rome  with  an  army,  and  so  settle  the  question  by  force. 

In  1110,  the  emperor  crossed  the  Alps  with  a  formidable 
warlike  array,  for  his  popularity  in  Germany  enabled  him 
to  command  the  assistance  of  many  powerful  vassals  who 
had  treated  his  father  with  contempt.  The  Pope  was 
alarmed  at  his  approach,  and  began  to  think  of  conciliatory 
measures.  At  last,  he  decided  on  proposing  such  reasonable 
terms,  that  one  is  astonished  they  should  ever  have  ema- 
nated from  a  pontifical  head,  and  is  convinced  that  they 
could  not  except  from  the  influence  of  fear.  Paschal  pro- 
posed that  the  Church  should  abandon  all  the  endowments 
which  the  emperors  had  ever  conferred  from  the  days  of 
Charlemagne,  and  that  Henry  should  on  his  part  relinquish 


IMPERIAL  RIGHT  OF  INVESTITURE.  213 

all  right  of  interference  in  the  management  of  the  Church. 
To  the  emperor  this  proposal  was  agreeable  enough,  and 
he  peacefully  entered  Rome  to  ratify  the 'treaty,  and  then 
to  receive  the  imperial  crown  at  the  hands  of  the  Pope. 
He  reverentially  kissed  the  feet  of  the  Pontiff  at  the  thresh- 
old of  the  Vatican,  and  entered  the  Church  of  St,  Peter 
with  him  hand-in-hand.  But  here  discussions  arose  that 
boded  ill  for  the  continuance  of  amity.  The  bishops  were 
dissatisfied  at  the  concessions  of  the  Pope,  and  the  emperor 
would  rather  demand  more  than  accept  less.  A  dispute,  a 
scuffle,  and  a  battle,  were  the  successive  results.  The 
Pope  was  stripped  of  his  robes,  bound  with  cords,  and  car- 
ried off  in  triumph  to  prison.  The  strife  continued  until 
the  pavement  of  the  church  was  drenched  with  the  blood 
of  the  combatants. 

In  confinement  the  wavering  Paschal  agreed  under  oath 
to  all  the  emperor's  demands,  and  Henry,  having  been 
hastily  crowned  in  St.  Peter's,  left  Rome,  supposing  the 
question  of  investiture  to  be  finally  settled.  But  the  Italian 
bishops  viewed  the  conduct  of  their  leader  with  indignation, 
and  in  a  council  afterward  held,  Paschal  revoked  all  that 
he  had  conceded,  and  declared  the  grant  extorted  by  Henry 
to  be  "null  and  void,  because  contrary  to  the  will  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  and  the  authority  of  the  canons."  Of  such 
force  are  papal  promises  and  vows !  But  even  this  would 
hardly  appease  the  wrath  of  the  mortified  priesthood.  Pro- 
vincial synods  declared  the  concessions  of  the  Pope  to  be 
"  wicked  and  detestable,"  and  for  some  years  it  appeared 
quite  uncertain  if  the  unfortunate  Paschal  would  retain  his 
unenviable  seat.  Upon  his  return  to  Germany,  the  emperor 
found  too  much  occupation  at  home,  in  quelling  the  revolts 
of  his  vassals,  to  attend  immediately  to  transalpine  affairs. 
But,  in  1115,  Matilda,  the  "  Great  Countess,"  died,  leaving 
her  Tuscan  estates  to  the  Pope.  Henry  now,  therefore, 
hastened  to  Italy,  chiefly  to  secure  possession  of  those 
lands  for  himself,  regarding  them  as  a  fief  of  the  empiie, 


214  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

and  partly  to  be  recrowned  at  Rome.  Paschal  fled  before 
him,  and  the  ceremony  of  coronation  was  now  more 
solemnly,  but  not  so  canonically  performed  by  a  Portu- 
guese archbishop,  who  chanced  to  be  in  Rome — the  only 
prelate  who  could  be  persuaded  to  accept  the  honor.  On 
Henry's  retirement  from  Rome,  Paschal  returned,  but  only 
just  in  time  to  breathe  his  last.  He  has  been  compared 
to  Gregory,  but  they  were  alike  only  in  their  fortunes  and 
their  ambition.  Gregory's  genius  overtopped  that  of  the 
timorous  Paschal  by  Alpine  heights. 

Fearful  of  delay,  the  papal  party  immediately  elected  a 
successor ;  and  John  of  Gaeta,  a  monk  of  Monte  Cassino, 
ascended  the  throne  of  the  Church  as  Gelasius  II.  The  im- 
perial party  was,  howev^er,  too  strong  even  in  Rome  not  to 
dispute  the  election,  and  by  them  the  Portuguese  prelate,  who 
had  crowned  Henry,  was  proclaimed  by  the  title  of  Gregory 
VIII.  For  the  present  they  succeeded,  and  drove  Gelasius 
from  Rome.  After  many  wanderings  and  much  suffering, 
this  unhappy  pontiff  died  in  1119.  Grown  more  politic  by 
experience,  the  indomitable  disciples  of  Gregory  now  elected 
a  prelate  of  great  distmction,  and  nearly  related  to  the 
emperor,  but  whose  vehement  advocacy  of  their  tenets 
assured  them  of  his  constancy  to  their  cause.  Assuming 
the  title  of  Calixtus  II.,  the  new  pontiff  began  his  career 
by  pronouncing  a  sentence  of  excommunication  upon  the 
emperor,  and  stimulating  the  rebellious  vassals  of  the  empire 
to  persevere  in  their  revolt.  Not  till  he  had  done  this  did 
he  leave  his  archbishopric  in  France,  to  take  possession  of 
his  new  and  loftier  honors.  As  he  passed  from  city  to  city, 
he  had  convincing,  and  to  him  most  gratifying  evidence, 
that  tlie  tide  of  popular  opinion  had  now  fully  turned  in 
favor  of  papal  independence.  In  every  place  he  was 
saluted  by  the  applause  of  the  people,  while  magistrates  and 
nobles  escorted  him  on  his  journey  with  more  than  royal 
state.  At  Rome  he  was  received  in  the  same  spirit,  for  the 
citizens  of  all  ranks,  wearied  with  domestic  brawls,  were 


IMPERIAL  RIGHT   OF  INVESTITURE.  215 

hopeful  that  so  distinguished  a  man  would  not  only  dignify 
his  own  seat,  but  bring  peace  and  comfort  to  their  distracted 
homes.  The  anti-pope  of  the  imperial  party,  Gregory  VIII., 
who  had  hitherto  occupied  the  Vatican,  and  presided  over 
the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  at  least  one-half  of  Christendom, 
now  fled  hastily  in  despair.  But  he  was  quickly  pursued, 
and,  when  overtaken,  was  ignominiously  brought  back  to 
Rome.  He  was  seated  on  a  camel  with  his  face  toward 
the  tail,  clothed  in  the  skin  of  a  newly- slain  sheep,  in  mock 
imitation  of  the  pontifical  robes,  and  after  parading  the 
streets  amid  the  insults  of  the  mob  and  the  triumph  of  his 
opponents,  was  immured  in  a  convent  for  the  rest  of  his 
hfe. 

The  emperor,  Henry  V.,  appears  to  have  been  fully 
aware  of  the  growing  strength  of  the  papacy,  and  he  ac- 
cordingly made  proposals  for  reconciliation,  which  Calixtus 
was  too  wise  to  reject.  To  ratify  these  proposals,  the 
emperor  met  the  Pontiff's  legates  in  the  city  of  Worms  in 
1122.  Great  preparations  were  made  for  so  important  an 
occasion.  So  extensive  was  the  interest  excited  by  the 
termination  of  a  struggle  that  had  caused  so  much  dissen- 
sion and  bloodshed,  that  multitudes  flocked  to  the  city,  and 
pavilions  were  erected  for  the  interview  on  the  plain  be- 
tween the  city  and  the  Rhine,  where  Charlemagne,  in  former 
days,  had  held  the  diets  of  the  empire,  and  given  laws  alike 
to  soldier,  layman,  and  priest. 

In  the  presence  of  this  vast  concourse,  Henry  signed  a 
declaration  that  he  renounced  forever  from  that  day  the 
imperial  claims  of  supremacy  over  the  Church  ;  "  resigning 
to  God,  to  his  holy  apostles  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and  to 
the  holy  CathoUc  Church,  all  investiture  by  ring  and  cro- 
zier,  and  leaving  to  all  Churches  the  liberty  of  canonical 
election  and  free  consecration."  The  legates,  on  behalf  of 
the  Pope,  signed  a  document,  "  granting  to  his  beloved  son, 
Henry,  that  the  election  of  bishops  and  abbots  should  be 
made  in  the  royal  presence,  and  that  the  person  elected 


216  LIVES  OP  THE  POPES. 

might  be  admitted  to  the  civil  dignities  of  his  office  by  the 
dehvery  of  a  scepter,  and  for  this  might  perform  homage." 
The  emperor  was  then  formally  absolved  and  released  from 
the  papal  interdict,  and  the  convention  broke  up,  as  we  are 
told,  amid  general  rejoicings. 

The  very  tone  of  this  treaty  is  sufficient  to  indicate  the 
altered  relations  now  occupied  by  the  principal  parties  con- 
cerned. It  is  the  emperor  who  resigns,  it  is  the  Pontiflf  who 
grants.  And  though  concessions  were  apparently  made  on 
both  sides,  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  emperor  con- 
ceded what  he  had  inherited  from  Charlemagne,  but  the 
Pope  only  the  most  extravagant  part  of  claims  which  had 
never  been  heard  of  till  the  last  few  years. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

POPE   AND   ANTI-POPE ABELARD  AND  ARNOLD  OF  BRESCIA 

ST.   BERNARD   AND  THE   SECOND   CRUSADE. A.  D.  1122-1155. 

Pope  Calixtus  II.  died  soon  after  the  conclusion  of  these 
long-continued  disputes,  and  was  succeeded  by  Hono- 
Rius  II.,  whose  short  pontificate  was  much  disturbed  by 
the  tumults  of  civil  war,  mainly  excited  by  the  Normans  of 
the  South,  and  which  resulted  in  no  addition  to  the  power 
of  the  papacy,  if  its  influence  was  not  materially  weakened. 
On  the  death  of  Honorius,  in  1130,  a  furious  contest  once 
more  commenced  for  the  honors  of  the  popedom. 

One  of  the  expedients  devised  by  Hildebrand,  and  exe- 
cuted in  the  pontificate  of  Nicholas  II.,  for  the  consolida- 
tion of  papal  power,  was  the  limiting  the  right  of  election 
to  the  college  of  cardinals.  But  it  was  now  to  be  shown 
that  even  the  conclave  could  be  divided  against  itself.  One 
party  elected  the  Cardinal  Gregory,  under  the  title  of  In- 
nocent II.,  while  the  rest  supported  the  claims  of  Peter, 
the  son  of  a   Roman  prince,  who  assumed  the  name  of 


ST.  BERNARD  AND  THE  SECOND  CRUSADE.  21 7 

Anacletus  II.  And  thus  Rome  was  once  more  favored 
with  a  divided  sovereignty  in  both  Church  and  State.  Each 
of  the  popes  found  supporters  abroad  as  well  as  at  home. 
The  Norman  duke,  Roger,  took  part  with  Anacletus,  who, 
in  return,  crowned  him  at  Palermo  as  King  of  Sicily  and 
Apulia.  The  Emperor  Lothaire  espoused  the  opposite  side, 
and  Innocent,  fleeing  from  Italy,  was  received  with  pontifi- 
cal honors  at  the  imperial  court,  and  recompensed  the  fa- 
vor by  crowning  Lothaire  as  king  of  the  Romans,  in  the 
city  of  Liege.  It  was  owing,  however,  to  the  influence  of 
the  famous  St.  Beraard,  whose  reputation  was  then  rapidly 
rising  in  France,  that  Innocent  proved  so  successful.  The 
election  of  Anacletus  was  undoubtedly  as  legal  as  that  of 
his  rival;  but  Bernard,  regarding  Innocent  as  the  better 
man,  used  his  most  strenuous  exertions  to  have  him  ac- 
knowledged as  pope.  His  efibrts  prevailed,  first  with  the 
French  king,  and  with  a  council  of  French  prelates,  con- 
vened at  Etampes ;  and  afterwards  with  Henry  L,  King 
of  England,  who  was  then  on  a  visit  to  his  estates  in 
Normandy. 

Anacletus,  notwithstanding,  maintained  his  position  in 
Italy ;  and  the  emperor,  partly  to  prove  his  sincerity  in  In- 
nocent's cause,  but  still  further  incited  by  ambition,  made 
repeated  expeditions  through  that  unhappy  country,  filling 
it  with  all  the  horrors  of  continual  war.  The  death  of  An- 
acletus, in  1138,  terminated  the  strife,  and  left  Innocent  in 
undisputed  possession  of  the  coveted  prize  ;  but  a  rivalry 
of  such  long  endurance — a  brace  of  popes,  both  canonically 
chosen,  both  issuing  bulls  and  conferring  episcopal  offices 
— would  appear  to  damage  rather  seriously  (if  so  weak  a 
cause  could  suffer  damage  at  all)  the  absurd  pretense  of  di- 
rect apostolical  succession.  The  only  remarkable  incidents 
in  the  brief  remainder  of  Innocent's  reign  were  the  perse- 
cutions carried  on  against  those  two  celebrated  men,  pio- 
neers of  the  advancing  spirit  of  inquiry,  Abelard,  and  his 
pupil,  Arnold  of  Brescia. 

10 


218  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

Romantic  as  were  tlie  events  of  Abelard's  early  life,  they 
had  not  prevented  his  devoting  himself  with  unconquerable 
ardor  to  the  pursuit  of  learning.  And  when,  afterward, 
he  commenced  lecturing  at  St.  Denis,  the  youth  of  France 
crowded  around  him,  astonished  at  the  boldness  with 
which  he  handled  doctrines  which  had  hitherto  been  re- 
ceived with  implicit  credit,  because  sanctioned  by  the  au- 
thority of  the  fathers.  The  vehemence  with  which  he  at- 
tacked the  monastic  orders  for  their  licentious  habits,  had 
already  aroused  vindictive  feelings  in  that  class  of  the  clergy, 
when  his  free  expression  of  new  opinions  gave  umbrage  to 
that  sedater  portion  of  whom  St.  Bernard  was  the  repre- 
sentative. 

That  remarkable  man,  whose  piety  was  tainted  by  a  nar- 
row and  fanatical  spirit,  openly  accused  Abelard  of  hereti- 
cal teaching,  and  when  challenged  to  a  public  disputation, 
considered  he  had  advanced  quite  satisfactory  evidence  of 
the  charge,  when  he  had  placed  the  doctrines  of  his  oppo- 
nent by  the  side  of  those  of  the  fathers.  The  discrepancy, 
indeed,  was  apparent,  although  it  was  not  quite  so  obvious 
to  an  impartial  judge  that  truth  necessarily  inclined  to  the 
patristic  side.  But  Abelard  saw  in  this  procedure  the  in- 
tention of  Bernard  against  him.  He  was  not  to  dispute, 
but  to  plead.  And  as  if  this  indication  of  a  resolution  to 
crush  him  were  not  enough,  he  was  called  to  plead  before 
an  assembly  that  was  neither  a  fair  nor  a  legal  court  of 
judgment.  The  influence  of  Bernard  was  plainly  para- 
mount, and  fearing  a  summary  sentence  of  condemnation, 
Abelard  hastily  arose  and  departed,  exclaiming :  "  I  appeal 
to  the  Pope."  But  Bernard's  authority  was  great  also  with 
the  Pontiff,  and  eventually  Abelard  thought  it  more  safe  to 
be  reconciled  to  his  powerful  antagonist,  and  retire  from 
public  hfe.  He  entered  the  monastery  of  Cluni,  and,  after 
three  years  of  conventual  solitude,  mortification,  and  obedi- 
ence, peacefully  expired.  Abelard's  disciple,  Arnold  of  Bres- 
cia, was  not  so  easily  silenced.     His  fiery  spirit  longed  to 


ST.   BERNARD  AND  THE  SECOND   CRUSADE.  219 

propagate  the  truths  which  Abelard  had  taught ;  and  Ar- 
nold had,  moreover,  gained  a  much  truer  insight  than  his 
master  into  the  nature  of  the  gospel.  He  not  only  ex- 
posed without  fear  the  vices  of  the  clergy,  but  he  preached 
the  necessity  of  "repentance  toward  God,  and  faith  toward 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ"  as  the  only  way  of  a  sinner's  ac- 
ceptance, the  only  safe  ground  of  hope.  Baptism  was 
nothing,  the  Lord's  supper  was  nothing,  he  truly  said,  with- 
out that  li\'ing  faith  which  unites  the  soul  of  man  to  Christ 
the  Son  of  God.  Returninor  to  France  after  a  long;  ab- 
sence,  just  at  the  time  that  Abelard  was  so  hotly  attacked, 
he  instantly  embraced  the  cause  of  his  former  teacher,  and 
the  zealous  but  bigoted  Bernard,  therefore,  denounced  him 
to  Pope  Innocent  as  "  Abelard's  chief  armor-bearer  and 
herald."  Arnold  was  obliged  to  flee,  and  found  a  refuge 
for  the  present  amid  the  mountains  of  Switzerland,  in  the 
city  of  Zurich. 

In  the  midst  of  these  exciting  commotions,  Innocent  died, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Celestine  II.,  whose  pacific  dispo- 
sition promised  to  bring  back  quiet  to  the  troubled  times ; 
but,  to  the  infinite  regret  of  all  who  sighed  for  the  return  of 
peace,  he  died  after  a  five  months'  reign. 

Neither  did  Lucius  IL,  who  followed  Celestine,  restore 
harmony  to  society.  Soon  after  this  pontiff's  accession, 
Arnold  forsook  his  asylum  in  Switzerland,  and  boldly  pre- 
senting himself  in  Rome,  commenced  a  series  of  public  and 
powerful  assaults  upon  the  corrupt  lives  of  the  priesthood. 
It  is  singular  that  in  this  point  he  and  his  great  enemy, 
Bernard,  were  entirely  one.  The  language  of  both,  in  de- 
nouncing the  vices  of  the  age,  was  strong  and  even  violent. 
But  there  were  wide  differences  between  them  in  other 
respects.  Arnold's  views  were  far  more  Scriptural,  and 
therefore  more  heretical,  than  Bernard's  ;  and  Bernard  was 
zealous  for  all  the  papal  institutions,  while  Arnold  exclaimed 
against  the  institutions  themselves  as  much  as  against  their 
abuses.     Arnold's  eloquence  was  successful  in  arousing  a 


220  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

spirit  of  revolt  among  the  Roman  people  against  the  usurpa- 
tions of  the  priesthood.  They  resolved  that  the  clergy 
should  be  restricted  to  their  spiritual  functions,  and  be- 
sought the  Emperor  Conrad  to  come  to  Rome,  and,  by 
assuming  the  sovereignty  of  Italy,  to  restore  the  integrity 
of  the  empire.  They  concluded  their  letter  to  Conrad  with 
these  words,  "  Render  unto  Caesar  the  things  that  are 
Caesar's,  and  to  the  priests  the  things  that  are  the  priests' ; 
as  Christ  commanded,  and  as  Peter  paid  tribute." 

It  was  not  likely  that  the  proud  priesthood  of  Rome 
would  quietly  submit,  while  the  power  they  had  so  pain- 
fully acquired  was  forcibly  snatched  from  their  hands. 
Pope  Lucius  gathered  a  body  of  armed  men  to  quell  the 
revolt  which  Arnold  and  his  party  had  stirred  up,  and  in 
one  of  the  affrays  that  followed  was  himself  struck  upon 
the  head  by  a  stone,  and  died  shortly  afterward  from  the 
effects  of  the  blow. 

To  the  now  vacant  chair,  a  friend  and  disciple  of  Beraard 
was  next  elevated  by  the  unanimous  choice  of  the  conclave. 
He  assumed  the  title  of  Eugenius  III. ;  and,  fearful  of  dwell- 
ing in  Rome  until  the  present  excitement  should  have  sub- 
sided, he  immediately  fled  to  Viterbo.  Through  the  whole 
of  his  pontificate  the  influence  of  Arnold  continued  to  pre- 
vail with  the  Roman  citizens,  and  thus  Eugenius  was  seldom 
able  to  reside  in  the  proper  metropohs  of  his  see.  This  cir- 
cumstance, however,  did  not  hinder  his  being  acknowledged 
as  Pope,  or  his  exercising  the  functions  of  his  office.  And 
as  the  Abbot  Bernard  was  a  great  favorite  with  Eugenius, 
the  Pontiff  called  him  to  his  side,  and  was  guided  by  his 
coimsels  in  nearly  all  the  public  acts  of  his  reign. 

The  disturbances  of  Italy  were  now  destined  to  be  for- 
gotten for  a  time,  in  the  overwhelming  greatness  of  a 
calamity  which  affected  all  Christendom.  News  came  from 
the  Holy  Land  that  the  entire  fruits  of  the  first  crusade  were 
unhappily  lost,  and  that  a  new  expedition  was  indispensable 
to  retrieve  the  honor  of  the  cross,  and  to  protect  pilgrims 


ST.   BERNARD   AND  THE  SECOND  CRUSADE.  221 

in  tlieir  visit  to  the  sacred  shrine  of  the  Redeemer.  The 
first  crusaders,  having  captured  Jerusalem,  had  established 
a  sovereignty  there,  with  a  view  of  preserving  to  Christians 
the  treasures  they  had  won.  But  the  enervating  climate 
and  intercourse  of  the  east  soon  engendered  a  degenerate 
spirit,  and  the  next  generation  wholly  lost  what  it  cost  their 
fathers  so  much  labor  and  bloodshed  to  gain.  The  city  of 
Edessa  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Saracens,  and  thirty 
thousand  Christians  had  perished  before  the  walls,  the  re- 
mainder passing  under  the  shameful  yoke  of  an  infidel 
bondage. 

Roused  by  such  woful  tidings,  the  enthusiastic  Bernard 
undertook  to  become  the  Hermit  Peter  of  a  second  crusade. 
The  Pope  engaged  heartily  in  the  cause,  and  only  waited 
the  cooperation  of  the  Christian  kings  to  bless  their  banners, 
and  bestow,  like  Urban,  a  plenary  absolution  on  all  who 
risked  their  lives  in  so  sacred  an  expedition.  By  the 
enthusiasm  and  energy  of  Bernard,  the  princes  of  Europe 
were  quickly  incited  to  the  task.  Louis  VIL  of  France, 
the  abbot's  own  sovereign,  was  the  first  to  give  his  consent. 
The  independent  dukes  of  Bohemia  and  Turin,  and  many 
nobles  of  less  note  on  either  side  of  the  Alps,  followed  his 
example ;  and  finally,  the  Emperor  Conrad  reluctantly  went 
with  the  stream,  and  marshaled  an  army  of  seventy  thousand 
men  for  an  adventure  which  his  own  strong  intellect  scarcely 
approved.  The  result  of  the  enterprise  was  dolefully  dis- 
astrous. Three  hundred  thousand  men,  with  a  large  number 
of  women  of  noble  rank,  who  had  foimed  themselves  into  an 
Amazonian  phalanx  to  protect  Eleanor,  the  queen  of  Louis, 
set  forth  on  a  journey  through  countries  unable  and  unwill- 
inof  to  furnish  them  with  food.  Multitudes  died  of  famine 
on  the  way,  and  when  the  wasted  remains  of  this  vast  army 
arrived  in  Palestme,  so  dispirited  were  they  by  their  fatigues, 
and  so  divided  among  themselves  by  petty  jealousies,  that 
they  returned  home  as  speedily  as  possible,  without  having 
struck  one  effectual  blow. 


222  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

Soon  after  this  mortifying  event,  the  Pontiflf,  who  had 
sanctioned  the  enterprise,  died.  Eugenius  appears  to  have 
been  a  very  sincere  disciple  of  Bernard,  and  anxious,  hke 
him,  to  reform  the  manners  of  the  clergy,  and  consolidate 
the  papal  power.  But  it  was  during  his  pontificate,  and 
with  his  concurrence^  that  Bernard  commenced  his  vehe- 
ment declamations  against  the  sectaries,  who  now  grew  veiy 
numerous,  and  whose  increase,  however  conducive  to  the 
interests  of  vital  religion,  was  so  opposed  to  Bernard's  idea 
of  the  necessary  unity  of  the  visible  Church,  that  this  well- 
meaning,  and  even  great  man,  was  too  often  hurried  by  his 
impetuous  zeal  to  the  very  verge  of  persecution. 

The  successor  of  Eugenius  was  Anastasius  IV.,  whose 
short  and  turbulent  reign  is  not  worthy  of  much  remark. 
His  whole  efforts  were  directed  to  gain  and  keep  possession 
of  the  city  of  Rome,  which  still  refused  allegiance  to  the 
pontiffs  in  temporal  things.  By  foreign  aid,  he  succeeded 
in  his  object,  and  then  at  the  end  of  a  year  left  his  seat  and 
his  quarrels  to  another.  The  heir  to  so  undesirable  an  in- 
heritance was  this  time  an  Englishman ;  the  only  English- 
man who  ever  sat  upon  the  throne  of  Rome.  His  original 
name  was  Nicholas  Breakspeare,  and  his  early  manhood 
was  passed  in  the  abbey  of  St.  Albans.  By  his  intrepid 
spirit  and  winning  address  he  had  attracted  the  attention 
of  Pope  Eugenius,  who  had  made  him  his  legate  at  the 
court  of  Denmark.  Elevated  to  the  papal  throne  in  1154, 
he  assumed  the  title  of  Adrian  IV.,  and  resolutely  pre- 
pared to  hazard  everything  for  the  mastery  of  Rome,  and 
the  attainment  of  the  other  objects  of  papal  ambition. 
Arnold  of  Brescia  still  governed  the  Roman  citizens  by  his 
eloquent  tongue.  At  his  suggestion,  they  had  elected  a 
senate  of  fifty-six  citizens  for  the  management  of  their  cvnl 
affairs,  and  while  still  acknowledging  the  Pope  as  the  head 
of  the  Church,  they  declined  to  accept  him  as  their  king. 
But  Adrian  determined  to  effect  by  stratagem  what  he 
could  not  accomplish  by  force.     Pretending  entire  satisfac- 


ARROGANCE  OF  THE  POPES.  223 

tion  with  the  present  arrangement,  he  confined  himself  for 
iiearly  a  year  to  his  ecclesiastical  duties.  But  on  a  cardinal 
being  either  killed  or  wounded  in  some  street  affray,  he 
promptly  laid  an  interdict  on  the  entire  city;  and  attribu- 
ting the  unhappy  occurrence  to  some  of  Arnold's  associates, 
refused  to  withdraw  the  sentence  until  that  powerful  foe  to 
papal  domination,  that  advocate  of  popular  freedom  and  of 
Scriptural  religion,  should  be  expelled  with  his  whole  party 
from  the  city. 


CHAPTER  X. 

MARTYRDOM    OF    ARNOLD ARROGANCE    OF    THE    POPES 

ADRIAN   IV.   AND   ALEXANDER  III. A.   D.  1155-1198. 

An  interdict  in  Rome,  at  the  very  heart  of  the  papal  sys- 
tem, was  an  unprecedented  event,  and  produced  all  the 
excitement  and  horror  that  Adrian  desired.  The  suspension 
of  priestly  offices  was  deemed  by  the  superstitious  and 
priest-ridden  Romans  to  be  the  very  withdrawment  of  divine 
grace,  and  the  consignment  of  their  souls  to  inevitable  per- 
dition. Alas !  they  had  been  sedulously  kept  ignorant  of 
the  great  truth  that  the  only  efficient  Priest  is  always  ac- 
cessible ;  and  that  while  He  alone  is  "  able  to  save  them  to 
the  uttermost  that  come  unto  God  by  him,"  he  also  "  ever 
liveth  to  make  intercession  for  them."  With  cries  and 
tears  the  terrified  populace  besieged  the  gates  of  the  Vati- 
can, and  to  gain  at  any  price  the  pardon  of  the  Pope,  they 
blindly  consented  to  the  sacrifice  of  their  truest  friend,  the 
patriot  and  reformer  Arnold.  Then,  and  not  till  then,  did 
Adrian  relent ;  and  then  did  the  people  of  Rome  expose 
the  full  depth  of  the  moral  degradation  to  which  supersti- 
tion had  sunk  them.  For  having  first  ungratefully  banished 
their  benefactor,  they  now  flocked  from  every  quarter  to 
receive  the  blessing  of  their  betrayer  and  their  foe.     The 


224  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

Pope  marclied  in  procession  through  the  streets  of  the  city, 
and  was  everywhere  greeted  by  the  clamorous  plaudits  of 
his  deluded  victims. 

The  great  Frederic  Barbarossa  had  now  succeeded  to  the 
imperial  throne.  By  prompt  and  energetic  coercion  he  had 
chastised,  and  for  the  present  subdued,  the  fast- multiplying 
revolts  among  the  vassals  of  the  empire,  and  was  in  direct 
march  for  Italy,  intending  to  bestow  similar  favors  on  his 
undutiful  liegemen  in  Lombardy.  Hoping  to  find  sympa- 
thy for  their  misfortunes  and  for  their  cause  in  so  noble  and 
patriotic  a  spirit  as  Barbarossa's,  the  partisans  of  Arnold 
met  the  emperor  on  his  journey,  and  appealed  to  him  for 
aid,  telling  him  that  their  efforts  were  inspired  by  the  re- 
membrance of  the  ancient  Roman  name.  But  Barbarossa 
was  too  thorough  a  German  to  feel  sympathy  even  with  a 
patriotic  Italian  party.  "Ancient  Rome,"  he  contemptu- 
ously replied,  "and  ancient  Roman  virtue  no  longer  dwell 
with  you,  her  perfidious  and  effeminate  children,  but  with 
us,  her  hardy  and  true-hearted  sons !" 

One  object  of  Barbarossa's  in  this  expedition  to  Italy 
was  to  receive  the  crown  of  the  empire  at  the  hands  of  the 
Pope.  And  to  so  petty  an  ambition,  wholly  unworthy  of 
so  great  a  soul  as  Frederic's,  the  magnanimous  Arnold  was 
doomed  to  fall  a  victim.  The  Pope  represented  to  the  em- 
peror that  Arnold  was  the  chief  promoter  of  sedition  within 
the  papal  domains ;  and  to  afford  Adrian  a  moment's  ma- 
lignant pleasure,  the  monarch  consented  to  the  death  of  a 
man  who  might  have  become  his  most  efficient  ally  against 
pontifical  aggressions.  Arnold  was  sought  out,  and  when 
dragged  from  his  place  of  retreat  was  ruthlessly 

"  Butclier'd  to  make  a  Roman  holiday," 

after  the  approved  papal  fashion  of  an  auto  da  fe. 

Surrounded  by  the  very  men  whom  he  had  liberated 
from  political  thraldom,  and  whom  he  had  incited  '  by 
his  eloquence  to  seek  also  religious  freedom,  the  noble 


ARROGANCE  OF  THE  POPES.  225 

reformer  and  patriot  was  burned  to  death  within  sight  of 
the  city  which  he  had  constitutionally  governed  for  the  last 
ten  years.  And  that  the  fickle  Romans  might  not  after- 
ward worship  as  a  saint  and  a  martyr  the  man  whom  they 
now  abandoned  to  his  fate,  Adrian  took  the  truly  priest-like 
precaution  of  scattering  his  ashes  on  the  waves  of  the  Tiber. 
It  might  be  said  of  Arnold,  as  it  has  been  of  Wiclif, 
whose  ashes  were  treated  with  similar  contempt,  that  he 
thus  became  the  heritage  and  property  of  every  nation 
whose  shores  are  washed  by  the  tides  of  the  sea. 

Between  the  proud  emperor  and  the  yet  prouder  Pope 
a  contest  almost  immediately  ensued,  each  claiming  more 
homage  than  the  other  was  disposed  to  concede.  It  had 
already  become  a  custom  for  sovereigns  who  visited  the 
Pope  to  hold  his  stirrup  when  he  mounted  his  horse.  This 
token  of  submission  was  demanded  by  Adrian  before  he 
would  consent  to  place  the  crown  on  the  head  of  Barba- 
rossa.  For  two  days  Frederic  resisted  the  demand,  but  at 
length  reluctantly  yielded.  He  held  the  stirrup  as  Adrian 
placed  his  foot  in  it,  and  then  received  the  pontifical  kiss 
of  peace,  and  was  crowned  in  due  form.  This  dispute  is  a 
slight  indication  of  the  state  of  feeling  subsisting  between 
the  emperor  and  the  Pope.  From  the  days  of  Gregory  VII. 
and  Henry  IV.  the  struggle  for  absolute  supremacy  had 
never  ceased ;  nor  had  the  treaty  of  Calixtus  II.  with 
Henry  V.  diminished  the  jealousy  which  seemed  hereditary 
in  these  rival  powers.  In  the  time  of  Barbarossa  and  Adrian 
these  animosities  gave  rise  to  factions ;  the  independent 
barons,  counts,  and  margraves,  ranging  themselves  under 
the  Guelfic  or  Ghibbeline  banners,  as  their  predilections 
directed  them,  or  more  frequently  according  to  the  favor 
they  regarded  themselves  as  receiving  from  the  emperor  or 
from  the  Pope.  The  papal  party  was  called  Guelfic,  from 
the  ducal  family  of  the  Guelfs,  who  had  taken  up  the  old 
Saxon  quarrel  against  the  emperor,  and  were  therefore 

generally  found  in  alhance  with  the  Pope ;  and  the  imperial 

10* 


226  LIVES   OF   THE   POISES. 

party  styled  themselves  Gliibbelines,  because  this  was  the 
name  of  the  last  and  most  considerable  possession  added 
to  the  imperial  estates.  Henceforth  the  names  of  Guelf 
and  Ghibbeline  will  occupy  an  important  place  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  Popes. 

Alexander  III.  was  the  immediate  successor  of  Adrian ; 
but  as  it  was  known,  from  his  character,  that  he  would 
strenuously  uphold,  hke  his  predecessor,  the  privileges  of 
the  Church,  the  imperialists  elected  another  PontiflF,  by  the 
title  of  Victor  III.  Alexander  was  compelled  to  seek  ref- 
uge in  France,  and  there  most  of  his  long  pontificate  was 
passed.  It  was  the  firm  detennination  of  the  Emperor 
Frederic  to  control  the  growing  spirit  of  insubordination 
against  imperial  rule,  whether  he  discovered  it  among  his 
vassals  in  Germany,  or  in  the  Pope  himself.  Many  years 
were  spent  in  the  prosecution  of  this  object,  and  Italy  was 
visited  by  four  hostile  armies  under  the  warhke  emperor's 
command.  For  a  long  time  the  policy  of  Frederic  kept 
the  family  of  the  Guelf s  in  close  and  friendly  alliance. 
They  marched  under  his  standards,  and  fought  by  his  side. 
But  in  his  fourth  Italian  expedition  Barbarossa  was  taken 
ill  at  Chiavenna.  Taking  advantage  of  his  illness,  Henry 
the  Lion,  the  principal  chieftain  of  the  Guelfic  house,  ap- 
proached the  couch  on  which  the  emperor  was  lying,  and 
announced  his  intention  of  abandoning  the  imperial  cause, 
except  upon  conditions  which  it  would  have  been  disgrace- 
ful for  Frederic  to  have  granted.  In  vain  did  the  emperor 
represent  the  danger  to  himself  of  so  great  a  secession,  and 
even,  falling  upon  the  ground,  embrace  the  knees  of  the 
cruel  Guelf.  Henry  withdrew  with  all  his  forces,  and  from 
that  period  the  cause  of  the  Pope  and  of  the  Guelf  was  one 
and  the  same.  One  spirit  of  enmity  to  the  emperor  was 
a  sufficient  bond  of  union.  In  this  predicament  the  em- 
«^  peror  sought  a  reconciliation  with  the  Pope.  An  interview 
took  place  between  them  at  Venice,  in  llYV  ;  and  it  is  re- 
lated that  when  the  emperor  kissed  the  feet  of  the  Pontiff 


AllKObANCE   OF  TUE   POPES.  227 

tlie  Pope  placed  his  feet  on  the  bold  warrior's  neck, 
apostrophizing  himself  in  the  language  of  Scripture,  "  Thou 
shalt  tread  upon  the  adder  and  the  lion !"  whereupon  the 
emperor  indignantly  rephed :  "  Not  unto  thee  but  unto  St. 
Peter  be  this  honor  !" 

It  is  conclusive  evidence  of  the  strong  hold  which  the 
priesthood  had  now  gained  on  the  minds  of  men,  that  Al- 
exander, though  an  exile  from  Rome,  should  have  been 
able  to  contend  even  against  sovereigns  with  absolute  success. 
To  Henry  II.  of  England  he  displayed  the  same  spirit  of 
arrogance  as  he  had  shown  to  Barbarossa.  Henry  had  dis- 
carded the  hypocritical  and  impudent  Thomas  a  Becket 
from  one  of  the  numerous  offices  w^hich  he  held,  and  had 
taken  measures  for  repressing  the  crimes  of  the  priesthood, 
which  filled  every  mouth  with  scandal.  For  these  just  and 
honorable  proceedings  a  Becket  had  the  audacity  to  excom- 
municate the  king,  and  denounce  against  him  all  those  fierce 
maledictions  which  Rome  only  has  the  effrontery  to  forge 
and  fulminate.  The  king's  indignant  partisans  shortly  af- 
terward murdered  a  Becket  while  he  stood  at  the  altar  of 
his  church,  in  all  the  grandeur  of  sacerdotal  array.  The  crime 
was  imputed  to  Henry,  and  the  Pope  Alexander  was  about  to 
lay  the  entire  kingdom  under  interdict,  when  his  wrath  was 
appeased  by  messengers,  who  promised,  on  behalf  of  the 
English  monarch,  the  most  entire  submission  to  the  papal  law. 

It  was  this  Pontiflf  also  who  first  gi'atified  the  pride  of  the 
Roman  clergy,  by  parading  the  streets  of  Rome,  having  his 
horse  led  by  two  powerful  monarchs,  Henry  of  England 
and  Louis  of  France,  who  reverently  held  the  bridle  while 
the  Pope  rode  to  his  habitation ;  exhibiting  a  spectacle 
which,  though  the  priests  pronounced  it  "most  grateful  to 
God,  to  angels,  and  to  men,"  will  be  regarded  by  most  men 
as  offensive  to  God  and  degrading  to  humanity.  The  vain 
arrogance  of  Alexander  III.  was,  however,  in  some  measure 
redeemed  by  his  zeal  for  the  promotion  of  learning.  When, 
toward  the  close  of  his  reign,  he  found  himself  firmly  estab- 


228  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

lished  on  his  seat,  and  could  safely  dwell  in  Rome,  he  sought 
out  and  rewarded  men  of  a  studious  disposition,  and  took 
considerable  pains  to  advance  the  intellectual  culture  of  the 
Italian  priesthood.  Yet  it  was  he  who  sanctioned  the  per- 
secution of  Peter  Waldo,  the  Lyonese  reformer ;  and  his 
persecution  was  chiefly  instigated  by  Waldo's  having  caused 
the  sacred  Scriptures  to  be  translated  into  French.  So  in- 
stinctively fearful  is  the  Romish  owl  of  the  clear  daylight 
of  gospel  truth  ;  so  completely  does  the  spirit  of  caste  tend 
to  pervert  even  a  cultivated  mind  ;  and,  that  of  priestly 
caste  in  particular,  to  extinguish  the  very  feelings  of  hu- 
manity, and  to  silence  the  most  audible  dictates  of  the  judg- 
ment and  the  conscience. 

The  names  of  Lucius  III.,  Urban  III.,  Gregory  VIII., 
Clement  III.,  and  Celestine  III.,  which  rapidly  follow 
one  another,  are  little  else  than  names  in  the  records  of  his- 
tory. The  periods  during  which  they  successively  swayed 
the  sceptral  crosier  of  Rome  was  altogether  only  sixteen 
years,  and  was  chiefly  distinguished  by  another  crusading 
expedition,  in  which  Frederic  Barbarossa  led  the  way,  and 
lost  his  life  in  attempting  to  ford  a  swollen  stream ;  and  in 
which  also  Richard  Coeur  de  Lion,  of  England,  performed 
those  romantic  exploits  which  have  made  his  memory  so 
famous  and  lasting.  Celestine  III.,  however,  gave  a  strik- 
ing proof  of  the  increasing  arrogance  of  the  papacy,  which 
deserves  recording.  According  to  custom,  the  Pope  was 
performing  the  ceremony  of  coronation  for  the  Emperor 
Henry  YL,  with  all  the  usual  solemnities.  On  the  mon- 
arch's bending  his  knee  before  the  Pope,  the  proud  priest 
rudely  kicked  off"  the  crown  which  he  had  just  placed  on 
the  emperor's  head,  to  show  that  he  could  with  equal  ease 
confer  crowns  and  take  them  away :  an  instance  of  audacity 
to  which  history  hardly  furnishes  a  single  parallel.  To  such 
a  perfect  contradiction  had  the  popes  arrived  of  the  example 
of  Him  whom  they  pretended  to  represent,  and  who  emphat- 
ically said :  "  Learn  of  me ;  for  I  am  meek  and  lowly  in  heart  !'* 


I 


THE  PAPACY  UNDER  INNOCENT  III.        229 


CHAPTER  XL 

DOMINATION  OF  THE  PAPACY  UNDER  INNOCENT  III. 
A.  D.  1198-1216. 

We  have  now  entered  on  the  "noonday"  of  papal  power, 
which  may  be  regarded  as  extending  over  the  thirteenth 
century,  or  with  more  exactness  from  the  reign  of  Innocent 
HI.  to  that  of  Boniface  VIII. 

Innocent  III.  was  elected  by  the  unanimous  voice  of 
the  cardinals,  in  1198,  and  his  pontificate  lasted  for  eight- 
een years.  So  great  was  the  ability,  and  so  remarkable 
was  the  success  of  this  Pontiff,  that  no  name  in  papal  an- 
nals demands  so  high  a  place,  with  the  exception  of  that  of 
Innocent's  great  prototype,  Gregory  VII.  Between  Greg- 
ory and  Innocent  there  was  much  in  common,  both  in  char- 
acter and  career,  but  the  apparent  achievements  of  the  lat- 
ter as  far  surpassed  those  of  the  foiTner  as  the  effects  of  the 
builder's  toil  are  more  ob^aous  than  those  of  the  architect ; 
for  it  was  Innocent's  aim  to  carry  out  to  completion  the 
designs  of  his  great  predecessor,  and  for  doing  this  he  had 
more  signal  advantages.  Both  of  them,  indeed,  had  full 
play  for  their  genius  during  the  minority  of  an  emperor ;  but 
Gregory  mounted  the  papal  throne  in  old  age,  while  Inno- 
cent commenced  his  pontifical  reign  in  the  very  prime  and 
vigor  of  manhood,  ha^dng  only  just  attained  his  thirty-sev- 
enth year. 

Innocent  evidently  entered  on  his  task  with  a  settled  res- 
olution to  make  the  papal  authority  paramount  and  supreme 
both  over  the  clergy  of  the  whole  Church,  and  over  the 
monarchs  of  the  world.  His  was  no  ordinary  ambition.  It 
was  the  exact  image  as  it  was  the  progeny  of  Hildebrand's. 
His  first  object  was  to  direct  the  strong  religious,  or  rather 
superstitious  feeling  of  the  age,  in  channels  that  would  ren- 
der it  subservient  to  papal  domination.     He  therefore  de- 


230  LIVES   OF  THE   1  OPEd. 

nounced  the  censures  of  the  Church  upon  heretics  on  the 
one  hand,  and  against  infidel  Turks  on  the  other.  The 
spirits  of  persecution  and  fanaticism  were  invoked  to  aid 
the  popedom  in  enslaving  mankind.  Six  trusty  ecclesiastics 
were  dispatched  to  the  south  of  France  to  ascertain  the  pre- 
cise tenets  and  character  of  the  sectaries  that  abounded  there 
as  well  as  in  the  valleys  of  Piedmont.  From  this  odious  em- 
ployment of  spying  into  private  affairs,  and  the  most  secret 
opinions,  these  priests  received  the  name  of  Inquisito)'s,  a 
word  which  has  since  become  justly  infamous  in  papal  his- 
tory. They  found  that  a  people  had  resided  in  those  districts 
for  many  generations,  in  all  probability  for  centuries,  who, 
without  formally  separating  themselves  from  the  Romish 
Church,  had  perseveringly  testified  against  her  growing  cor- 
ruptions. Whence  they  originally  sprang  was  a  mystery  to 
all,  though  the  tongue  of  slander  had  not  failed  to  report  a  con- 
nection between  their  creed  and  that  of  the  ancient  Mani- 
cheans.  The  single  point  of  resemblance,  however,  was  in  the 
severe  morality  of  their  lives.  Paulicians,  Catharists  (or  Puri- 
tans), Albigenses,  and  Waldenses,  were  only  a  few  of  the 
names  by  which  these  sectaries  were  known.  They  met  in 
the  night-time,  with  closed  doors,  and  in  a  chamber  lighted  by 
lamps.  They  devoutly  studied  the  Scriptures,  and  sought 
the  divine  blessing  in  extemporaneous  prayer.  If  a  novice 
were  introduced  to  the  society,  the  members  gathered  round 
him  in  a  circle,  when  the  president,  or  pastor,  holding  a 
copy  of  the  Gospels  in  his  hand,  first  addressed  him  with 
fit  exhortations,  and  then  gave  him  the  fraternal  kiss.  Each 
member  afterward  saluted  the  novice  in  turn,  who  was  then 
affectionately  commended  to  God,  and  formally  received  as 
a  brother.  With  these  simple  rites  of  worship  they  united 
a  genuine  Christian  spirit,  so  that  even  their  bitter  enemy, 
the  Abbot  Bernard,  had  confessed  that  they  were  excellent 
members  of  society.  Some  of  them,  doubtless,  held  errors 
of  a  comparatively  harmless  kind,  but  the  only  marvel  is 
that,  in  so  dark  and  corrupt  an  age,  a  community  could  be 


THE  PAPACY  UNDER  IKXOOENT  III.         231 

anywhere  found  whose  creed  and  practice  were  so  exempt 
from  blame.  Their  zeal  in  perusing  the  Scriptures  was 
their  talisman  of  safety.  But  these  reformers,  admirable 
as  they  were,  could  effect  little  or  nothing  openly  to  stem 
the  wide-rolling  tide  of  iniquity.  Living  in  isolated  compa- 
nies, and  belonging  almost  wholly  to  the  poorer  class,  their 
contempt  for  masses  and  images,  fastings  and  penances, 
and  other  superstitions  of  the  Church,  only  roused  against 
them  the  vindictive  malice  and  powerful  persecutions  of  a 
worldly  priesthood.  The  Pope  was  resolved  on  wholly  ex- 
terminating a  race  who  were  secretly  undermining  the  very 
foundations  of  the  papal  structure. 

To  give  color  to  the  dark  design  he  called  it  a  Crusade, 
and  promised  to  all  nobles  and  princes  who  would  take 
arms  in  the  cause  for  only  forty  days,  seats  of  honor  in 
paradise,  and  the  full  remission  of  their  sins.  "  We  exhort 
you,"  said  this  bull  of  Innocent's,  "  to  destroy  the  wicked 
heresy  of  the  Albigenses,  and  do  this  with  more  rigor  than 
you  would  use  toward  the  Saracens  themselves.  Persecute 
them  with  a  strong  hand,  deprive  them  of  house  and  land, 
and  put  true  Roman  Catholics  in  their  places." 

With  a  cruel  exactness  were  these  fierce  orders  obeyed. 
Animated  by  the  hope  alike  of  temporal  and  eternal  gain, 
multitudes  of  fanatics  rushed  to  the  field  of  rapine  and 
blood.  The  cities  in  which  Albigenses  were  known  to  re- 
side were  devoted  to  destiniction.  Beziers,  Carcassone,  and 
a  number  of  other  places  were  taken  by  storm,  and  the  in- 
habitants put  to  the  sword,  without  distinction  of  sex,  or 
age,  or  rank.  The  forty  days  appointed  were  found  far  too 
brief  a  space  for  the  direful  work.  The  "  crusade  "  lasted 
indeed  as  long  as  Albigenses  or  heretics  of  any  name  could 
be  discovered  in  France.  No  fewer  than  a  million  of  lives 
are  said  to  have  been  sacrificed,  and  thousands  who  escaped 
the  sword  were  compelled  to  flee  from  the  homes  of  their 
childhood,  and  endure  the  horrors  of  poverty,  with  perhaps 
new  forms  of  persecution  in  a  foreign  land.     By  this  inhu- 


232  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

man  persecution  of  the  followers  of  Christ,  Rome  gave  ad- 
ditional proof  that  she  bore  the  mark  of  Antichrist,  being 
"  drunken  with  the  blood  of  the  saints,  and  with  the  blood 
of  the  martyrs  of  Jesus."  Rev.  xvii,  6. 

From  the  heretics,  Pope  Innocent  turned  to  the  infidels. 
His  powerful  mind  was  not  slow  to  perceive  the  immense 
impulse  which  was  given  by  crusading  expeditions  to  the 
growth  of  superstition,  and  the  vast  influence  thus  accruing 
to  the  priesthood.  Several  crusades  were  accordingly  un- 
dertaken by  his  instigation  and  aid.  Indeed,  every  year  of 
his  pontificate  witnessed  a  new  emigration  of  fanatical  ad- 
venturers, who  hoped  to  purchase  salvation  by  imperiling 
their  lives  in  defense  of  the  sepulcher  and  the  cross.  The 
popes  never  wanted  a  fit  agent  to  serve  as  an  incendiary  for 
this  object,  and  in  the  person  of  a  repentant  debauchee 
named  Fulk,  Innocent  III.  found  a  preacher  of  sufficient 
enthusiasm  and  energy  to  rouse  the  too  torpid  passions  of 
the  people.  Imitating  Peter  and  Bernard,  this  man  trav- 
ersed the  cities  of  Italy,  France,  and  Germany,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  engaging  in  the  cause  many  of  the  second-rate 
princes,  with  vast  masses  of  the  lower  orders.  But  just  as 
the  armament  was  on  the  point  of  receiving  the  Pope's 
blessing,  and  starting  on  its  career,  certain  Greeks  arrived 
in  Italy,  as  delegates  from  the  Greek  emperor,  entreating 
that  the  force  might  be  employed  in  the  first  place  to  res- 
cue him  from  a  dungeon  into  which  he  had  been  thrust  by 
the  treason  and  cruelty  of  a  brother.  Count  Baldwin,  of 
Flanders,  who  had  assumed  the  office  of  general  to  the  cru- 
saders, received  the  delegates  with  much  favor ;  for  his  ob- 
jects were  plunder  and  military  fame,  quite  as  much  as  the 
honor  of  the  cross.  The  offers  of  the  Greek  emperor  were 
moreover  very  alluring  ;  for  he  pledged  himself  to  support 
the  crusading  army  and  fleet  for  a  whole  year,  and  to  reward 
them  in  addition  with  a  gift  of  two  hundred  thousand  silver 
marks.  In  a  few  days  the  entire  expedition  embarked  for 
Constantinople. 


THE  PAPACY  UNDER  INNOCENT  III.         233 

On  hearing  of  its  altered  destination,  tlie  Pontiff  was 
overcome  with  vexation  and  rage.  In  the  height  of  his  an- 
ger, he  placed  the  whole  crusade  under  excommunication, 
and  forbade  any  other  to  join  so  impious  a  band.  Reck- 
less, however,  of  his  rage,  the  crusaders  continued  steadfast 
in  their  purpose,  and  after  taking  Constantinople,  remained 
in  the  east  of  Europe  for  two  years  without  one  contest 
with  the  Mohammedan  foe.  The  tale  of  this  Greek  war  is 
a  lamentable  recital  of  cruelties,  barbarism,  bloodshed,  and 
lust.  The  splendid  architectural  relics  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire were  heedlessly  defaced  or  destroyed,  or  at  the  least 
carried  off  as  a  part  of  the  spoil.  The  tomb  of  the  famed 
Justinian  was  broken  open,  and  even  his  body  stripped  of 
its  royal  attire.  The  four  bronze  horses  that  now  adorn 
the  square  of  St.  Mark  in  Venice,  were  part  of  the  booty 
of  this  war ;  and  while  the  Italians  plundered  Constantinople 
of  its  wealth  to  enrich  their  own  cities,  the  less  polished 
crusaders  from  France  broke  statues  of  the  finest  marble 
into  atoms,  and  melted  down  into  money  or  utensils  of  base 
use  the  precious  colossal  bronzes  that  had  been  saved  from 
the  wreck  of  ancient  Rome,  and  preserved  in  the  new  me- 
tropolis. But  the  atrocities  of  this  war,  although  exercised 
against  art,  against  humanity,  even  against  his  own  interdict, 
were  all  mitigated  in  the  eyes  of  the  Pontiff  by  the  amount 
of  wealth  and  influence  which  it  conferred  on  Italy,  and 
chiefly  on  himself.  His  excommunication  was  soon  with- 
drawn, and  even  his  blessing  solemnly  pronounced.  The 
real  purpose  of  the  expedition,  however,  had  been  entirely 
thwarted,  and  the  crusaders  of  the  Fifth  Crusade  returned 
to  their  homes  richer  rather  than  hoHer  in  the  esteem  of 
that  superstitious  generation. 

In  the  year  1212  the  crusading  mania  had  probably 
reached  its  height,  and  it  was  then  that  the  almost  incred- 
ible "  Crusade  of  the  Children"  took  place.  Two  hypo- 
critical priests,  in  league,  it  is  said,  with  the  Saracens,  preach- 
ed throughout  France  that  the  Holy  City  would  only  be 


234  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

given  by  God  into  the  innocent  hands  of  young  children. 
Whether  Innocent  III.  encouraged  the  wild  design  is  not 
recorded,  but  he  certainly  applauded  the  enthusiasm  which 
it  kindled.  *'  These  children,"  said  he,  ''  are  a  reproach  to 
us  of  riper  age.  While  they  hurry  to  the  defense  of  Pal- 
estine, we  are  asleep."  And  if  to  be  surpassed  in  the 
race  of  fanaticism  can  be  a  reproach,  he  spoke  undeniable 
truth ;  for  these  beardless  warriors  flocked  in  crowds  from 
all  parts  of  France,  and  both  banks  of  the  Rhine.  A  boy 
of  Cologne,  named  Nicholas,  undertook  the  leadership  of 
seven  thousand,  and  led  them  across  the  Alps  to  the  walls 
of  Genoa,  when  so  many  had  perished  by  fatigue  and  hun- 
ger, that  the  remainder  were  persuaded  to  settle  in  that 
city,  or  else  to  return  to  their  homes.  But  the  fate  of  an- 
other army,  amounting  to  about  thirty  thousand  child  i-cn, 
of  both  sexes,  was  much  more  calamitous  and  doleful. 
Two  Marseillaise  merchants,  engaged  by  the  wretclied 
priests  who  had  stirred  up  this  strange  enthusiasm,  invei- 
gled the  youthful  multitude  to  embark  in  ships  which  they 
had  prepared  for  the  purpose,  and  which  steered,  as  soon 
as  under  way,  not  for  the  shores  of  Palestine,  but  to  the 
coast  of  Africa.  Some  of  these  vessels  were  wrecked  by  a 
tempest,  and  the  whole  of  their  passengers  were  drowned ; 
but  others  reached  the  place  of  destination,  and  in  accord- 
ance with  the  original  design  for  which  they  had  been  en- 
trapped, the  poor  children,  many  of  whom  were  of  noble 
blood,  were  sold  into  perpetual  slavery  to  the  exulting  Sar- 
acens. The  disastrous  results  of  these  various  enterprises 
had  not  yet,  however,  shaken  the  confidence  of  men  in  the 
goodness  of  the  cause ;  and  so  greatly  had  they  contribu- 
ted to  swell  the  authority  of  the  popes  in  foreign  lands,  as 
well  as  to  enrich  their  treasury,  that  Innocent  III.  now 
dared  to  assume  supreme  dominion  over  all  countries  what- 
soever ;  and  though  former  pontiffs  had  perhaps  been  equally 
arrogant  in  their  pretensions,  none  had  so  successfully  main- 
tained them. 


THE  PAPACY  UNDER  INNOCENT  III.         235 

About  the  same  time  that  Innocent  ascended  the  papal 
throne,  the  imperial  crown  had  passed  to  Frederic  II.,  the 
infant  grandson  of  the  great  Barbarossa.  But  neither  was 
the  young  emperor  able  to  assert  his  title,  nor  was  the  Pon- 
tiff inclined  to  wage  war  in  his  defense ;  so  that  for  the 
present  Germany  was  embroiled  in  civil  war  by  the  con- 
tests of  two  pretenders,  who  sought  and  obtained,  by  turns, 
the  countenance  and  sanction  of  the  Pope.  In  1215  Fred- 
eric, whose  early  life  had  been  spent  in  Italy,  under  the 
guardianship  of  Innocent,  was  invited  by  his  German  sub- 
jects to  assume  the  imperial  crown ;  and  with  the  Pope's 
reluctant  assent,  he  crossed  the  Alps  for  that  purpose. 
His  right  was  still  disputed,  and  thus  the  divided  state  of 
Germany,  combined  with  the  regard  which  Frederic  per- 
sonally felt  for  his  guardian,  caused  the  war-cry  of  Guelf 
and  Ghibbeline  to  be  unheard  during  Innocent's  lifetime, 
and  left  him  unassailed  by  the  hereditary  and  most  power- 
ful foe  of  papal  pretensions.  Enjoying  such  singular  ad- 
vantages. Innocent  well  knew  how  to  turn  them  to  account. 
Almost  immediately  on  assuming  the  tiara  he  had  declared, 
with  especial  reference  to  sovereigns,  that  "it  was  not  fit  ^ 
that  any  man  should  be  invested  with  authority  who  did 
not  serve  and  obey  the  Holy  See."  On  another  occasion 
he  asserted,  that  "  as  the  sun  and  the  moon  are  placed  in  ^ 
the  firmament,  the  greater  as  the  light  of  the  day  and  the 
lesser  of  the  night,  so  are  there  two  powers  in  the  Church, 
the  'pontifical^  which,  as  having  the  charge  of  souls,  is  the 
greater ;  and  the  royal,  which  is  the  lesser,  and  to  which 
only  the  bodies  of  men  are  intrusted."  One  of  the  earhest 
examples  he  gave  of  his  resolution  to  enforce  these  lofty 
pretensions  was  his  interference  with  the  marriage  of  Phil- 
ippe Auguste,  the  King  of  France.  That  monarch,  for 
some  unknown  cause,  had  divorced  his  wife,  a  Danish  prin- 
cess. The  act  had  received  the  express  permission  of 
Pope  Celestine  III. ;  but,  nevertheless,  Innocent  revoked 
the  license,  and  insisted  on  the  king's  restoring  the  queen 


236  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

to  her  conjugal  rights.  Philippe  naturally  demurred  to 
this  imperious  judgment,  but  he  was  soon  brought  to  teraas 
by  the  imposition  of  a  terrible  interdict.  All  the  rites  of 
religion  were  suspended — marriages  were  unsolemnized — 
the  dead  remained  unburied.  The  French  king  was  no 
coward,  but  he  found  it  most  compatible  with  prudence  to 
bend  before  the  storm,  and  he  complied  with  the  papal 
mandate. 

While  he  sturdily  contended  for  mastery  with  the  chief 
potentate  of  Europe,  this  haughty  Pope  was  condescending 
and  patronizing  to  those  of  inferior  note.  Three  vassal  lords 
had  made  themselves  wholly  independent  of  their  feudal 
chiefs,  and  on  these  the  Pontiff  graciously  conferred  the  title 
and  insignia  of  royalty.  These  princes  of  pontifical  manu- 
facture were  Primislaus,  Duke  of  Bohemia ;  John,  Duke  of 
Bulgaria  and  Wallachia ;  and  Peter  II.,  of  Aragon.  But 
the  most  despotic  act  of  Innocent's  whole  pontificate  was, 
undoubtedly,  his  claim  of  fealty  from  King  John,  the  weak 
and  wicked  monarch  of  England.  John's  eflfeminacy  had 
already  excited  the  ambitious  hopes  of  the  French  king, 
who  looked  with  hungry  eyes  on  the  English  estates  in 
Normandy ;  and  his  cruelty  had  sown  broadcast  the  seeds 
of  rebellion  among  his  baronial  vassals,  when  his  pride 
brought  him  into  collision  with  the  subtile  and  determined 
Pope.  The  archbishopric  of  Canterbury  had  become  vacant, 
and  John  had  nominated  one  of  his  favorites  to  the  see,  and 
sent  him  to  Rome  to  receive  the  Pontiff's  confirmation  of 
the  gift.  But  Innocent  chose  to  elevate  another  to  the 
post,  and  Stephen  Langton,  the  object  of  his  choice,  was 
obediently  recognized  by  the  Canterbury  chapter  as  the 
canonically-appointed  archbishop.  The  king's  wrath  was 
unbounded.  He  immediately  dispatched  an  armed  band 
to  drive  the  monks  from  their  home,  and  expel  them  from 
the  land.  Entering  the  cloisters  with  drawn  swords,  these 
knights  exclaimed,  '^  Begone,  you  traitors,  or  we  will  set  fire 
to  these  walls,  and  burn  you  and  your  convent  together.'* 


THE  PAPACY  UNDER  INNOCENT  III.         237 

All  that  were  not  too  infirm  fled  into  Flanders,  and  their 
effects  were  confiscated  to  the  crown.  For  this  outrage,  Pope 
Innocent  determined  to  receive  the  most  ample  satisfaction. 
He  threatened  to  lay  the  kingdom  under  interdict  if  John 
persisted  in  refusing  his  demands.  The  interdict  was  in 
fact  imposed,  and  it  continued  a  whole  year  without  reduc- 
ing the  king  to  submission. 

The  deadliest  thunder-bolt  of  all  was  then  hurled  from 
the  papal  arsenal.     In  1213,  Innocent  pronounced  sentence 
of  deposition  on  John,  and  formally  handed  over  his  king- 
dom to  Philippe,  the  French  king,  with  the  promise  of  full 
remission  of  his  sins,  if  he  should  succeed  by  the  valor  of 
his  arms  in  rescuing  the  British  islands  from  the  infidel 
hands  of  their  sovereign.    Philippe  hardly  needed  any  other 
incentive  than  what  his  own  ambition  supplied,  and  he  soon 
raised  a  considerable  army  to  invade  the  English  shores. 
But   now    John's    obstinate    spirit    discovered    its    innate 
cowardice,  and  he  earnestly  craved  a  reconciliation  with  the 
Pope.     A  legate,  named  Pandulph,  was  accordingly  sent, 
and  by  him  a  treaty  was  drawn  up,  and  a  pubhc  ceremony 
contrived,  as  creditable  to  his  own  astuteness,  as  they  were 
both  degrading  to  the  honor  of  the  Enghsh  king.     The 
scene  of  papal  triumph  took  place  in  the  church  of  the 
Templars,    at   Dover.      There   John,    surrounded   by   his 
nobles,  bent  humbly  on  his  knees  before  the  legate,  and 
took  the  same  oath  of  fealty  to  the  Pope  as  vassals  always 
took  to  their  lords.    He  then  placed  in  Pandulph's  hands  a 
charter,  by  which  he  surrendered  to  the  Pontiff  the  king- 
doms of  England  and  Ireland,  and  engaged  to  hold  them 
forever  as  fiefs  of  the  Holy  See.     He  further  promised  an 
annual  tribute  of  a  thousand  silver  marks.     As  a  token  of 
his  sincerity,  he  then  placed  the  royal  crown  in  the  legate's 
hands,  together  with  a   sum  of  money.     Pandulph  con- 
temptuously trampled  the  gold  beneath  his  feet,  and  after  re- 
tainins:  the  diadem  for  a  few  minutes,  returned  it  with  an  air 
of  condescension.    Great  was  the  rejoicing  of  the  priesthood 


^ 


H- 


V 


238  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

at  this  scene,  so  humiliating  to  all  temporal  sovereigns,  and 
so  glorious,  as  they  esteemed  it,  to  their  spiritual  head. 

This  was  one  of  the  last,  as  it  was  certainly  one  of  the 
greatest,  of  the  proud  Innocent's  triumphs.  He  died  in 
1216.  In  this  brief  account  of  his  life,  it  has  been  neces- 
sary to  omit  many,  and  to  touch  lightly  upon  all  the  events 
of  his  remarkable  career.  His  efforts  were  not  much  less 
laborious  or  successful  to  control  the  priesthood  and  bring 
them  under  complete  subjection  to  the  Pope,  and  to  curb 
the  pride  and  power  of  monarchs  and  nobles.  It  was  Inno- 
cent who  imposed  the  first  tax  upon  ecclesiastics,  which  re- 
ceived the  name  of  the  Saladin  tax,  because  it  was  levied 
under  pretence  of  furnishing  the  means  for  a  great  crusade, 
when  that  renowned  warrior,  Saladin,  held  Jerusalem  under 
his  power.  It  was  Innocent  who  first  dared  to  set  aside 
the  bishop  elected  by  a  chapter  for  a  nominee  of  his  own, 
as  in  the  case  of  Stephen  Langton.  It  was  Innocent  who 
first  dispensed  with  canonical  usages  in  cases  of  marriage 
and  divorce,  superseding  them  by  special  rules  of  his  own. 
And  it  was  Innocent  who  first  authorized  the  digestion  of 
all  former  papal  bulls  and  letters,  receipts  and  synodal  de- 
crees, into  a  regular  code,  which  henceforth  was  known  by 
the  name  of  the  Canon  Law.  So  that  from  the  days  of 
Innocent  III.  we  must  date  the  most  prosperous  period  of 
papal  Rome,  and  the  establishment  of  that  wide-spread 
tyranny  by  which  the  papacy  has  kept  in  base  thraldom 
the  intellects  and  the  souls  of  men. 


THE  MENDICANT  ORDERS.  239 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE    MENDICANT    ORDERS  :    ST.   DOMINIC   AND    ST.    FRANCIS 

PAPAL  POMP GUELF  AND   GHIBBELINE. A.  D.  1216-1254:. 

Innocent's  sun  had  gone  down  in  splendor,  and  the  radiance 
gilded  the  rising  of  his  successor,  Honorius  III.  In  the 
last  months  of  his  life.  Innocent  had  convened  a  general 
assembly  of  the  clergy,  and  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council  was 
so  magnificently  attended,  as  to  attest  the  universal  homage 
or  fear  which  was  felt  toward  the  Pontiff.  All  the  prin- 
cipal monarchs  of  Europe  were  represented  there ;  and  many 
of  the  inferior  princes  attended  in  person.  The  Patriarch 
of  Constantinople,  for  the  first  time  since  the  schism,  joined 
his  brethren  of  the  west,  brought,  however,  much  more  by 
the  policy  of  his  sovereign  than  by  a  spirit  of  reconciliation ; 
the  Patriarchs  of  Antioch  and  Jerusalem  were  also  present, 
with  more  than  four  hundred  bishops  and  eight  hundred 
abbots  and  priors ;  and  of  the  inferior  clergy,  such  a  multi- 
tude that  they  could  not  possibly  be  numbered.  By  this 
assembly  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation  was  for  the  first 
time  authoritatively  fixed  as  the  orthodox  doctrine  of  the 
Church ;  and  every  subordinate  question  being  settled,  a 
decree  was  ordained  that  all  Europe  should  once  more 
hasten  to  the  rescue  of  the  Holy  Land,  and  a  sixth  crusade 
be  forthwith  commenced. 

Honorius  announced,  the  very  day  following  his  election, 
that  the  death  of  Innocent  would  by  no  means  affect  the 
plans  of  the  pontifical  government.  He  accordingly  gave 
orders  for  the  crusade  to  be  immediately  preached  through- 
out Germany,  Hungary,  and  the  adjacent  countries.  A 
cardinal,  Robert  de  Cour^on,  accepted  the  post  of  inflaming 
the  minds  of  the  people,  and  though  far  inferior  to  Bernard 
in  genius^  and  to  Peter  the  Hermit  in  enthusiasm,  he  met 


240  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

with  considerable  success  in  France,  Austria,  and  Hungary. 
Women  and  children,  the  old,  the  blind,  and  lame,  as  well 
as  warriors  of  stalwart  frame,  flocked  to  his  standard,  while 
the  wealthy  contributed  money,  and  Philippe  Auguste 
gave  the  fortieth-part  of  his  entire  annual  revenue.  The 
crusaders  had  now  learned  by  experience  that  a  voyage  to 
Palestine  was  less  perilous  than  a  march,  and  as  soon  as 
the  vast  multitude  could  be  embarked,  they  set  sail  for  Cy- 
prus, and  then  for  Ptolemais,  the  modern  St.  Jean  d'Acre. 
In  1220,  the  Emperor  Frederic  II.  having  seated  himself 
^  firmly  on  his  throne,  resolved  on  visiting  Italy,  and  receiving 
in  ancient  form  the  papal  coronation.  Honorius,  however, 
exhibited  great  reluctance  to  comply  with  Frederic's  desire. 
The  emperor,  he  thought,  was  too  independent  and  ambi- 
tious, and  he  jealously  wished  to  guard  against  his  becom- 
ing more  powerful.  But  on  Frederic's  engaging  to  favor 
the  cause  of  the  crusades,  and  even  to  raise  an  army  for 
the  purpose  in  his  German  dominions,  Honorius  yielded, 
and  the  emperor  had  the  satisfaction  of  being  crowned  in 
the  metropolis  of  Christendom.  His  promise  respecting  the 
crusade  Frederic  faithfully  kept,  but  the  result  was  disap- 
pointing, if  not  to  himself  at  least  to  the  Pope,  for  the  army 
he  had  gathered  was  destroyed  by  a  raging  pestilence  be- 
fore the  troops  had  time  to  quit  their  native  land. 

But  by  far  the  most  important  event  of  this  pontificate 
was  the  establishment  of  the  Mendicant  orders,  or  the 
begging  friars  of  St.  Dominic  and  St.  Francis.  This  insti- 
tution appears  to  have  originated  in  some  spirit  of  reform. 
The  clergy's  wealth  and  depravity  caused  them,  of  course, 
to  neglect  their  spiritual  functions.  Man  cannot  be  without 
the  forms  of  religion ;  and  the  purpose  of  the  founders  of 
these  new  orders  was  to  supply  to  the  people  the  rites  of 
religion  which  their  professed  pastors  neglected  to  minis- 
ter. By  the  fierce  Dominic,  (who  was  one  of  the  six  inquisi- 
tors appointed  by  Innocent  III.,)  and  by  the  enthusiastic, 
but  almost  insane  Francis,  the  corruptness  of  the  clergy  and 


THE  MENDICANT  ORDERS.  241 

the  monks  was  deemed  the  sole  cause  of  the  irreligion  of 
the  times.  They,  therefore,  established  with  the  Pope's 
permission  new  orders  of  monks,  to  whom  it  should  be  ex- 
pressly forbidden  to  accumulate  property,  and  whose  whole 
livelihood  was  to  depend  on  the  alms  of  the  faithful.  The 
begging  friars  soon  became,  indeed,  as  corrupt  as  the  rest ; 
but  while  this  shows  the  great  mistake  in  judgment  com- 
mitted by  Dominic  and  Francis,  it  does  not  impeach  their 
motives.  The  virtue  of  courage  in  preaching  their  doc- 
trines these  men  undoubtedly  possessed.  Impelled  by  a 
hardly  rational  zeal,  Francis  went  on  a  mission  to  the  Mus- 
sulmans of  Egypt,  and  gaining  access  to  the  presence  of  the 
Soldan,  exhorted  that  fierce  tyrant  to  become  a  Christian. 
His  death  was  occasioned  by  his  severe  self-mortification, 
and  after  his  death  five  wounds  were  found  on  his  body, 
which  he  had  himself  inflicted,  in  imitation  of  the  wounds 
left  by  the  nails  of  the  cross  on  the  person  of  our  Saviour. 
Of  Dominic  also,  Dante  says,  that  he  was  devoted  to 
Christ's  service  by  his  mother : — 

"  She  was  inspired  to  name  him  of  his  Owner, 
Whose  he  was  wholly ;   and  so  called  him  Dominic. 
The  loving  minion  of  a  Christian  faith, 
The  hallowed  wrestler,  gentle  to  his  own, 
And  to  his  enemies  terrible.     "     "    ''-* 
Forth  on  his  great  apostleship  he  fared, 
Like  torrent  bursting  from  a  lofty  vein ; 
And  dashing  'gainst  the  stocks  of  heresy. 
Smote  fiercest  where  resistance  was  most  stout." 

Par.,  Cant.  xii. 

The  new  order  of  preachers  soon  became  popular.  Their 
attire  was  mean,  and  a  cord  encircled  their  waist  to  denote 
the  subjection  in  which  they  kept  their  bodies.  Traveling 
from  place  to  place,  they  preached  in  the  public  streets, 
and  administered  the  communion  from  a  portable  altar. 
Their  denunciations  of  the  secular  clergy  made  their  ser- 
mons the  more  palatable  to  the  people,  who,  blinded  as 
they  were  by  superstition,   could   not   escape  seeing  the 

11 


242  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

ridiculous  opposition  between  the  professions  and  the  prac- 
tice of  their  priests.  In  a  few  years,  the  begging  friars 
were  welcomed  to  every  hearth,  and  while  the  parish 
churches  were  well-nigh  deserted,  crowds  hung  on  the  lips 
of  these  rude  instructors. 

Gregory  IX.  succeeded  Honorius  in  1227.  He  was  a  re- 
lation of  Innocent  III.,  and  inherited  all  that  Pontiff's  pride. 
In  an  account  given  by  a  cotemporary  of  the  life  of  this 
Pope,  there  is  a  description  of  the  pomp  and  ceremonial  of 
his  inauguration,  that  well  illustrates  the  degree  of  gran- 
deur and  state  assumed  by  the  "  Sovereign  Pontiffs "  of 
the  thirteenth  century.  After  robing  himself  in  the  pallium 
and  other  robes  of  his  office,  he  said  mass  at  St.  Peter's, 
and  then  marched  at  the  head  of  a  long  train  of  prelates  to 
the  palace  of  the  Lateran,  all  glittering  with  gold  and  jew- 
els. On  the  following  Easter  Sunday  he  celebrated  mass 
at  Santa  Maria  Maggiore,  and  returned  with  a  crown  on  his 
head.  On  Monday,  having  said  mass  at  St.  Peter's,  he 
assumed  a  double  crown,  mounted  a  richly-caparisoned 
horse,  and,  surrounded  by  the  cardinals  in  their  purple 
vestments,  paraded  the  city.  The  streets  were  spread  with 
rich  tapestry,  brocaded  with  gold  and  silver,  the  most  gor- 
geous productions  of  the  Indian  and  Egyptian  looms,  and 
so  highly  scented  as  to  perfume  the  air.  The  people 
chanted  hymns,  and  their  songs  were  accompanied  by  the 
sound  of  trumpets.  The  judges  and  officers  shone  in  gilded 
robes  and  silken  caps.  A  countless  multitude  in  procession 
carried  palm  branches  and  flowers,  and  the  Greeks  and 
Jews  celebrated  the  Pope's  praise,  each  in  his  own  tongue. 
On  one  side  of  his  horse,  and  holding  his  bridle,  walked 
the  Senator  of  Rome ;  on  the  other  side,  the  Prefect  dis- 
charged the  same  office.  And  thus  was  he  conducted  to 
the  palace  of  the  Lateran. 

Between  this  Pope  and  the  Emperor  Frederic  II.  there 
was  perpetual  enmity.  Soon  after  his  accession,  the  Pon- 
tiff urged  Frederic  to '  fulfill  his  promise  of  aiding  in  the 


THE  MENDICANT  ORDERS.  243 

crusades.  The  emperor  renewed  his  promise,  but  was  pre- 
vented from  speedy  action  by  an  attack  of  illness.  Not 
improbably,  also,  he  was  adverse  to  the  task.  The  hasty 
Pope,  discrediting  the  story  of  his  illness,  anathematized 
him  as  a  traitor  to  the  Church.  The  emperor  felt  it  no 
longer  needful  to  dissemble  that  hatred  to  the  papacy 
which  he  had  always  secretly  cherished.  "This  blood- 
sucker," said  he,  "  deceives  with  her  honeyed  words.  She 
sends  her  ambassadors,  wolves  in  sheep's  clothing,  to  every 
land,  not  to  sow  the  word  of  God,  but  to  fetter  liberty,  to 
disturb  peace,  and  to  extort  gold."  And  to  give  sensible 
effect  to  his  animosity,  he  caused  his  emissaries  to  stir  up  such 
a  sedition  in  Rome  that  Gregory  was  obliged  to  flee.  The 
papal  historians  retahate  on  the  German  monarch  for  his 
hard  words  about  the  Pope,  by  charging  him  with  tyran- 
nical cruelty,  and  even  with  such  barbarity  as  putting  his 
captives  to  death  by  inclosing  them  in  leaden  shrouds  in 
which  they  were  horribly  burned.  Even  Dante  gives  cur- 
rency to  this  story.  Describing  the  Hypocrites  who  are 
groaning  out  their  never-ending  sufferings  in  the  sixth 
chasm  of  hell,  he  says 


"  Cloaks  had  they  on —    "    "    '-^    '■'' 

Outside,  -with  dazzling  gold  they  glitter'd  bright, 

Inside,  with  ponderous  lead  were  they  so  lined 

That  Frederic's  cloaks  compared  to  them  were  light." 

Infern.,  Cant,  xxiii. 

But  Dante  revered  the  papacy  while  he  hated  the  popes. 

In  1228  the  emperor  performed  his  promise,  and  a  large  ex- 
pedition of  Germans  set  sail  for  Egypt,  which  had  become 
the  chief  point  of  attack  with  crusaders,  as  being  the  head- 
quarters of  Saracenic  strength.  Gregory  had  now  an  oppor- 
tunity of  discovering  if  the  rescue  of  the  Holy  Land  were 
really  so  dear  to  his  soul  as  he  ostentatiously  professed.  Had 
he  been  sincere  he  would  doubtless  have  released  the  em- 
peror from  the  excommunication  he  had  pronounced.  But  so 
fierce  was  his  personal  hostility  to  Frederic,  that  he  now 


.i 


244  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

actually  repeated  the  sentence,  and  included  the  whole 
army  that  had  followed  him  to  the  east.  He  further  sent 
messages  to  the  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem  not  to  hold  commu- 
nion with  the  anathematized  emperor.  And  although  Fred- 
eric succeeded  in  his  enterprise,  and  triumphantly  placed 
the  crown  of  Jerusalem  on  his  own  head,  the  only  reward 
which  the  Pope's  servile  vassals  would  bestow  on  their  de- 
liverer were  ungrateful  insults,  and  intrigues  against  his  life. 

During  the  emperor's  absence  Italy  was  distracted  by 
continual  conflicts  between  his  adherents  and  those  of  the 
Pope.  The  cities  of  northern  Italy  now  began  to  range 
themselves  under  the  hostile  banners.  Milan  was  inhabited 
by  Guelfs,  Pisa  by  Ghibbelines,  and  many  of  the  cities,  like 
Florence,  were  divided  against  themselves.  In  such  places 
the  rancor  of  party  strife  was  exasperated  by  personal  ani- 
mosity. On  Frederic's  return  from  the  east,  his  veteran 
soldiers  poured  down  the  Alps  into  Lombardy,  and  quickly 
established  his  preeminence  in  the  north  and  south.  The 
city  of  Rome  itself  was  closely  invested  by  the  imperial  forces 
when  Gregory  died,  in  1241,  at  the  advanced  age  of  ninety. 

Celestine  IV.  died  within  a  few  days  of  his  election,  and 
was  followed  by  the  cardinal  Sinibaldo,  who  was  chosen  by 
the  cardinals  in  the  hope  of  concihating  the  emperor,  because 
he  had  formerly  been  his  friend.  Sinibaldo  assumed  the 
title  of  Innocent  IV.  The  very  name  which  he  selected, 
however,  seemed  to  indicate  a  spirit  of  enmity  to  imperial 
rule ;  and  when  Frederic  was  congratulated  on  the  choice 
that  had  been  made,  he  shook  his  head  and  observed, 
"  Instead  of  remaining  my  friend,  he  will  become  my  ene- 
my. No  pope  can  be  a  Ghibbehne."  Nor  was  the  empe- 
ror deceived.  Innocent  soon  showed  himself  his  implacable 
foe ;  for,  escaping  to  Lyons,  he  there  summoned  his  cardi- 
nals around  him,  and  renewed  the  anathemas  pronounced 
upon  the  emperor  by  Gregory  in  yet  severer  terms.  The 
assembled  prelates  turned  their  torches  and  candles  toward 
the  ground  and    extinguished  them,  while  Innocent  ex- 


THE  MENDICANT  ORDERS.  245 

claimed,  "So  may  the  emperor's  glory  and  prosperity 
vanish  forever !"  It  was  at  this  Council  of  Lyons  that  the 
Pope  first  conferred  the  red  habit  on  the  cardinals,  as  a 
sign  that  it  was  ever  their  duty  to  shed  their  blood  in  de- 
fense of  the  Church. 

At  this  council,  also,  Innocent  solemnly  pronounced 
Frederic  to  be  deposed  from  his  throne,  and  another  was 
nominated  in  his  place.  But  this  farce  produced  no  other 
effect  than  that  of  invoh^ng  Italy  and  Germany  in  quarrels 
and  bloodshed  during  the  whole  life  of  the  reigning  empe- 
ror. Frederic  continued  to  be  acknowledged  by  all  the 
sovereigns  of  Europe,  and  when  the  news  was  brought  him 
of  the  Pope's  extreme  sentence,  he  scornfully  bade  all  his 
crowns  to  be  placed  before  him,  and  then  exclaimed,  "  I 
still  possess  them  all,  and  no  pope  shall  deprive  me  of  them." 

The  Pope's  hostility  was,  however,  sufficiently  potent  to 
add  vehemence  to  the  strife  between  Guelf  and  Ghibbeline  ; 
and  Frederic's  life  was  worn  out  in  the  fatigues  and  reverses 
of  a  military  life,  until  death  ended  his  earthly  troubles  in 
1250.  When  Innocent  received  the  welcome  tidings  of  the 
emperor's  death  his  joy  knew  no  bounds.  "  Let  the  heav- 
ens rejoice,  and  let  the  earth  be  glad,"  were  his  words  to 
the  clergy  of  Sicily,  "for  the  tempest  and  the  thunder 
which  have  so  long  threatened  your  heads  are  changed  by 
the  death  of  that  man  into  refreshing  breezes  and  fertilizing 
dews." 

The  death  of  Frederic  had  removed  the  chief  obstacle  to 
Innocent's  ambition.  He  forthwith  prepared  to  bring  into 
subjection  the  whole  south  of  Italy ;  nor  did  he  cease  until 
he  had  seized  upon  Naples,  and  compelled  Manfred,  the 
son  of  Frederic,  and  the  real  heir  to  the  throne,  to  lead  his 
horse  by  the  bridle  as  he  crossed  the  Garigliano.  But  this 
Pontiff's  aspiring  course  was  cut  short  by  death  in  1254, 
and  he  expired  in  the  well-grounded  conviction  that  he  died 
the  most  powerful  prince  who  had  ever  filled  "  the  throne 
of  St.  Pet^r." 


246  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

POLITICAL  AMBITION   OF  THE    PAPACY THE    POPE    RANKED 

AMONG-  EUROPEAN  SOVEREIGNS. A.  D.  1254-1281. 

It  is  evident  that  the  main  object  of  papal  cupidity  had 
quite  changed  since  the  days  of  Gregory  VII.  It  was  his 
chief  aim  to  free  the  Church  from  the  domination  of  a  sec- 
ular power ;  and  he  and  his  immediate  successors  were  not 
imwilling  to  sacrifice  mere  temporal  estates  in  order  to  gain 
this  paramount  end.  Their  object  was  to  establish  the 
spiritual  supremacy  of  the  Pope.  But  the  crusades  had 
fully  accomplished  this  end ;  and  the  quarrels  of  Inno- 
cent IV.  were  the  fruits  not  of  spiritual,  but  of  temporal 
ambition.  It  was  no  longer  the  Church  of  Rome,  but  the 
court  of  Rome,  that  sought  to  establish  and  increase  its  do- 
minion. And  with  such  a  perfect  disregard  of  all  Christian 
or  even  moral  obligations  did  Innocent  pursue  this  end,  that 
the  expressions  of  the  Sultan  of  Egypt  in  reply  to  a  letter 
of  Innocent's  seem  fully  justified  :  *'  We  have  received  your 
epistle,  and  hstened  to  your  envoy.  He  has  spoken  to  us 
of  Jesus  Christ,  whom  we  know  better  than  you  know,  and 
whom  we  honor  more  than  you  honor .'"  Surely  the  osten- 
tatious "vicar  of  Christ  upon  earth"  must  have  blushed  as 
he  perused  this  rebuke  of  the  Mussulman  chief ! 

Alexander  IV.,  the  next  occupant  of  the  papal  throne, 
was  a  man  of  like  disposition  with  Innocent,  but  without 
his  abilities.  His  whole  pontificate  was  a  scene  of  turbu- 
lence. The  Lombard  cities  had  been  for  some  years  perse- 
cuted by  Eccelino,  a  powerful  noble  of  the  Ghibbehne 
party.  The  atrocious  cruelties  of  this  tyrant  rendered  his 
name  a  by-word  in  Italy  for  many  generations.  The  citi- 
zens of  Rome  had  sought  to  protect  themselves  from  such 
usurpations,  which  now  began  to  grow  common  with  the 
overgrown  baronial  chieftains,  by  committing  the  govern  - 


POLITICAL  AMBITION   OF  THE  PAPACY.  247 

ment  of  their  city  to  a  noble  of  another  city,  (not  being  able 
to  trust  their  own,)  who  was  styled  Senator  of  Rome,  and 
inherited  the  powers  which  had  formerly  been  vested  in 
the  senate.  The  senator  at  the  time  was  Brancaleone,  a 
virtuous  Bolognese  noble,  who  was  so  resolute  in  the  en- 
forcement of  order,  that  he  razed  to  the  ground  no  fewer 
than  one  hundred  and  forty  citadels  within  the  walls  of 
Rome,  which  were  occupied  by  ringleaders  of  sedition. 
He  even  exercised  his  authority  against  the  Pontiflf  himself, 
by  compelling  him  to  dwell  quietly  within  the  proper  lim- 
its of  his  see.  It  was  thus  that  in  the  ambition  of  the  feu- 
dal lords,  and  the  still  more  aspiring  spirit  of  the  popes, 
those  factions  originated  in  northern  Italy  which  paved  the 
way  for  the  fall  of  the  numerous  free  republics  that  had 
preserved  their  liberties,  under  nominal  subjection  to  the 
emperor,  for  several  centuries.  But  the  chief  transaction 
of  Alexander's  pontificate  was  his  attempt  to  repeat  the 
subjugation  of  Naples  and  Sicily  to  the  papal  yoke.  To 
eflfect  this  he  waged  war  almost  incessantly  with  Manfred, 
the  reigning  prince,  but  was  eventually  defeated  by  that 
noble's  courage  and  warlike  skill.  On  the  whole  Alexander 
added  nothing  to  the  power  or  dignity  of  the  papal  office, 
while  the  corruptness  of  the  clergy  steadily  increased.  He 
died  in  1257. 

The  rapidly-growing  power  of  Manfred  greatly  alarmed 
the  Guelfic  party,  and  led  them  to  look  to  France  for  suc- 
cor. Louis  IX.,  now  the  king  of  that  country,  was  so  de- 
voted to  the  interests  of  the  Church  that  he  has  been  can- 
onized as  a  saint,  and  it  was  not  unreasonable  to  expect 
that  so  faithful  an  auxiliary  would  render  efficient  help  in 
the  present  emergency.  It  was  probably  with  a  view  of 
increasing  the  sympathy  of  France  for  the  prosperity  of 
the  papal  power  that  the  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  a  French- 
man by  birth,  was  now  elected  to  the  pontifical  dignity. 
The  new  Pontiflf,  Urban  IV.,  well  understandm^^he 
grounds  of  his  elevation,  commenced  his  reign  by  undis- 


248  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

guised  acts  of  hostility  toward  the  quarter  from  which  dan- 
ger was  apprehended.  He  first  of  all  summoned  Manfred 
of  Naples  to  appear  before  his  tribunal,  to  answer  for  the 
many  crimes  with  which  he  stood  charged.  Upon  Man- 
fred's refusal,  the  Pope  next  excommunicated  him,  and 
then  wrote  to  the  French  court,  desiring  assistance  to  com- 
pel "  this  usurper  "  to  descend  from  the  throne.  To  make 
the  temptation  irresistible,  he  solemnly  pronounced  sentence 
of  deposition  on  Manfred,  and  conferred  the  crown  upon 
Charles  of  Anjou,  brother  of  the  French  king,  on  condition 
of  his  undertaking  the  expedition.  On  this  palpably  unjust 
and  unwarrantable  procedure  of  the  Pontiff's  did  the  house 
of  Anjou  base  their  claim  to  the  Neapolitan  crown ;  and  in 
defense  of  such  a  shadowy  title  was  Italy  tormented  by 
many  French  invasions,  and  repeatedly  deluged  with  the 
blood  of  her  bravest  sons. 

But  while  Charles  of  Anjou  was  making  preparations  for 
the  mvasion  of  Naples  Pope  Urban  died.  Yet,  that  the 
plans  of  his  pontificate  might  be  steadily  followed  up,  the 
conclave  elected  another  Frenchman  in  his  room,  who  as- 
sumed the  title  of  Clement  IV.  Soon  after  the  new  elec- 
tion Charles  of  Anjou  entered  Italy,  and  on  passing  through 
Rome  was  cordially  welcomed  by  the  Pontiff,  who  crowned 
him  in  St.  Peter's  as  King  of  the  Sicihes.  The  question 
between  Charles  and  Manfred  was  decided  a  few  weeks 
later  at  the  battle  of  Grandella,  near  Benevento,  when  Man- 
fred defended  his  cause  with  the  noblest  valor,  but  finding 
the  day  going  against  him,  threw  himself  at  last  despair- 
ingly into  the  thickest  of  the  fray,  and  quickly  fell  covered 
with  wounds.  Charles,  with  the  bigotry  and  cruelty  char- 
acteristic of  his  nature,  refused  the  dead  warrior  an  honor- 
able burial,  on  the  pretence  of  heresy ;  but  his  humaner  sol- 
diers, touched  by  the  gallantry  and  beauty  of  their  fallen 
foe,  cast  each  of  them  a  stone  upon  his  body,  which  was, 
by  this  means,  buried  beneath  a  hillock,  still  known  by  the 
natives  ais  The  Rock  of  Roses.     The  cold-hearted  Pope, 


POLITICAL  AMBITION  OF  THE  PAPACY.  249 

however,  sternly  bade  the  Bishop  of  Cosenza  to  exhume  the 
body,  because  it  was  laid  in  Church  land;  and  so  Dante 
makes  the  shade  of  Manfred  exclaim : — 

•'  Cosenza's  shepherd,  by  Pope  Clement  sent 
To  hunt  me  down, — had  he  but  read  aright 

The  Holy  Scriptures,  for  his  guidance  lent, 

My  bones  had  still  their  former  bed  possessed, 
Near  Benevento,  at  the  bridge's  head  ; 

And,  guarded  by  the  mound,  had  been  at  rest." 

Purg.,  Cant.  iii. 

In  the  wars  which  Charles  was  obliged  to  wage  perpet- 
ually, in  order  to  retain  possession  of  his  ill-gotten  territory, 
he  received  constant  aid  from  Clement  IV.,  who  has  left 
behind  him  a  disgraceful  name  for  worldly  ambition  and 
wanton  cruelty.  His  last  act  was  one  of  his  worst ;  it  was 
to  countenance  the  Neapolitan  king  in  his  sanguinary  treat- 
ment of  the  Emperor  Conradin,  Barbarossa's  last  descend- 
ant, who  was  captured  when  asserting  in  battle  his  right  to 
the  crown  of  the  Sicilies.  He  was  dragged  by  his  blood- 
thirsty victor  to  the  market-place  of  Naples,  and  there  be- 
headed on  a  scafifold  as  a  traitor  to  the  realm.  Conradin 
was  so  youthful  that  his  fate  excited  the  pity  of  even  the 
French  soldiers  who  had  taken  him ;  and  when  the  touch- 
ing cry  escaped  him — "  0,  my  mother,  how  dreadful  is 
the  grief  that  awaits  thee  for  my  fate!"  a  shout  of  indigna- 
tion arose  from  the  crowd  of  spectators.  But  the  tyrant's 
vindictive  spirit  was  not  to  be  mollified,  and  the  emperor's 
wife,  sister,  and  children,  with  nearly  all  the  Ghibbehnes 
that  could  be  seized,  shared  his  unhappy  fate.  It  may  be 
hoped  that  the  statement  is  true,  that  Clement  felt  so  much 
remorse  for  the  part  he  had  borne  in  this  outrageous  crime 
that  his  end  was  greatly  hastened  by  sorrow. 

Thus  terminated  the  long  struggle  between  the  popes 
and  the  emperors,  which,  commenced  by  Hildebrand  and 
Henry  IV.,  had  continued,  with  scarcely  an  intermission, 
for  more  than  two  centuries.     The  Pope  had  gained  a  com- 

11* 


250  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

* 

plete  victory.  Aided  much  by  that  devotion  to  papal  au- 
thority which  the  crusades  had  generally  diffused,  but 
much  more  by  the  intestine  divisions  of  the  empire,  arising 
naturally  from  the  feudal  system,  the  pontiffs  had  at  length 
triumphantly  succeeded  in  trampling  under  foot  the  success- 
ors of  Charlemagne.  Henceforth  Germany  was  no  longer 
united  under  a  single  head.  "Emperors,"  indeed,  there 
were,  but  the  empire  had  ceased  to  exist,  and  the  German 
rulers  became  mere  puppets  of  the  Pope.  To  avert  the 
danger  of  one  prince  in  Germany  rising  to  predominant 
power,  these  princes  all  consented  to  accept  the  Pontiff's 
nominee,  and  style  him  emperor,  that  so  no  real  monarch 
might  control  or  thwart  them  in  following  their  own  ambi- 
tious aims. 

By  the  death  of  Clement  IV.  a  vacancy  was  created  not 
easily  supplied.  The  mutual  jealousy  of  the  conclave, 
every  member  of  which  now  aspired  to  the  tiara,  occa- 
sioned a  contest  which  lasted  for  nearly  three  years ;  but 
at  length,  in  1272,  they  agreed  to  elect  Theobald,  a  native 
of  Placenza,  who  assumed  the  title  of  Gregory  X.  The 
new  Pontiff  had  recently  returned  from  the  Holy  Land ;  in- 
deed at  the  time  of  his  election  he  was  yet  absent,  and  he 
so  deeply  sympathized  with  the  oppression  endured  by  the 
Christian  inhabitants  of  that  country,  that  his  first  effort, 
was  to  excite  once  more  a  crusade  in  their  defense.  His 
earnestness  in  the  cause  alone  gave  him  success,  for  the 
motives  of  the  popes  in  stirring  up  a  crusading  spirit  now 
began  to  be  better  understood,  so  clearly  had  these  expe- 
ditions brought  advantage  and  emolument  only  to  them. 
But  Gregory's  evident  sincerity  attached  some  value  to  ar- 
guments intrinsically  worthless.  His  impassioned  appeals 
to  the  European  monarchs  prevailed,  and  the  kings  of 
France,  England,  Aragon,  and  Sicily,  agreed  to  engage  in 
the  enterprise.  A  more  active,  because  a  more  interested 
ally,  was  Rudolf,  the  new  emperor,  who  offered  to  com- 
mand the  expedition.     Rudolf,  although  only  a  petty  count 


POLITICAL  AMBITION   OF  THE   PAPACY.  251 

and  mere  military  adventurer,  had  been  raised  to  the  impe- 
rial throne  by  the  mutual  consent  of  the  Pope  and  the 
barons  of  Germany,  partly  because  of  his  warlike  habits, 
which  insured  his  sturdy  opposition  to  the  ambition  of 
other  Gei-man  princes,  and  partly  because,  as  a  hearty 
Guelf,  he  was  a  safe  instrument  for  the  Pope.  He  had 
agreed,  if  elected,  to  yield  unconditional  obedience  to  the 
Roman  See,  to  renounce  all  claim  upon  Italy,  and  to  enter 
into  alliance  with  the  house  of  Anjou.  And  that  he  might 
further  be  deprived  of  any  pretext  for  a  visit  to  Rome, 
Gregory  hastened  in  person  to  Lausanne,  and  there,  re- 
ceiving the  rich  prize  of  an  emperor's  homage,  bestowed 
upon  him  the  far  cheaper  benedictions  of  the  Church. 

During  Gregory's  pontificate,  a  council  was  held  in  the 
city  of  Lyons,  in  which  the  Pope's  first  object  was  to  for- 
ward his  projected  cnisad^.  He  also  enacted  various  de- 
crees for  regulating  the  election  of  bishops,  for  the  man- 
agement of  the  lower  ranks  of  the  clergy,  and  for  check- 
ing the  growth  of  the  mendicant  orders,  which  already  be- 
gan to  displa}^  an  unnily  and  turbulent  spirit.  But  the 
most  remarkable  decree  of  this  council  was  that  for  the 
proper  election  of  popes,  by  which  it  was  ordained  that  the 
cardinals  should  be  shut  up  in  one  chamber,  which  they 
were  not  to  leave  until  their  choice  was  finally  made.  If 
in  three  days  tliey  had  not  arrived  at  a  decision,  their  food 
was  to  be  limited  to  a  single  dish  at  each  meal,  and,  after 
the  fifteenth  day,  they  were  to  receive  nothing  but  bread, 
wine,  and  water.  These  regulations  have  continued,  with 
but  slight  modifications,  to  the  present  day,  and  have 
proved  so  efficacious,  that  for  nearly  six  hundred  years 
there  have  been  but  few  instances  of  a  long-disputed  election. 

In  returning  from  this  council,  Gregory  passed  through 
the  cities  of  Tuscany,  and  anxious  that  no  domestic  dissen- 
sions should  interfere  with  this  darling  project  of  uniting 
all  parties  in  another  crusade,  he  spared  no  pains  to  har- 
monize the  fierce  strifes  between  Guelf s  and  Ghibbelines, 


252  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

whicli  in  every  part  of  Northern  Italy  grew  more  intensely 
bitter,  now  that  the  unquestionable  triumph  of  the  Pope 
caused  them  to  assume  a  local  rather  than  a  political  char- 
acter. In  this  good  design,  however,  he  met  with  but  in- 
different success.  The  passions  which  had  been  constantly 
fed  with  fresh  fuel  for  successive  generations,  were  not  to 
be  quenched  in  a  day.  Florence  feigned  submission,  and 
then  immediately  renewed  its  quarrels,  for  which  the  indig- 
nant Pontiff  laid  it  under  an  interdict.  But  Gregory  himself 
gave  a  singular  proof  soon  afterward  of  the  levity  with 
which  the  papal  censures  were  now  employed.  Being  com- 
pelled to  cross  the  Arno  by  the  bridge  of  Florence,  he  re- 
stored his  benediction  to  the  city  while  he  traveled  through 
it,  and  excommunicated  it  again  as  soon  as  he  had  passed 
the  gates  ;  "  because,"  says  the  historian,  "  it  was  not  de- 
cent for  a  Pope  to  pass  through  a  city  under  interdict." 
The  preparations  for  Gregory's  crusade  were  all  complete ; 
but  *'  before  one  galley  had  departed,  or,  perhaps,  one 
soldier  embarked,"  the  Pontiff  fell  sick  and  died.  "  From 
that  moment,"  says  Sismondi,  "  the  kings  into  whom  he 
had  inspired  his  enthusiasm  renounced  their  chivalrous  proj- 
ects ;  the  Greeks  returned  to  their  schisms,  and  the  Catho- 
lics, divided  afresh,  turned  against  each  other  those  arms 
which  they  had  consecrated  to  the  deliverance  of  Pales- 
tine." 

Innocent  V.  succeeded  Gregory,  but  died  immediately 
after  his  consecration.  Adrian  V.,  his  successor,  died  be- 
fore that  ceremony  could  be  performed ;  and  John  XXI., 
who  followed  next,  was  killed  about  three  months  after  his 
election  by  the  falling  in  of  the  roof  of  his  apartment. 

Nicholas  III.  is,  therefore,  the  next  Pontiff  of  whose  life 
we  have  anything  to  record.  He  ascended  the  throne  in 
1211,  and,  short  as  was  his  reign,  proved,  by  his  consum- 
mate artifice  and  policy,  that  he  was  well  quahfied  for  a 
post  which  was  now  become  notorious  for  the  grasping  am- 
bition and  unscrupulous  craftiness  of  its  occupants.     The 


POLITICAL  AMBITION  OF  THE  PAPACY.  253 

tyrant  of  Naples,  Charles  of  Anjou,  had  been  promoted  to 
that  crown  in  the  hope  of  his  continuing  a  staunch  defender 
of  the  Church.  The  same  expectation  had  led  to  his 
being  appointed  vicar-general  of  the  Roman  See.  But  the 
unbounded  rapaciousness  of  that  prince  developed  itself 
anew  as  new  opportunities  arose,  and  he  now  laid  claim  to 
the  government  of  Tuscany  and  Lombardy,  as  protector 
of  the  estates  belonging  to  the  Church.  Nicholas,  how- 
ever, with  the  most  refined  diplomacy,  played  off  the  Em- 
peror Rudolf  against  Chai-les,  and  then  Charles  against  the 
Emperor.  He  incited  Rudolf  to  threaten  an  invasion  of 
Italy,  to  recover  to  imiyerial  rule  the  ancient  fiefs  of  the 
empire  on  the  south  of  the  Alps,  taking  care  to  make  him 
first  of  all  promise  to  restore  to  the  Church  all  the  lands 
which  had  been  bequeathed  to  her  from  the  days  of  Con- 
stantine  the  Great  to  those  of  the  Countess  Matilda.  Then, 
while  the  Neapolitan  king  trembled  at  the  threatened  ven- 
geance, the  wily  Pontiff  engaged  to  avert  it  on  condition  of 
Charles's  renouncing  his  claims  upon  any  part  of  Italy  lying 
north  of  the  boundaries  of  Naples.  It  was,  therefore,  by 
this  cunning  and  fraudulent  procedure  that  the  popes  be- 
came enrolled  among  the  sovereigns  of  Europe ;  for,  until 
the  time  of  Nicholas  III.,  the  Pontiff  had  always  been  in 
the  anomalous  position  of  a  titular  monarch  without  a  fixed 
territory — of  a  ruler  without  any  defined  population  of 
subjects  whom  he  might  indisputably  claim  to  rule. 

The  brief  reign  of  Nicholas  III.  thus  becomes  an  import- 
ant epoch  in  the  history  of  the  papacy.  It  lasted  hardly 
three  years,  but  he  contrived  in  so  short  a  period  to  place 
the  popedom  on  that  lofty  eminence  to  which  it  had  al- 
ways aspired ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  and  by  the  same 
step,  to  prepare  the  way  for  its  future  decline.  For  no 
sooner  had  the  Pope  taken  his  place  among  ordinary  sov- 
ereigns, than  he  began  to  lose  that  moral  power  which  he 
had  formerly  exercised  over  all  who  professed  the  Chris- 
tian faith.     Christ's  sole  vicar  upon  earth,  and  the  great 


254  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

head  of  the  universal  Church,  gradually  sank  in  general  es- 
teem, till  he  came  to  be  regarded  as  merely  the  second-rate 
sovereign  of  a  petty  Italian  State. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE  PAPACY   CULMINATES  AND  DECLINES  UNDER    POPE 
BONIFACE  VIII. A.  D.  1281-1303. 

To  Nicholas  succeeded  Martin  IV.,  whose  pontificate  is 
made  revoltingly  memorable  by  the  tragical  event  known 
in  history  as  the  "  Sicilian  Vespers."  The  cruelty  of 
Charles  of  Anjou  had  provoked  among  the  Sicihans  a  spirit 
of  deadly  revenge,  which  broke  out  at  last  in  the  most  aw- 
ful of  all  forms.  On  the  evening  of  Easter  Monday,  1282, 
while  the  citizens  of  Palermo  were  moving  m  procession  to 
hear  the  vesper  service,  a  young  maiden  of  rank  and  beauty 
was  insulted  by  one  of  Charles's  French  soldiers.  The 
Sicilians  seized  the  moment  of  excitement  to  avenge  them- 
selves for  all  former  provocations.  While  the  vesper-bell 
was  yet  tolling,  a  massacre  of  the  French  began,  which 
did  not  cease  in  Palermo  till  every  Frenchman  had  been 
slaughtered ;  and,  spreading  from  that  city  to  the  rest  of 
the  island,  included  among  its  victims  no  fewer  than  eight 
thousand,  before  the  demon  of  revenge  was  satiated  with 
blood.  Of  Martin  himself  it  is  enough  to  know  that  he  was 
a  confederate  and  ally  of  the  execrable  Charles,  and  that  he 
bore  such  inveterate  enmity  to  the  German  nation,  that  he 
did  not  hesitate  to  say  openly  that  "  he  wished  Germany 
were  a  pond  full  of  fish,  and  he  a  pike,  that  he  might  swal- 
low them  all !"  Such  was  now  the  spirit  of  the  men  who 
still  blasphemously  dared  to  call  themselves  "  Christ's 
^^cars  upon  earth."  O  sacred  name  of  the  meek  and  lowly 
Jesus,  how  hast  thou  been  abused ! 

HoNORius  IV,   and  Nicholas  IV.  were  neither  of  them 


THE  PAPACY  CULMINATES  A^'D  DECLINES.  255 

extraordinary  men,  nor  did  their  pontificates  produce  any- 
very  remarkable  events.  The  one  reigned  only  three,  and 
the  other  but  four  years ;  for  the  popedom  had  now  be- 
come so  rich  a  prize  that  old  age  and  decrepitude  were  re- 
garded by  the  conclave  as  the  most  desirable  qualifications 
for  the  post.  None  but  the  most  aged  were  elected,  with 
a  view  of  shortly  renewing  the  election.  Celestine  V., 
however,  who  wore  the  tiara  during  the  year  1294,  is 
worthy  of  some  notice,  not  indeed  for  the  events  of  his 
brief  reign,  but  for  the  singularity  of  his  character.  The 
cardinals  had  been  for  some  time  divided  respecting  the 
choice  of  a  successor  to  Nicholas  lY.,  when  one  of  their 
number  announced  that  Peter,  the  hermit  of  Murrone,  had 
received  a  solemn  revelation  from  heaven,  while  bowing  at 
midnight  before  the  altar,  announcing  that  some  awful  ca- 
lamity would  happen  unless  their  election  was  made  within 
the  four  following  months.  The  mention  of  the  hermit's 
name  introduced  a  discussion  of  his  character.  His  auster- 
ity and  self-denying  manner  of  life,  his  numerous  virtues, 
and  his  fame  for  miraculous  powers,  were  all  recounted. 
At  length,  notwithstanding  the  mocking  sneers  of  Benedict 
of  Gaeta,  the  cardinals  resolved  that  no  better  pontiflF  could 
be  found  than  Pietro  da  Murrone.  The  deputation  who 
waited  upon  him  abandoned  their  steeds  at  the  town  of 
Sulmone,  and  commenced  on  foot  their  ascent  of  the  moun- 
tain MuiTone,  on  the  side  of  which  the  hermit's  solitaiy 
abode  was  fixed.  The  path  was  rugged,  the  scene  deso- 
late and  bleak.  The  embassy  foimd  Peter  in  his  cell,  a 
natural  cave  in  the  hill-side,  and  not  being  allowed  to  enter, 
communicated  their  business  throug^h  an  iron-latticed  win- 
dow.  The  old  man  listened  in  astonishment.  His  wan  and 
furrowed  countenance  flushed  strangely  at  the  news,  and 
his  emaciated  frame  trembled  violently,  and  at  last  sunk 
upon  the  flooring  of  his  cave.  After  spending  a  few  mo- 
ments in  prayer,  he  replied,  "  I  accept  the  pontificate :  I 
dare  not  resist  the  will  of  God,  or  be  wanting  to  the  Church 


256  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

in  her  necessity."  He  then  hastened  to  quit  his  cell,  and 
shortly  afterward  descended  the  lonely  mountain  where  he 
had  dwelt  so  many  years,  riding  on  an  ass,  the  bridle  being 
held  by  two  princes — the  kings  of  Sicily  and  Hungary. 
Arrived  at  Rome,  he  was  greeted  by  the  conclave,  and 
assumed  the  title  of  Celestine  V. 

But  this  transition  from  a  cell  to  a  palace,  from  solitude 
to  the  active  business  of  the  pontificate,  was  too  sudden  and 
too  vast  a  change  for  Celestine's  intellect  to  bear.     Natu- 
rally of  weak  understanding,  wholly  uncultivated  by  study, 
and  as  simple  as  a  child  in  the  manners  of  the  world,  he 
became  the  butt  of  Roman  ridicule,  instead  of  an  object  of 
veneration  and  homage.      His  simplicity  tempted  and  re- 
warded deception,  and  he  was  guilty  of  the  most  extraor- 
dinary errors  in  the  discharge  of  his  easiest  duties.     Under 
the  subtile  influence  of  the  Sicilian  king,  he  took  up  his 
abode  at  Naples  in  preference  to  Rome,  and  it  was  a  natu- 
ral complaint  of  the  Romans  that  he  should  prefer  bemg 
entertained  as   a  guest  to  reigning  as  a  monarch.     And 
when,  at  length,  at  Charles  of  Anjou's  request,  Celestine 
added  seven  Frenchmen  at  once  to  the  college  of  cardinals, 
the  murmurs  of  the  priesthood  could  no  longer  be  restrained, 
and  they  gave  open  expression  to  their  displeasure.     To 
Celestine  himself  the  honors  of  the  popedom  had  been  only 
a  grievous  burden,  and  its  business  an  irksome  task.     He 
sighed  for  the  quiet  solitude  of  his  hermitage,  and  even  had 
a  cell  constructed  in  the  midst  of  his  palace,  whither  he 
might  occasionally  retire  for  meditation  and  prayer ;  so  that 
he  was  quite  prepared  for  the  suggestion  of  the  Cardinal 
Benedict  of  Gaeta,  that  he  had  better  resign  a  post  for 
which  he  was  so  obviously  unfitted.     With  far  greater  joy 
did  he  relinquish  the  tiara  than  he  had  felt  in  assuming  it, 
and  after  only  five  months  of  power  he  quitted  the  papal 
throne,  to  spend  the  remainder  of  his  days  in  his  beloved 
solitude. 

But  grateful  as  the  resignation  of  Celestine  was  to  the 


THE  PAPACY  CULMINATES  AND  DECLINES.  257 

cardinals,  it  was  regarded  as  shameful  by  all  who  thought 
the  spiritual  duties  of  the  popedom  of  more  consequence 
than  its  temporal  advantages,  and  its  honor  of  greater  mo- 
ment than  its  emoluments.  Dante  has  indignantly  placed 
the  recreant  Celestine  in  his  imaginary  hell  among  the  spirits 
who,  stung  by  wasps  and  hornets,  are  condemned  to  follow 
forever,  in  giddy  whirl,  the  movements  of  an  incessantly 
revolving  flag — 

«  o    o    o    tt    When  some  of  these  I  recognized,  I  saw 
And  knew  the  shade  of  him  who  to  base  fear 
Yielding,  abjured  his  high  estate." 

Infern.,  Cant.  iii. 

The  persuasions  of  Benedict  of  Gaeta  had  not  been  dis- 
interested. In  fact,  he  had  only  removed  Celestine  to  make 
way  for  himself,  and  he  now  ascended  the  papal  throne  with 
the  title  of  Boniface  YIII.  In  him  the  spirit  of  Gregory  YII. 
and  of  Innocent  III.  hved  once  again.  Arrogant  and  auda- 
cious as  either,  he  was  more  selfish  and  avaricious  than  both. 
He  was  just  the  man  to  strain  the  pretensions  of  the  papacy 
beyond  all  endurable  limits ;  and  this  he  so  eflfectually  ac- 
complished, that  it  is  from  the  days  of  Boniface  VIII.  that 
we  trace  the  gradual  decay  of  the  papal  power.  Boniface 
commenced  his  pontificate  by  asserting  his  right  to  adjudi- 
cate in  all  matters  whatsoever  in  every  part  of  the  world. 
Albert,  of  Austria,  had  slain  his  competitors  for  the  impe- 
rial crown,  and  thereupon  sent  to  the  Pope  for  the  custom- 
ary confirmation.  Boniface  replied  to  the  messenger  by 
putting  the  crown  upon  his  head,  and  exclaiming,  "It  is  I 
who  am  Caesar — it  is  I  who  am  emperor !"  And  from  that 
time  it  became  usual  for  the  pontiflFs  to  wear  a  double  crown, 
indicating  their  temporal  as  well  as  spiritual  supremacy, 
until  the  conceit  of  a  later  pope  added  a  third  diadem  to 
the  bauble. 

There  seemed  literally  no  limits  to  the  arrogance  of  Boni- 
face. As  if  he  were  more  than  human,  he  pretended  to 
give  and  take  away  crowns  and  scepters  by  the  mere  ex- 


258  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

pression  of  Lis  ■will.  Sardinia  and  Corsica  he  bestowed  on 
James  of  Aragon ;  Hungary,  on  the  grandson  of  Charles 
of  Anjou.  The  crown  of  Scotland  he  asserted  to  be  his, 
and  imperiously  ordered  the  English  conqueror  of  that  coun- 
try, Edward  I.,  to  withdraw  his  troops.  These  ridiculous 
pretensions  were  fruitful  indeed  only  of  discord ;  but  they 
show  to  what  a  degree  this  Pope  was  prepared  to  indulge 
his  monstrous  appetite  for  power. 

On  the  decline  of  the  empire,  the  French  monarch  had 
found  himself  by  far  the  most  potent  in  Europe  ;  and  Philip 
the  Fair,  who  now  occupied  the  throne,  was  not  disposed 
to  submit  to  the  offensive  dictation  and  absurd  claims  set 
up  by  Pope  Boniface  YIII.  The  jealousies  of  these  two 
men  soon  led  to  a  quarrel,  the  results  of  which  secured  to 
the  French  nation  some  lasting  protection  from  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  Pope,  and  at  the  same  time  discovered  to  the 
world  the  essential  weakness  of  the  papacy,  notwithstand- 
ing its  boastful  and  swaggering  demeanor.  This  quaiTel 
prepared  the  way  for  a  series  of  struggles,  which  eventually 
brought  about  the  great  Reformation.  Boniface  had  heard 
that  the  king  had  levied  taxes  on  the  clergy  of  his  realm, 
as  well  as  on  the  laity — an  act  which  the  Pope  regarded  as 
a  presumptuous  infringement  of  his  rights.  He  therefore 
pronounced  sentence  of  excommunication  upon  all  who 
should  afterward  exact  such  impositions,  and  even  against 
all  who  should  pay  them.  To  this  bull  Philip  replied  by 
an  edict  forbidding  the  export  of  any  money  or  jewels  from 
France,  thereby  preventing  the  Pope  from  obtaining  the 
tribute  which  the  French  clergy  were  in  the  habit  of  sending. 

It  was,  probably,  through  lack  of  supplies,  owing  to  this 
edict,  that  Boniface  invented  a  new  method  of  replenishing 
the  papal  exchequer.  The  year  1300  was  at  hand,  and 
Boniface  bethought  him  that  the  plenary  indulgences  which 
had  formerly  been  bestowed  on  crusaders  might,  now  that 
the  crusading  spirit  was  wholly  extinct,  be  conferred,  with 
great  profit  to  himself,  on  all  who  should,  once  in  a  hundred 


THE  PAPACY  CULMINATES  AND  DECLINES.      259 

years,  make  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome.  The  jubilee  was  there- 
fore proclaimed.  So  great  was  the  success  of  this  ingenious 
conception,  that  no  fewer  than  two  hundred  thousand 
foreigners  were  estimated  to  be  in  the  city  at  one  time,  by 
an  eye-witness  of  the  scene ;  and  as  many  as  two  millions 
were  said  to  have  visited  Rome  in  the  course  of  the  year. 
The  oflferings  of  so  many  superstitiously  devout  strangers  at 
the  various  shrines  of  the  city  were  so  large  a  source  of 
revenue,  that  we  need  not  be  surprised  that  the  jubilee 
came  ultimately  to  be  celebrated  every  twenty-fifth  year. 
The  only  wonder  is,  that  the  fertile  invention  of  the  pon- 
tifical genius  did  not  discover  some  excellent  reason  for  re- 
newing it  yet  oftener. 

In  1301  the  French  king  took  another  step  which 
offended  the  Pope,  who  regarded  it  as  a  slight,  if  not  an 
insult  to  himself.  A  bishop  had  committed  treason,  and 
had  therefore  been  imprisoned,  and  Philip  wrote  to  the 
Pontiff  desiring  that  the  culprit  might  be  suspended  from 
office.  Boniface  immediately  published  a  bull,  convening 
all  the  clergy  of  France  to  an  assembly  at  Rome,  and  re- 
plying to  the  king  by  insisting  that  the  bishop  should  be 
instantly  released,  because  no  layman,  not  even  a  king,  had 
power  to  incarcerate  a  priest.  "  God,"  said  the  imperious 
Pope,  "  has  set  me  over  the  nations  and  kingdoms,  to  root 
out  and  pull  down,  to  build  and  to  plant  in  his  name.  I 
give  you  to  know  that  you  are  our  subject  both  in  spirituals 
and  temporals."  The  king  contemptuously  replied  to  this 
nonsense,  "  We  give  your  foolship  to  know  that  in  tem- 
porals we  are  subject  to  no  man."  The  bull  of  Pope  Boni- 
face was  publicly  burned  in  the  city  of  Paris,  and  Philip 
immediately  convoked  a  parliament,  before  which  he  laid 
the  whole  question  between  himself  and  the  Pope.  The 
barons  took  part  with  their  king ;  and  even  the  clergy  felt 
that  they  owed  a  divided  allegiance,  and  petitioned  the  Pope 
to  be  exempted  from  attending  his  projected  assembly. 
But  the  Pope  would  not  listen  to  their  prayer.    He  rebuked 


260  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

them  for  their  faithlessness  and  cowardice,  and  urged  them 
to  hasten  to  his  presence.  A  few  of  the  clergy  complied ; 
and  in  the  council  which  followed,  Boniface  issued  another 
bull,  in  which  he  asserted  that  there  was  but  one  head  of 
the  Church,  namely,  Peter,  and  Peter's  successor ;  that  in 
the  power  of  the  chief  are  two  swords,  the  spiritual  and  the 
material,  the  one  to  be  used  by  the  Church  and  the  other 
for  it ;  the  former  in  the  hand  of  the  priest,  the  latter  in  the 
hand  of  the  soldier,  but  at  the  nod  and  sufferance  of  the 
priest;  and  that,  "therefore,  we  declare,  define,  and  pro- 
nounce, that  it  is  absolutely  essential  to  the  salvation  of 
every  human  being  that  he  be  subject  to  the  Roman  Pon- 
tiff." To  this  audacious  bull  Boniface  appended  a  sentence 
of  excommunication  against  all  kings,  emperors,  or  others, 
who  should  hinder  those  who  desired  to  present  themselves 
before  the  Roman  See. 

Such  astounding  assumptions  as  these  could  only  be  met 
by  a  full  and  unqualified  denial.  But  the  king  of  France 
hesitated  awhile  before  he  decided  in  what  way  the  denial 
could  best  be  enforced.  At  last  he  resolved  on  having 
recourse  to  stratagem,  and  determined  to  surprise  the  Pon- 
tiff in  his  own  dominions.  Boniface  had  excited  much 
hostility  toward  himself  in  Rome  by  his  harsh  treatment 
of  the  ancient  and  noble  family  of  Colonna,  whose  posses- 
sions he  had  seized,  and  one  of  whom,  Sciarra  Colonna,  he 
had  compelled  to  take  refuge  in  France.  This  Colonna,  in 
conjunction  with  De  Nogaret,  an  eminent  French  civilian, 
undertook  the  hazardous  task  of  punishing  Boniface  for  his 
presumptuous  and  insolent  behavior. 

Proceeding  to  Italy,  they  first  procured  the  services  of  a 
troop  of  armed  men,  and  then  hastened  to  Anagni,  the  birth- 
place and  usual  residence  of  the  Pope.  There,  Boniface 
was  preparing  to  issue,  within  a  few  days,  another  bull, 
declaring  that,  "  as  Christ's  vicar,  he  had  power  to  govern 
kings  with  a  rod  of  iron,  and  to  dash  them  in  pieces  hke  a 
potter's  vessel."     But  his  dream  of  ambition  was  suddenly 


THE  PAPACY  CULMINATES  AND  DECLINES.      261 

broken  when  he  heard  the  horsemen  of  Colonna  and  No- 
garet  galloping  through  the  streets  of  Anagni,  and  shout- 
ing, "  Success  to  the  king  of  France  !  Death  to  Pope  Boni- 
face !"  The  intruders  easily  became  masters  of  the  pon- 
tifical palace,  and  gained  admission  to  the  presence  of  the 
Pope.  Boniface  was  not  destitute  of  courage,  and  like 
Gregory  VII.  he  could  sustain  adversity  with  composure 
and  dignity.  "  Since  I  am  betrayed,"  said  he,  "  I  will  at 
least  die  like  a  Pope.  Then  clothing  himself  in  his  official 
vestments,  placing  the  tiara  on  his  head,  and  grasping  in  his 
hands  the  keys  and  the  crosier,  he  seated  himself  in  the 
pontifical  chair.  In  this  posture,  Colonna  and  Nogaret 
found  him  when  they  burst  into  his  apartment,  and  they 
were  so  far  awed  by  his  venerable  aspect,  (he  was  now 
eighty-six  years  of  age,)  that  they  laid  no  violent  hands  on 
his  person,  but  contented  themselves  with  keeping  him  in 
close  confinement.  Nogaret  and  Colonna  remained  longer 
at  Anagni  than  prudence  would  have  suggested.  The  in- 
habitants of  the  town  were  in  the  course  of  a  few  days 
incited  by  the  cardinals  to  attempt  a  rescue,  and  the  attempt 
succeeded.  The  French  intruders  were  either  expelled  or 
killed,  and  Boniface  was  restored  to  freedom. 

But  so  proud  a  spirit  as  his  could  not  brook  the  insult  it 
had  received.  Like  Gregory  VII.  he  pined  away  with  a 
broken  heart,  but  in  Boniface  this  excess  of  grief  produced 
insanity.  He  hurried  to  Rome,  panting  for  revenge ;  but 
his  passion  overpowered  his  reason,  and  he  was  soon  in- 
capable of  any  active  exertion.  His  countenance  grew 
haggard,  his  mouth  was  continually  white  with  foam,  and 
he  gnashed  his  teeth  in  obstinate  silence.  He  refused  all 
food,  and  was  too  restless  to  sleep,  so  that  his  strength 
rapidly  declined.  Findmg  himself  near  death,  he  insisted 
on  his  attendants  quitting  the  room.  That  haughty  spirit 
would  have  no  human  witness  of  its  death-agony.  And 
when  at  length,  apprehensive  of  the  awful  reality,  they 
burst  into  the  apartment,  they  found  him  dead,  cold,  and 


262  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

stiff.  In  his  hands  he  still  grasped  his  staff,  which  bore  the 
evident  marks  of  his  teeth,  and  was  covered  with  foam. 
His  white  locks  were  stained  with  blood,  and  his  head  was 
closely  wrapped  in  the  covering  of  the  bed,  so  that  it  was 
concluded  by  all  that  he  had  died  a  violent  death.  What 
can  possibly  teach  more  affectingly  than  these  death-throes 
of  the  wretched  Boniface  how  indispensable  for  peace  in 
the  dying  hour  is  the  renewed  nature  which  the  gospel 
exhorts  us  to  seek  ?  In  Boniface,  the  natural  passions  of 
the  heart  continued  uncurbed  and  rampant  to  the  end,  and 
a  death  of  horror  was  the  result.  Had  he  spent  but  a 
tithe  of  the  labor  which  he  lavished  upon  schemes  of 
worldly  ambition  in  a  sincere  effort  to  know  that  Saviour 
whom  he  pretended  to  serve,  he  might  have  borne  the 
pressure  of  adversity  with  calmness,  and  in  his  dying  hour 
might  have  rolled  that  heaviest  burden  of  all — the  burden 
of  his  sins — upon  Him  who  "  suffered,  the  Just  for  the  un- 
just," and  who  said,  "  Come  unto  me,  all  ye  that  labor  and 
are  heavy  laden,  and  I  will  give  you  rest." 

It  was,  happily  for  the  world,  the  mistake  of  Boniface  to 
misunderstand  the  times  in  which  he  lived.  When  he 
engaged  in  the  struggle  with  Philip  the  Fair,  it  was  without 
duly  calculating  the  strength  of  his  foe.  Apparently,  the 
authority  of  the  popedom  was  greater  than  ever  when  Boni- 
face ascended  the  throne ;  but  in  truth  it  was  already  much 
undermined  by  the  advancing  labors  of  civilization.  It  was 
the  age  of  Dante,  who  held  the  torch  to  that  noble  band 
of  literary  pioneers  whose  toils  prepared  the  way  for  the 
overthrow  of  papal  domination.  No  wonder,  then,  that 
Dante  himself  was  an  object  of  hatred  to  Boniface.  The 
spite  of  the  Pontiff  caused  the  poet  to  be  banished  from  his 
beloved  Florence,  and  Dante  makes  frequent  allusion  to  the 
proud  and  avaricious  Pope  in  the  course  of  his  great  poem. 
Boniface  was  still  alive  when  the  "  Divine  Comedy"  was 
composed,  so  that  he  could  not  with  propriety  be  included 
among  the  wretches  of  whose  miseries  the  poet  makes  him- 


THE   POI'ES   RESIDE   AT   AVIGNON.  263 

self  in  the  allegory  a  personal  eye-witness.  But  his  coming 
fate  is  foreshadowed  when  the  seer  represents  himself  as 
accosted  in  the  third  gulf  of  hell  by  Pope  Nicholas  III., 
who  mistakes  him  for  Boniface,  just  arrived  at  these  abodes 
of  torment.     The  writhing  and  gasping  Nicholas  exclaims, 

•• Already  standest  there? 


Already  standest  there,  0  Boniface ! 
So  early  dost  thou  surfeit  with  the  wealth 
For  which  thou  fearedst  not  in  guile  to  take 
The  lovely  lady,--'  and  then  mangle  her  V 

Infer n.^  Cant.  xix. 

Elsewhere  the  poet  styles  Boniface  "  Chief  of  the  New 
Pharisees,"  and  indeed  it  was  a  common  saying  respecting 
this  unhappy  Pontiff,  that  he  "  gained  the  popedom  like  a 
fox,  lived  in  it  like  a  lion,  and  died  like  a  dog."  Powerful 
as  was  the  scepter  of  the  Church  when  held  in  his  hands, 
and  fully  as  he  developed  the  true  spirit  of  the  papacy,  not 
even  Rome  has  dared  to  include  Boniface  VIII.  among  the 
number  of  her  saints. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  POPES  RESIDE  AT  AVIGNON,  AND   GROW  AVARICIOUS. 
A.  D.  1303-1350. 

*'  There  is,"  says  the  philosophical  Hallam,  "  a  spell  wrought 
by  uninterrupted  good  fortune  which  captivates  men's  un- 
derstandings, and  persuades  them,  against  reasoning  and 
analogy,  that  violent  power  is  immortal  and  irresistible. 
The  spell  is  broken  by  the  first  change  of  success."  Very 
strikingly  is  the  truth  of  this  remark  illustrated  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  popes  who  followed  Boniface  VIII.  From  that 
Pontiff's  reign  the  decline  of  papal  power  can  be  distinctly 
traced.     He  had  truly  "  strained  his  authority  to  a  higher 

«♦  The  Church. 


264  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

pitch  than  any  had  done  before  him,"  and  the  reaction 
which  set  in  upon  his  death  proves  how  really  baseless  was 
the  vast  edijfice  which  his  predecessors  and  himself  had 
taken  such  unwearied  pains  to  construct.  Without  founda- 
tion in  justice,  the  sole  creation  of  superstition,  it  began  to 
dissolve  away  like  a  palace  of  enchantment  as  soon  as  the 
charm  was  dispelled.  And,  beside  the  growing  influence 
of  literature,  the  successful  violence  of  Philip,  an  excommu- 
nicated prince,  in  imprisoning,  insulting,  and  eventually  de- 
priving of  life  the  mightiest  potentate  in  Christendom,  or, 
indeed,  on  earth,  was  enough  to  undeceive  mankind,  and  very 
quickly  produced  the  most  disastrous  results  to  the  papac)^ 

Benedict  XL,  who  succeeded  Boniface,  immediately 
sought  to  conciliate  the  French  king.  Of  his  own  accord 
he  rescinded  the  sentence  of  excommunication  under  which 
that  monarch  lay,  and  would  doubtless  have  proceeded  fur- 
ther in  the  same  direction  but  for  his  sudden  death,  which 
took  place  only  nine  months  after  his  election.  It  was  said 
that  he  died  by  poison,  and  that  the  king  of  France  bribed 
two  cardinals  to  commit  the  murder.  Without  vouching 
for  the  truth  of  this  statement,  the  popular  estimation  of 
the  priestly  and  royal  character  of  that  age  is  sufiiciently 
disclosed  by  the  existence  of  such  a  report. 

Philip  the  Fair  had  now  enough  influence  in  the  conclave 
to  secure  the  election  of  a  Pope  wholly  favorable  to  his  own 
views.  The  admission,  by  Celestine  V.,  of  so  many  French 
subjects  into  that  body,  had  given  to  French  interests  a 
very  decided  preponderance,  and  at  the  suggestion  of  Philip, 
the  Archbishop  of  Bordeaux,  Bertrand  de  Got,  was  the 
next  occupant  of  the  papal  throne.  Clement  V.,  which 
was  the  title  assumed  by  the  new  Pope,  had  not  obtained 
his  elevation  without  first  promising  important  concessions 
to  the  king  of  France.  He  also  performed  his  promise 
with  greater  fidelity  than  so  simoniacal  a  proceeding  might 
have  justified  PhiKp  in  expecting.  The  bulls  of  Boniface 
were  wholly  withdrawn,  and  several  privileges  were  surren- 


THE  POPES  RESIDE  AT  AVIGNON.  265 

dered,  which  gratified  the  pride,  if  they  did  not  really 
strengthen  the  position  of  the  French  king.  But  the  most 
important  of  these  advantages  consisted  in  the  resolution  to 
which  Clement  came  of  not  crossing  the  Alps  to  take  up 
his  abode  at  Rome.  He  resided  chiefly  at  Avignon,  and 
the  example  of  Clement  was  followed  by  his  successors  for 
no  less  than  seventy  years.  This  period  has  been  called 
by  Romanist  writers,  "  The  Babylonish  Captivity  of  the 
Church."  One  of  Clement's  first  public  acts  was  to  sum- 
mon a  council  at  Lyons ;  and  the  cardinals,  however  reluc- 
tant, were  compelled,  by  their  vows  of  obedience,  to  repair 
to  a  foreign  city,  instead  of  issuing  the  decrees  of  the  Church 
from  what  they  regarded  as  its  true  metropolis.  The  can- 
ons of  this  council  reveal  at  once  the  deplorable  state  of 
morals  prevailing  among  the  clergy,  and  the  inefficient,  in- 
deed the  only  half-earnest  attempts  which  were  made  to 
reform  them.  The  superior  orders  were  unmolested  in 
their  vicious  practices  and  worldly  pursuits.  Even  the 
lowest  class  were  but  faintly  admonished,  and  their  more 
flagitious  immoralities  gently  suppressed.  How  could  a 
Pontifi"  who  did  not  scruple  to  enrich  and  indulge  himself 
venture  to  reprove  others,  or  insist  on  an  effectual  reform  ? 
The  greatest  stain  upon  the  character  of  Clement  is  the 
aid  which  he  gave  to  King  Philip  in  his  destruction  of  the 
"  Templars."  That  order  of  knights,  which  had  originated 
in  the  crusades,  and  had  been  organized  for  the  purpose  of 
defending  the  "  Temple,"  or,  in  other  phrase,  the  Church 
of  the  Sepulcher,  at  Jerusalem,  had  now  become  so  power- 
ful and  wealthy  as  to  endanger  the  authority  of  the  sover- 
eigns of  Europe.  Half  monk,  half  soldier,  the  Templar 
had  a  double  claim  upon  the  reverence  of  the  people,  and, 
like  all  other  classes  of  the  clergy,  generally  employed  his 
whole  influence  for  his  own  aggrandizement  and  that  of  his 
order.  The  Templars  who  resided  in  France  had  often 
given  off'ense  to  the  monarch,  particularly  by  their  opposi- 
tion to  his  repeated  debasement  of  the  coinage,  and  Philip 

12 


266  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

was  now  bent  on  their  utter  extermination.  Clement  be- 
came his  too  willing  confederate,  tempted  by  the  immense 
wealth  which  the  Templars  possessed.  Plausible  accusa- 
tions were  not  wanting  against  men  who  combined  in  one 
character  the  cunning  of  the  monk  with  the  licentiousness 
of  the  soldier.  Charges  of  a  monstrous  and  incredible  kind 
were  fabricated,  and  all  the  horrors  of  the  "  Inquisition " 
were  directed  against  these  victims  of  avarice  rather  than 
of  justice.  At  the  instigation  of  the  Pope,  the  sovereigns 
of  other  countries  united  with  Philip  in  this  crusade  of  ven- 
geance ;  and  in  England  and  Spain,  as  well  as  in  France, 
the  estates  of  the  Templars  were  confiscated,  the  order 
itself  abolished  by  law,  and  multitudes  were  put  to  a  cruel 
death.  Many  were  buraed  at  the  stake,  and  the  grand- 
master of  the  order,  De  Molay,  together  with  the  knight- 
commander  of  Normandy,  was  among  the  last  of  them  who 
underwent  this  barbarous  sentence,  being  put  to  this  horrid 
death  on  one  of  the  islands  of  the  Seine  in  the  year  1314. 

Clement  shortly  afterward  died,  leaving  immense  wealth. 
The  moment  it  was  known  that  he  was  dead,  all  the  in- 
mates of  the  palace  rushed  vnth  one  consent  to  the  treasury  ; 
and,  so  eager  were  they  in  their  search,  that  they  quite 
forgot  their  deceased  master.  The  lights  surroimding  his 
bed  were  thrown  down,  and  set  fire  to  the  furniture,  and 
even  to  the  body  as  it  lay  in  state.  The  flames  were  ex- 
tinguished ;  but  so  completely  had  the  palace  been  sacked 
of  its  wardrobe  that  no  better  covering  than  an  old  cloak 
was  left  to  shroud  the  blackened  corpse  of  the  richest  pope 
that  had  yet  governed  the  Church. 

Italy  and  Germany  were  now  wholly  distracted  by  the 
strife  between  the  Guelfs  and  Ghibbelines  —  a  strife  not 
so  much  of  parties  as  of  factions.  The  kings  of  UsTaples 
strove  with  the  emperors  of  Germany ;  throughout  Lom- 
bardy,  Tuscany,  and  the  other  northern  and  central  prov- 
inces of  Italy,  city  strove  with  city,  and  cities  were  divided 
against   themselves.      John   XXII.,  who   took   the   chair 


THE  POPES  RESIDE  AT  AVIGNON.  267 

"which  Clement's  death  had  left  vacant,  therefore  followed 
the  example  of  his  predecessor,  and  chose  to  thunder  forth 
the  threatenings  of  the  Church  from  the  secure  asylum  of 
Avignon,  rather  than  from  the  more  splendid  but  less  tran- 
quil halls  of  the  Vatican. 

The  lust  of  wealth  had  now  grown  to  be  the  predomi- 
nant vice  of  the  popes,  and  was  manifestly  the  chief  char- 
acteristic of  this  Pontiff.  Sprung  from  a  low  origin,  he 
had  raised  himself  from  rank  to  rank,  until  he  reached  the 
highest  and  most  lucrative  post  in  the  Church.  And  when 
once  amved  at  the  pontifical  chair  he  abandoned  himself 
without  restraint  to  the  love  of  "  filthy  lucre."  He  zeal- 
ously promoted  the  sale  of  indulgences  both  to  clergy 
and  people,  aflSxing  a  specific  price  to  every  possible  sin. 
A  deacon  or  sub-deacon  might  thus  be  absolved  for  murder 
by  the  payment  of  twenty  crowns,  and  a  bishop  for  three 
hundred  livi-es ;  so  cheap  in  comparison  of  gold  was  the 
estimate  now  set  on  human  life,  and  so  far  had  avarice  tri- 
umphed over  religion  and  morality  in  the  hearts  of  the  venal 
priesthood.  From  the  clergy  especially,  because  over  them 
he  had  more  direct  control,  did  John  seek  to  extort  contri- 
butions to  the  papal  treasury.  He  laid  taxes  on  the  sev- 
eral orders  of  priests,  permitted  them  to  compound  with 
money  for  the  discharge  of  their  official  duties,  and  inge- 
niousl}'-  contrived,  when  a  see  became  vacant,  to  make  it 
the  occasion  of  some  half-dozen  translations,  that  from  each 
bishop  thus  promoted  he  might  receive  the  customary  fee. 

For  a  moment,  however,  the  attention  of  the  Pontiff  was 
diverted  from  these  mercenary  aims  to  the  struggle  now 
pending  for  the  imperial  throne  between  Louis  of  Bavaria 
and  Frederic  of  Austria.  John  refused  to  confirm  either  of 
the  pretenders,  asserting  in  a  bull  that  "  God  had  confided 
the  empu'e  of  the  earth  as  well  as  that  of  heaven  to  the 
sovereign  pontiflF."  Eventually,  Frederic  was  defeated  and 
taken  prisoner,  and  Louis  was  acknowledged  in  Germany 
as   the  rightful  emperor.     But  in   Italy   the   Guelfs  had 


268  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

gained  advantages  over  tlie  Ghibbelines,  and  Louis,  whose 
claims  the  latter  supported  against  the  King  of  Naples, 
hastened  across  the  Alps  to  the  aid  of  his  partisans.  At 
Milan  he  was  crowned  with  the  Iron  Crown  of  Lombardy, 
and,  advancing  to  Rome,  the  ceremony  of  coronation  was 
there  repeated  with  still  greater  pomp  and  solemnity.  To 
retaliate  upon  the  hostile  Pontiff,  the  emperor  now  resolved 
to  appoint  a  new  pope,  and  gave  to  a  friendly  ecclesiastic 
the  name  of  Nicholas  V.  The  end  of  the  contest  was,  that 
neither  the  Pope  nor  the  emperor  gained  much  advantage, 
though  the  preponderance  was  in  favor  of  the  latter.  The 
anti-pope  Nicholas  was  not  accepted  by  the  world ;  and  it 
is  said  that,  going  to  Avignon  to  implore  pardon,  he  was 
put  in  chains,  and  imprisoned  for  life.  But  the  emperor 
convened  a  council  at  Milan,  which  pronounced  Pope  John 
guilty  of  heretical  depravity;  so  that  Louis  now  dared  to 
tread  in  the  footsteps  of  Philip  the  Fair,  and  even  call  in 
question  the  infallibility  of  the  Pope.  These  political  quar- 
rels of  the  Pontiff,  however,  occupied  only  brief  intervals 
of  time.  His  life  was  mostly  passed  in  amassing  treasure, 
and  he  seems  to  have  devoted  considerable  attention  to  that 
delusion  of  the  age,  alchemy,  with  the  same  object  in  view. 
In  the  money  which  he  issued  from  the  papal  mint,  he 
counterfeited  the  florins  of  Florence,  and  yet  to  prevent  com- 
petition with  himself  he  published  several  edicts  against 
alchemists  and  adulterators  of  coin.  When,  at  length,  in  the 
year  1334,  death  snatched  him  from  his  cherished  pelf,  it 
was  found  that  he  even  surpassed  in  riches  his  like-minded 
predecessor,  Clement  the  Fifth. 

Another  Frenchman  succeeded  to  the  popedom,  with  the 
title  of  Benedict  XII.  Like  John,  he  was  of  low  extrac- 
tion, and  although  he  had  by  some  means  attained  a  cardi- 
nal's hat,  he  was  regarded  as  the  least  eminent  of  the  en- 
tire college.  The  mutual  jealousies  of  the  conclave,  and 
not  their  wish  to  promote  Benedict,  led  to  his  election. 
Meaning  to  throw  away  their  votes,  they  each  of  them 


THE  POPES  RESIDE  AT  AVIGNON..  269 

voted  for  Benedict  as  the  least  likely  to  succeed ;  and  so 
little  was  he  ambitious  or  expectant  of  the  honor  that,  on 
hearing  he  was  chosen,  he  reproached  his  brethren  for  hav- 
ing elected  "  an  ass." 

Doubtless  it  was  this  comparatively  modest  disposition 
that  rendered  Benedict  XII.  quite  a  pamgon  of  vii'tue 
among  the  popes  of  that  corrupt  age.  Although  he  dared 
not  attempt,  and  perhaps  had  not  the  genius  to  devise  inno- 
vations on  the  established  system  of  governing  the  Church, 
he  made  some  eflforts  to  improve  the  working  of  that  sys- 
tem. Unlike  his  predecessor,  he  refused  to  grant  dispen- 
sations to  the  indolent  clergy,  and  dismissed  from  the  papal 
court  a  multitude  of  idlers,  who  preferred  the  splendor  and 
the  vices  of  Avignon  to  the  labors  of  their  parishes.  The 
pomp  of  the  court  was  also  somewhat  diminished ;  investi- 
gations into  the  condition  of  the  monasteries,  and  of  the 
clergy  in  general,  were  commenced ;  literature  was  encour- 
aged ;  and  it  is  not  among  the  least  of  Benedict's  praises 
that  he  entertained,  at  Avignon,  the  poet  Petrarch — that 
great  reviv^er  of  learning  in  Em'ope,  and  the  most  popular 
poet  of  his  age.  But  along  with  these  commendable  efforts, 
which,  however  abortive  they  proved  for  checking  the  tide 
of  corruption,  are  still  sufiScient  proofs  that  Benedict  was  far 
better  than  the  majority  of  his  class,  there  were  other  deeds 
of  a  very  questionable  nature,  evincing  that  either  the  sys- 
tem was  too  bad  to  be  mended,  or  that,  diverse  as  the  pon- 
tiffs may  appear  in  some  respects,  they  all  held  the  same 
radical  errors.     Benedict  died  in  1342. 

Clement  VI.,  who  succeeded,  was  of  a  character  more 
in  accordance  with  the  ordinaiy  pontifical  type.  Fond  of 
ease  and  splendor,  he  entirely  passed  his  short  career  in 
the  gayety  and  voluptuousness  which  had  now  become  the 
prominent  features  of  papal  state.  But  Clement  carried 
these  vices  to  more  than  the  usual  heifjht.  He  was  both 
licentious  himself  and  encouraged  it  in  others.  His  com- 
panions were  the  most  abandoned  people  he  could  find ;  and 


2*70  LIVES  OF   THE  POPES. 

SO  eager  was  he  to  enrich  his  own  relatives,  that,  however 
dissolute  they  might  be,  if  they  pleased  him,  a  cardinal's 
hat,  a  bishopric,  or  a  baronial  estate  was  their  certain  reward. 

About  the  time  that  Clement  received  the  tiara,  the  Ro- 
man citizens  had  arisen  at  the  instigation  of  a  patriotic  ple- 
beian, named  Rienzi,  and  either  expelled  the  turbulent  and 
tyrannical  nobles,  or  else  obliged  them  to  submit  to  whole- 
some laws.  Rienzi,  like  another  Arnold,  was  constituted 
chief  magistrate,  assuming  the  popular  and  ancient  title  of 
Tribune.  On  the  accession  of  Pope  Clement,  the  Romans 
deputed  a  number  of  their  leaders,  among  whom  were  Rienzi 
and  Petrarch,  to  wait  upon  the  Pontiflf,  and  request  certain 
favors  at  his  hands.  They  urged  him  to  return  forthwith 
to  Rome,  offered  him  the  oflSce  of  senator,  with  the  govern- 
ment of  the  city,  and  begged  him  to  appoint  the  jubilee, 
held  first  by  Boniface  VIII.,  to  be  renewed  at  the  fiftieth 
year,  which  was  now  approaching.  The  deputation  was 
graciously  received,  and  those  of  its  requests  were  granted 
which  tended  to  benefit  the  papacy ;  while  the  first,  which 
was  supremely  important  to  the  Roman  people,  and  the 
most  obviously  binding  on  the  Pope,  was  decidedly  refused. 

While  Rome  was  distracted  by  the  animosities  of  its 
nobles,  Naples  was  thrown  into  confusion  by  the  crimes  of 
its  monarch  ;  and  the  latter  city  as  well  as  the  former  pre- 
ferred its  accusations  at  the  tribunal  of  the  Pope.  Joanna, 
the  Queen  of  Naples,  was  charged  with  having  been  ac- 
cessory to  the  murder  of  her  husband,  who  had  been  de- 
coyed from  liis  bed  in  the  dead  of  night,  and  being  seized 
by  assassins  at  the  door  of  his  chamber,  was  first  strangled, 
and  then  suspended  by  a  silken  cord  from  the  balcony  of 
his  palace.  The  citizens,  indignant  at  the  deed,  clamored 
loudly  for  justice,  and  Joanna  was  obliged  to  undertake  a 
journey  in  person  to  Avignon  to  vindicate  her  cause ;  for, 
loose  as  were  the  morals  of  Clement  VI.,  he  was  too  politic 
to  allow  so  notorious  a  crime  to  pass  without  rebuke.  By 
enforcing  the  semblance  of  justice — and  he  cared  for  noth- 


THE  POPES  RESIDE  AT  AVIGNON.  27 1 

ing  more — he  would  at  once  be  humbling  a  monarch,  and 
gaining  a  reputation  for  virtue,  both  luxuries  vs^hich  a  pope 
would  not  readily  forego.  When  Joanna  appeared  at  Avig- 
non, she  found  it  easy  to  satisfy  the  pliable  Pontiflf,  although 
so  clear  was  the  evidence  that  she  was  privy  to  the  murder, 
that  she  could  only  plead  she  was  under  the  influence  of 
sorcery.  That  wretched  plea,  however,  was  amply  suffi- 
cient when  she  oflfered  the  Pontiflf  the  full  possession  of  the 
city  of  Avignon,  which  belonged  to  her  as  Countess  of  Pro- 
vence, at  the  cheap  price  of  thirty  thousand  florins.  Thus 
the  queen  returned  to  Naples  with  a  very  seasonable  supply 
for  her  pressing  emergencies,  and  the  Pope  added  an  im- 
portant city  to  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  without  troubling 
himself  with  the  thought  that  it  was  "the  price  of  blood." 
The  jubilee  which  Clement  had  promised  the  Romans 
was  celebrated  in  the  year  1350.  It  was  proclaimed  a 
year  beforehand,  in  a  bull  which  declared  that  the  Church 
possessed  an  "  infinite  treasure  of  merits,  the  dispensation 
of  which  was  confided  to  the  Pope."  To  receive  a  share 
of  this  precious  wealth,  multitudes  resorted  to  Rome. 
During  a  severely  inclement  winter,  the  roads  of  Italy  were 
thronged  with  travelers,  who  were  sometimes  compelled  to 
sleep  by  the  way-side,  and  were  always  exposed  to  the  pil- 
lage of  freebooters,  and  the  extortions  of  the  inhabitants. 
The  streets  of  Rome  presented  for  months  the  spectacle  of 
a  vast  moving  multitude,  a  tide  incessantly  flowing  and  inex- 
haustibly renewed.  The  churches  were  crowded,  the  houses 
of  the  citizens  were  converted  into  inns,  the  prices  of  pro- 
visions were  artificially  raised,  and  the  Romans,  not  content 
with  the  natural  increase  of  wealth  produced  by  an  influx 
of  more  than  a  million  visitors,  tried  every  expedient  which 
the  ingenuity  of  avarice  could  demise,  to  impoverish  their 
guests  and  enrich  themselves.  It  is  hard  to  decide  which 
should  excite  the  greater  disgust,  the  lying  hypocrisy  of  the 
bull  which  authorized  the  jubilee,  or  the  sordid  passions 
and  reckless  immorahty  which  accompanied  its  celebration. 


272  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE  POPES  AT  AVIGNON THEIR  RETURN  TO  ROME PE- 
TRARCH, WICLIF,  AND   CHAUCER. A.  D.   1350-1378. 

To  Clement  succeeded  Innocent  VI.,  a  man  of  kindred 
spirit  witli  Clement's  predecessor,  Benedict  XII.  His  rep- 
utation at  the  time  of  his  election  was  unstained,  yet  the 
crime  which  he  committed  to  attain  the  tiara  shows  that 
his  moral  sentiments  were  not  very  refined.  Upon  oath,  he 
agreed  that  the  pontifical  power  should  be  placed  under 
certain  limitations ;  but  on  gaining  the  crown  he  forfeited 
his  oath,  and  set  the  agreement  at  defiance.  Innocent's 
whole  history  is  that  of  a  weak  man,  whose  good  intentions 
are  subverted  by  what  he  considers  the  duties  of  his  posi- 
tion. In  private,  he  repressed  vice,  yet  he  could  be  guilty 
of  gross  iniquity  in  his  public  capacity.  He  frowned  on 
the  extravagant  splendor  and  the  avaricious  greed  of  the 
clergy,  setting  a  pattern  of  moderation  in  his  own  expendi- 
ture ;  yet,  when  he  fancied  the  interests  of  the  Church 
were  involved,  he  could  be  as  grasping  as  a  Boniface  VIII. 
or  a  John  XXII.,  and  actually  followed  the  example  which 
the  latter  had  first  set,  of  demanding  that  half  of  the  reve- 
nues of  all  vacant  benefices  should  be  reserved  for  the  pa- 
pal treasury.  A  character  composed  of  such  contrary 
qualities  could  not  engage  in  great  transactions,  and  the 
papacy  was  transmitted  by  Innocent  to  his  successor  in 
much  the  same  plight  as  he  found  it. 

That  successor  was  Urban  V.,  who  commenced  his  pon- 
tifical career  in  1362.  The  most  remarkable  event  of  his 
reign  was  his  attempt  to  transfer  the  papal  court  from 
Avignon  to  Rome.  To  four  pontiffs  in  succession  had  the 
patriotic  Petrarch  addressed  his  earnest  petition  that  they 
would  return  to  their  proper  see.      Eloquently  had  he  de- 


THEIR  RETURN  TO   ROME.  273 

scribed  the  destitute  condition  of  Rome,  and  tlie  evil  results 
to  the  whole  Church  of  papal  non-residence.  But  as  yet 
his  appeals  had  been  in  vain.  John  XXII.,  Benedict  XII., 
and  Clement  VI.,  had  listened  to  the  eloquent  orator ;  but 
were  all  of  them  either  without  the  power,  or  devoid  of 
inclination  to  comply  with  his  entreaties.  At  length,  in 
1369,  Urban  V.  resolved  to  make  the  experiment ;  turning 
a  deaf  ear,  for  once,  to  the  command  of  the  French  mon- 
arch, and  the  solicitations  of  the  cardinals,  who,  now  mostly 
Frenchmen,  dreaded  the  change  as  a  sort  of  exile  ;  and  in 
the  words  of  a  somewhat  severe,  but  very  acute  historian, 
"  were  attached  to  the  language,  manners,  and  climate  of 
Avignon,  to  their  stately  palaces,  above  all,  to  the  wines  of 
Burgundy." 

By  the  Italians,  Urban  was  welcomed  with  joy,  and 
every  imaginable  demonstration  of  gladness  was  made  on 
his  arrival.  The  emperor  of  Germany  held  the  bridle  of 
his  horse  as  he  entered  the  city  of  Rome,  and  approached 
the  Church  of  St.  Peter's.  Queen  Joanna  of  Naples,  the 
Emperor  John  of  Constantinople,  and  the  king  of  Cyprus, 
all  paid  him  visits  of  homage  and  friendship ;  and  it  was 
probably  on  this  occasion  that  Urban  transformed  the 
double  into  the  triple  crown,  still  worn  by  the  popes,  and 
symbolical,  it  is  said,  of  the  three  provinces  which  compose 
the  States  of  the  Chuixh.  But  Rome  was  not  comparable 
to  Avignon  in  the  eyes  of  the  cardinals.  Her  baronial  pal- 
aces had  been  laid  in  ruins  by  a  century  of  domestic  feuds. 
The  whole  city  had  a  desolate  and  dismantled  aspect ;  and 
the  services  reqmred  of  the  clergy  were  necessarily  more 
frequent  and  more  burdensome  at  home  than  abroad,  in  the 
metropolis  of  the  Church  than  in  a  distant  province.  So 
that,  after  three  years'  absence  from  France,  Pope  Urban 
returned  to  Avignon,  and  soon  afterward  died,  without  hav- 
ing accomplished  anything  that  eflPectually  strengthened  or 
weakened  the  papal  chair. 

Although  Gregoky  XI.,  who  succeeded  Urban,  was 

12* 


274  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

also  a  native  of  France,  yet  several  motives  combined  to 
induce  him  to  accomplish  what  his  predecessor  had  only  at- 
tempted. Avignon  was  no  longer  a  secm*e  retreat.  A  set 
of  lawless  banditti  were  in  possession  of  the  district  in 
which  the  city  stood,  and  showed  especial  resolution  to 
make  the  wealth  of  churchmen  their  prey.  Italy  was  also 
clamorous  for  the  return  of  her  spiritual  chief.  A  female 
fanatic,  who  has  since  been  canonized  under  the  title  of 
Saint  Catharine  of  Sienna,  visited  the  Pope,  and  pretending 
to  have  had  a  revelation  from  heaven,  exhorted  him  to  re- 
member the  duty  which  he  owed  to  the  tomb  of  the  apos- 
tles, and  the  chair  of  his  mighty  predecessors.  Whether 
the  persuasions  of  mere  superstition  would  have  been  ef- 
fectual with  Gregory  cannot  certainly  be  known,  as  he  soon 
afterward  received  intelligence  that  the  Italians  were  in 
actual  revolt  against  his  legates ;  that  they  were  resolved 
on  electing  a  pope  of  their  own  unless  he  speedily  returned ; 
and  that  they  had  already  made  proposals  for  that  pur- 
pose to  a  monk  in  Monte  Cassino.  This  intelligence  at  once 
decided  the  Pontiff's  course,  and  he  lost  no  time  in  remov- 
insT  his  whole  establishment  to  Rome. 

The  papal  court,  therefore,  finally  forsook  Avignon  in 
ISVZ.  On  arriving  in  Rome,  Gregory  applied  himself  with 
energy  to  the  work  of  harmonizing  the  feuds  which  had  so 
long  subsisted  and  of  extinguishing  the  glowing  embers  of 
rebellion  which  had  been  kindled  by  the  absence  of  any 
confessedly  supreme  authority. 

But  far  greater  troubles  were  in  store  for  the  papacy 
than  those  of  mere  domestic  sedition.  A  spirit  of  disaflfec- 
tion  had  been  engendered  by  the  gross  corruptions  of  the 
clergy  that  was  spreading  through  all  countries,  and  found 
its  most  congenial  home  in  the  noblest  souls.  In  Italy,  the 
writings  of  Dante,  Petrarch,  Boccaccio,  and  a  host  of  their 
disciples,  had  given  a  suppressed  utterance  to  this  discon- 
tent in  allegorical  language,  which  soon  found  clearer  ex- 
pression on  the  lips  of  the  people.     In  Germany,  the  Beg- 


THEIR  RETURN  TO   ROME.  2V.$ 

hards  and  Lollards  were  parties  that  had  arisen  from  the 
necessities  of  the  times  to  supply  by  voluntaiy  exertions 
the  posts  abandoned  by  the  corrupt  and  indolent  priest- 
hood. In  England,  the  same  professions  of  zeal  were  yet 
made  by  the  mendicant  friars  ;  but  these  orders,  instead  of 
fulfilling  theu'  professions,  proved  at  last  the  most  sordid 
and  hypocritical  of  all.  Carrying  with  them  the  Pope's 
authority,  they  entered  whatever  parishes  they  pleased, 
usurped  the  pulpit  and  the  office  of  the  priest,  and  so  drain- 
ed the  purses  of  the  people,  that  they  well  deserved  the 
name  which  they  received  of  *'  the  pope's  beadles  and  tax- 
gatherers," 

It  was  the  insolence  and  depravity  of  these  men  that 
first  aroused  the  indignation  of  our  great  reformer  Wiclif, 
and  the  poet  Chaucer,  and  led  them  to  inveigh  so  vehe- 
mently against  the  growing  corruptions  of  the  Church. 
Wiclif  had  been  sent  by  King  Edward  III.,  at  the  head  of 
a  deputation,  to  the  court  of  Gregory  XI.,  before  it  had 
quitted  Avignon,  and  he  had  there  seen  a  yet  profuser  dis- 
play of  the  vices  of  the  priesthood.  He  brought  back  with 
him  a  rooted  determination  to  oppose  these  evils  in  England, 
and  to  enlighten  the  people  by  translating  the  Scriptures 
into  the  English  tongue.  Chaucer  also  had  gone  abroad. 
He  had  visited  Italy,  and  had  there  made  the  friendship  of 
Petrarch  and  Boccaccio,  whose  sentiments  and  style,  both 
on  literary  and  religious  topics,  he  transferred  to  his  own 
writings.  Wiclif  declaimed  from  the  pulpit,  and  in  his 
lecture -room  at  Oxford,  against  the  degeneracy  of  the 
Church ;  and  growing  bolder  as  he  found  his  doctrine  pop- 
ular, at  last  went  the  length  of  denouncing  the  Pope 
as  "  that  Antichrist,  the  proud,  worldly  priest  of  Rome, 
the  most  cursed  of  clippers  and  purse-kervers,"  (cut- 
purses.)  Chaucer  was  less  declamatory,  but  more  satirical. 
He  makes  one  of  the  mendicant  friars  confess,  in  "The 
Pardonere's  Tale,"  by  what  impostures  he  deluded  the  peo- 
ple, and  defrauded  them  of  their  wealth  : — 


276  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

"  By  this  gaude  I  wonnen  yere  by  yere 
An  hundred  mark,  since  I  was  pardonere. 

•'t?  ■»»?  >rf  -^  *rf 

Of  avarice  and  of  swiche  cursednesse 
Is  all  my  preaching  for  to  make  hem  free 
To  yeve  hir  pens,  and  namely  unto  me ; 
For  mine  entente  is  not  but  for  to  winne, 
And  nothing  for  correction  of  sinne/' 

Thus  the  labors  of  both  Chaucer  and  Wiclif  were 
directed  to  the  same  end,  and  alike  conducted  to  effect  the 
moral  reform  of  the  people,  and  the  overthrow  of  papal 
tyranny. 

While  these  great  men,  both  in  Italy  and  in  England, 
were  zealously  pursuing  the  noble  objects  they  had  pro- 
posed to  themselves,  the  PontiflF  Gregory  became  painfully 
convinced  that  Rome  was  no  pleasant  residence  to  one  ac- 
customed to  ease  and  safety.  The  Florentines  were  becom- 
ing a  warlike  people;  and,  in  their  zeal  for  liberty,  they 
made  war  upon  all  the  tyrannical  nobles  of  Italy,  especially 
directing  their  hostility  against  Rome,  because  of  the  treat- 
ment they  had  received  from  the  papal  legates.  Gregory 
was  already  beginning  to  repent  of  his  migration  to  Italy, 
when  he  suddenly  died,  in  13  7  8. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE  GREAT  WESTERN   SCHISM. A.  D.  1378-1410.  ^ 

A  REMARKABLE  period  in  the  history  of  the  popes  com- 
mences with  the  death  of  Gregory  XI.  The  election  of  a 
successor  was  a  matter  of  so  much  difficulty,  that  eventually 
two  were  chosen  by  the  contending  parties.  Thus  the 
great  western  schism  was  created,  which  lasted  for  fifty 
years  ;  and  by  which  the  authority  of  the  popes  was  greatly 
diminished,  the  necessity  of  a  reformation  made  more  ap- 


THE   GREAT  WESTERN  SCHISM.  211 

parent,  and  all  even  of  its  plausibility  taken  away  from  the 
ridiculous  claim  for  papal  infallibility.  Of  the  sixteen  cardi- 
nals who  assembled  in  conclave  to  elect  a  new  pontiff,  twelve 
were  Frenchmen ;  and  it  was  their  ardent  desire  to  promote 
another  of  their  countrymen,  in  order  that  the  court  might 
be  once  more  transferred  to  Avignon.  Aware  of  this  dis- 
position, the  Roman  people  gathered  tumultuously  around 
their  place  of  meeting,  and  shouted  loudly,  "  A  Roman,  a 
Roman  for  pope,  or  at  least  an  Italian  !"  And  when  they 
found  the  conclave  unwilhng  to  proceed  under  terror  of  their 
threats,  they  burst  rudely  into  the  chamber.  The  cardinals, 
now  percei\dng  that  there  was  no  escape,  elected  a  NeapoH- 
tan,  the  Archbishop  of  Bari,  by  the  title  of  Urban  VI. 

The  populace  were  content;  but  the  behavior  of  the 
new  pontiff  soon  gave  displeasure  to  that  body  which  had 
elevated  him  to  the  chair.  Zealous  for  reform,  and  sternly 
harsh  in  his  temper.  Urban  vehemently  denounced  the  vices 
of  the  Church,  and  in  full  consistory  charged  the  cardinals 
themselves  with  urging  on  the  general  corruption.  One  he 
accused  of  being  a  sacrilegious  thief;  another,  he  called  a 
fool ;  and  the  whole  body  he  restricted  to  the  use  at  their 
meals  of  only  a  single  dish.  The  French  cardinals  disguised 
their  anger,  but  took  the  first  opportunity,  imder  pretence 
of  the  summer  heats,  of  withdrawing  from  Rome :  retiring 
to  Anagni,  they  plotted  measures  for  resistance. 

The  result  of  their  conference  was  the  election  of  another 
pope,  who,  assuming  the  name  of  Clement  VII.,  imme- 
diately hastened  to  Avignon,  and  thence  thundered  forth 
bulls  and  excommunications  against  Urban,  which  the  latter 
as  liberally  returned.  The  monarchs  of  France,  Savoy,  and 
Naples  espoused  the  cause  of  Clement,  while  the  rest  of 
Europe  continued  obedient  to  the  spiritual  government  of 
Urban.  Both  issued  bulls  and  decretals ;  both  conferred 
livings  and  sees;  so  that  not  only  much  confusion  was 
created  for  a  time,  but,  as  the  schism  continued  for  half  a 
century,  if  there  had  ever  existed  a  connected  chain  of  or- 


2lS  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

dained  piiests  from  the  days  of  the  apostles,  it  must  now 
be  inevitably  broken. 

Urban  exercised  his  divided  authority  with  as  much 
despotism  as  Boniface  VIII.  could  have  used.  Indeed,  to 
that  pontiff  he  has  often  been  compared.  He  resembled 
him  m  arrogant  and  insufferable  pride,  and  in  violence  of 
temper,  which  in  Urban  amounted  to  frenzy.  He  spent 
httle  of  his  time  in  Rome,  having  a  long-nurtured  attach- 
ment for  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  of  which  he  was  a  subject 
by  birth.  But  his  haughty  temper  would  not  permit  him 
to  live  at  peace  even  here.  Quarreling  with  the  Queen 
Joanna,  Urban  invited  Charles  of  Durazzo  to  take  the  crown, 
and  performed  the  ceremony  of  coronation  when  Charles 
passed  through  Rome  at  the  head  of  his  Hungarian  troops. 
Joanna  was  conquered  and  put  to  death ;  and  then  the 
proud  pontiff  denounced  Charles  as  a  traitor  to  the  holy  see, 
because  he  had  not  performed  all  the  conditions  of  investi- 
ture. Charles,  however,  marched  an  army  against  Nocera, 
where  Urban  resided  ;  and  every  day  the  angry  pope  might 
be  seen  parading  the  walls,  and,  at  the  sound  of  a  bell,  dis- 
charging his  impotent  anathemas  against  the  king  and  his 
troops  encamped  before  the  town.  Some  cardinals  who, 
having  long  adhered  to  his  cause,  began  at  last  to  chafe 
under  the  caprice  and  obstinacy  of  the  Pontiff,  were  the 
next  objects  of  his  vengeance.  While  residing  at  Nocera, 
he  caused  them  to  be  seized,  imprisoned,  and  tortured ;  and 
the  historian  reflects  with  just  indignation  on  the  hypocrisy 
and  cruelty  of  the  tyrant,  "  who  could  walk  in  his  garden 
and  recite  his  breviary,  while  he  heard  from  an  adjacent 
chamber  the  groans  of  his  victims  on  the  rack."  On  leav- 
ing Nocera,  he  took  these  cardinals  with  him  in  chains,  and 
on  arriving  at  Genoa  had  them  privately  executed.  Some 
say  that  they  were  thrown  iuto  the  sea  in  sacks ;  others, 
that  they  were  strangled  in  prison.  Urban  ended  his  career 
in  1389. 

After  the  death  of  Pope  Urban,  it  was  generally  hoped 


THE   GREAT  WESTERN  SCHISM.  279 

and  expected  that  all  parties  would  unite  in  acknowledging 
Clement,  who  still  held  his  coui't  at  Avignon,  and  received 
the  homage  of  a  considerable  part  of  the  Church.  But  the 
schism  was  not  destined  to  terminate  so  soon.  The  car- 
dinals assembled  at  Rome  elected  another  Neapohtan,  who 
assumed  the  tiara  with  the  title  of  Boniface  IX.,  and  re- 
commenced with  fresh  vigor  the  strife  with  the  rival  pontiff. 
Boniface  was  so  illiterate,  that  even  his  panegyrists  confess 
that  he  was  unskillful  in  writing,  and  not  proficient  m  any- 
one branch  of  learning.  But  he  was  amply  endowed  with 
the  cunning  of  avarice,  a  far  more  essential  accomphshment 
in  a  pope  of  those  days.  One  of  his  first  measures  was  to 
announce  a  jubilee  for  the  year  1390,  which  was  to  reem- 
every  thirty-three  years,  and  be  entirely  distinct  from  the 
jubilee  already  established.  Notwithstanding  the  divided 
allegiance  of  Christendom,  multitudes  were  foimd  to  flock 
to  Rome  to  obtain  absolution  for  their  sins.  Boniface  next 
granted  to  the  cities  of  Cologne  and  Magdeburgh  the  power 
of  holding  similar  festivals,  to  the  manifest  disparagement  of 
Rome  as  the  shrine  of  universal  pilgrimage,  although  to  his 
own  present  and  peculiar  advantage.  But  as  neither  of 
these  means  sufficiently  satisfied  the  cupidity  of  the  Pope, 
he  afterward  sent  friars  throughout  all  countries,  offering 
plenary  indulgences  to  all  who  would  buy.  When  one  of 
these  indulgence-mongers  entered  a  city,  he  first  displayed 
at  the  window  of  his  residence  a  flag,  emblazoned  with  the 
arms  of  the  Pope,  and  the  keys  of  the  Church.  He  then 
placed  tables  in  the  cathedral  church  by  the  side  of  the 
altar,  covering  them  with  rich  cloths,  after  the  manner  of  the 
bankers,  to  receive  the  purchase-money  from  those  who 
bought  his  profane  and  blasphemous  wares.  And  if  any 
of  the  local  clergy  ventured  to  exclaim  against  this  unjust 
infringement  of  their  own  rights,  or  possibly  against  the 
immorality  of  the  proceeding  altogether,  these  audacious 
monks  did  not  hesitate  to  anathematize  and  excommunicate 
them  like  the  Pope  himself. 


280  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

Scandalized  by  a  schism  which  had  given  rise  to  so  much 
animosity,  and  had  fostered  the  worst  vices  of  the  age,  many 
leading  members  of  the  priesthood,  both  in  France  and 
Italy,  began  to  devise  means  for  reestablishing  unity.  So 
earnestly  did  the  university  of  Paris  take  up  the  subject, 
and  so  heartily  were  they  favored  by  their  sovereign,  that 
the  anti-Pope  Clement  was  so  violently  alarmed  as  to  be 
taken  with  a  fit  of  apoplexy,  of  which  he  almost  suddenly 
died  in  the  year  1394.  But  the  cardinals  resident  at 
Avignon  were  in  nowise  disposed  to  make  concessions,  or 
even  to  comply  with  the  mandate  of  their  monarch,  who 
desired  them  to  refrain  for  the  present  from  electing  another 
pontiff.  Meeting  in  full  conclave,  they  hastened  to  a  de- 
cision, and  chose  one  of  their  own  number  to  the  high  office, 
under  the  title  of  Benedict  XIII.  But  when  Benedict,  re- 
fusing to  listen  to  the  admonitions  of  his  sovereign,  asserted 
that  he  was  the  true  and  only  Pope,  and  would  maintain 
his  authority  in  spite  of  any  king,  duke,  or  count,  Charles 
invested  the  city  of  Avignon  with  troops  of  soldiers,  and 
kept  Benedict  a  close  prisoner  in  his  own  house  for  nearly 
four  years. 

Meantime,  the  partisans  of  Boniface  were  growingly 
anxious  that  some  reconciliation  should  take  place.  So 
strongly  did  a  feehng  in  this  direction  manifest  itself  in 
Germany,  that  the  citizens  of  Rome  began  to  tremble  lest 
they  should  lose  their  spiritual  father,  still  more  dreading 
the  loss  of  the  emoluments  that  might  be  expected  from 
the  approaching  jubilee  in  1400.  They  therefore  besieged 
the  Pontiff  with  prayers  that  he  would  be  steadfast,  and 
assured  him  that  from  them  he  should  meet  with  unalterable 
devotion.  Boniface  replied,  "  Take  courage,  my  children ; 
rest  assured  that  I  will  continue  to  be  Pope ;  and  however 
I  may  play  off  the  king  of  France  and  the  emperor  of 
Germany  against  each  other,  /  will  never  submit  to  the  will 
of  either."  In  the  year  1403  Boniface  died,  and,  at  almost 
the  same  time,  the  anti-Pope  Benedict  escaped  from  his 


THE   GREAT  WESTERN  SCHISM.  281 

confinement  by  disguising  himself  in  the  garb  of  a  menial. 
He  had  no  sooner  regained  his  liberty  than  he  reasserted 
his  claim  to  the  papal  dignity,  and  with  his  rising  assurance 
his  party  began  to  rally  once  more  around  him. 

On  the  death  of  Pope  Boniface  the  Italian  conclave 
elected  another  native  of  Italy,  who  bore  the  name  of  In- 
nocent VII. ;  but  the  occurrences  of  his  short  pontificate, 
which  lasted  only  two  years,  require  no  narration,  as  they 
had  no  material  influence  on  the  cun-ent  of  events. 

In  1406  Gregory  XII.  ascended  the  papal  throne,  hav- 
ing first  bound  himself  by  oath,  in  common  with  the  whole 
conclave,  to  resign  all  pretensions  to  his  seat  if  the  welfare 
of  the  Church  should  require  it.  The  ripe  age  of  seventy 
seemed  a  sufficient  guarantee  for  the  utter  extinction  in 
Gregory  of  mere  selfish  aims  and  worldly  views.  But  alas 
for  papal  veracity !  The  Pontiflf  was  hardly  seated  in  the 
chair  before  he  gave  proof  that  neither  promise  nor  oath 
would  be  sacred  in  the  eyes  of  a  pope,  when  the  prize  of 
power  was  to  be  secured.-  After  his  escape  from  surveil- 
lance, Benedict  had  apparently  laid  aside  all  his  ambitious 
purposes.  He  steadily  professed  to  desire  nothing  so  much 
as  the  union  of  the  contending  parties  in  the  Church.  An 
agreement  was  consequently  entered  into  between  the  two 
Pontififs  to  hold  a  meeting  in  which  the  difierences  of  their 
several  parties  should  be  composed.  The  meeting  was  to 
be  held  at  Savona,  and  Benedict  was  faithful  to  his  promise, 
and  presented  himself  at  the  appointed  time.  But  Greg- 
ory, the  aged  and  honorable  Gregory,  could  not  be  pre- 
vailed on  by  the  most  earnest  and  repeated  solicitations  to 
fulfill  his  oath.  The  partisans  of  Gregory,  indeed,  accuse 
Benedict  of  equal  insincerity,  and  say  that  Savona  was  not 
the  place  of  appointment  mutually  agreed  on.  One  of  these 
writers,  who  seems  very  honestly  to  deplore  the  schism, 
condemns  both  the  Pontiffs  alike.  "  If  one  Pope  advances,'* 
says  he,  "  the  other  retreats ;  the  one  appears  an  animal 
fearful  of  the  land,  the  other  a  creature  apprehensive  of  the 


282  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

water.  And  thus,  for  a  short  remnant  of  life  and  power, 
will  these  aged  priests  endanger  the  peace  and  salvation  of 
the  Christian  world." 

But  the  business  of  reconciliation  had  proceeded  too  far 
to  be  abandoned  now,  and  it  was  therefore  seriously  taken 
up  by  the  cardinals  of  both  colleges,  who  resolved  to  call 
a  general  council  of  the  Church,  to  assemble  at  Pisa,  in 
1409.  At  this  council  both  the  Pontiffs  were  deposed,  and 
a  new  one  was  elected,  in  the  person  of  Peter,  Cardinal  of 
Milan,  who  forthwith  assumed  the  title  of  Alexander  V., 
and  by  acknowledging  whom,  as  the  rightful  successor  of 
Peter,  the  Romanist  writers  virtually  confess  the  paramount 
authority  of  a  general  council.  Yet  the  two  deposed  Pon- 
tiflfs  by  no  means  resigned  their  pretensions.  Benedict  re- 
sided in  Spain,  and  still  received  the  homage  of  that  portion 
of  Christendom.  Gregory,  however,  was  compelled  to  es- 
cape from  his  enemies  by  taking  the  disguise  of  a  mer- 
chant. Hastening  across  the  Alps  he  was  kindly  received 
by  the  king  of  Hungary,  and  continued  to  be  treated  as 
the  true  Pontiff  by  most  of  the  German  race.  Thus  three 
Popes  once  more  divided  between  them  the  sovereignty  of 
the  Church;  but  this  time  there  was  no  master  spirit  like 
Hildebrand's  to  educe  strength  out  of  weakness.  The  di- 
vision was  a  real  peril  to  the  papacy,  and  the  consequences 
were  felt  ere  the  century  had  fully  expired. 

Alexander's  career  was  very  brief,  yet  it  was  distinguished 
by  one  circumstance  very  important  in  the  eyes  of  a  Prot- 
estant. In  the  hope  of  reconcihng  all  parties,  he  solemnly 
decreed  that  the  benefices  which  had  been  held  under  either 
of  the  rival  Pontiffs  should  be  confirmed  to  their  possessors, 
and  that  all  censures  and  excommunications  should  be  an- 
nulled. So  that  two  distinct  claims  of  apostolical  succession 
were  recognized  by  this  Pontiff,  notwithstanding  the  anath- 
emas which  had  been  heaped  on  each  other  by  the  rival 
Popes,  and  under  which  hundreds,  if  not  thousands,  of  the 
priesthood  had  both  lived  and  died.     It  is  hard  to  conceive 


COUNCIL  OF  CONSTANCE.  283 

how  Romanists  themselves  can,  in  the  face  of  such  facts, 
attach  much  importance  to  either  direct  succession  or  to 
papal  denunciations. 

The  weakness  of  Alexander's  character  caused  him  to 
fall  entirely  under  the  guidance  of  one  of  the  cardinals,  Bal- 
tazzar  Cossa,  a  man  of  singular  qualities ;  by  birth  a  noble, 
by  training  and  taste  a  soldier,  and  by  profession  a  priest. 
To  the  machinations  of  this  daring  and  ambitious  man  the 
Pontifif's  death  is  ascribed,  which  took  place  by  poison  in 
the  year  1410. 


CHAPTER  XYIII. 

COUNCIL  OF  CONSTANCE MARTYRDOM  OF  HUSS  AND  JEROME 

END   OF  THE  SCHISM. A.  D.  1410-1431. 

Notwithstanding  his  suspicious  connection  with  the  cause 
of  Alexander's  death,  Baltazzar  Cossa,  to  the  astonishment 
of  the  world,  was  immediately  chosen  successor  to  the 
popedom,  under  the  title  of  John  XXIII.  His  notorious 
licentiousness,  and  his  avowed  incHnation  for  a  military  life, 
were  comparatively  shght  disquahfications  in  the  esteem  of 
men  who  chiefly  desired  energy  and  determination  of  char- 
acter. These  latter  were  qualities  that  would  afford  some 
hope,  in  spite  of  many  drawbacks,  of  a  settlement  of  the 
strifes  which  had  so  long  distracted  the  Church.  Indeed, 
one  of  the  cardinals  said  openly  that  "  the  Church  had  be- 
come so  bad  that  a  good  pope  would  be  out  of  his  sphere, 
and  that  she  could  be  only  ruled  by  miscreants." 

On  the  dissolution  of  the  Council  of  Pisa  it  had  been  ar- 
ranged that  another  should  be  called  in  three  years,  and 
John  therefore  shortly  summoned  a  general  council,  which 
the  Emperor  Sigismund  insisted  should  assemble  at  Con- 
stance, very  much  in  opposition  to  the  Pontiff's  secret  wish. 
This  Council  of  Constance  assembled  in  November,  1414, 


284  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

and  continued  its  sessions  for  the  space  of  four  years.  The 
Emperor  Sigismund  acted  in  it  a  very  conspicuous  part, 
which  he  commenced  by  making  his  entrance  into  Con- 
stance by  torch-light,  and  so  riding  to  the  church,  where, 
with  the  imperial  crown  on  his  head,  he  served  as  deacon 
to  the  Pope  while  reading  mass.  The  number  and  import- 
ance of  the  members  of  this  council  made  it  rather  appear  the 
states-general  of  Europe  than  a  mere  ecclesiastical  assembly. 
The  four  greatest  European  nations,  the  German,  the 
French,  the  Italian,  and  the  English,  were  all  fully  repre- 
sented there.  Almost  all  the  great  vassals  of  the  empire, 
and  ambassadors  of  all  the  sovereigns  who  professed  Chris- 
tianity, were  also  present,  even  including  those  of  Russia  and 
Greece.  Of  spiritual  dignitaries,  beside  Pope  John  and 
the  legates  of  the  anti-popes  Gregory  and  Benedict,  there 
were  three  patriarchs,  thirty-three  cardinals,  forty-seven 
archbishops,  one  hundred  and  twenty-four  abbots,  eighteen 
hundred  priests,  and  an  innumerable  crowd  of  monks.  So 
large  a  concourse  made  it  necessary  to  enact  sumptuary 
laws  for  the  occasion.  The  Pope  was  restricted  to  the  use 
of  twenty  horses,  and  each  of  the  cardinals  to  ten  ;  yet,  not- 
withstanding these  regulations,  no  fewer  than  thirty  thou- 
sand horses  are  said  to  have  been  maintained  for  that  im- 
mense and  august  assembly. 

The  first  object  of  the  council  was  to  settle  the  question 
of  the  popedom.  They  could  not,  indeed,  but  acknowledge 
that  John  was  the  legitimate  Pope ;  but  as  this  was  not 
admitted  by  a  considerable  part  of  Christendom,  they 
judged  it  desirable  that  they  should  repeat  the  measures 
of  the  Council  of  Pisa,  and  have  the  whole  question  referred 
to  their  authority.  With  this  view  they  required  the  im- 
mediate abdication  of  all  pontifical  functions  and  claims 
from  each  of  the  three  popes,  Gregory,  Benedict,  and  John. 
The  legate  of  Gregory  expressed  his  master's  willingness  to 
submit  providing  his  competitors  did  the  same.  John  per- 
sonally   acquiesced   in   the  decision,  though   not  without 


COUNCIL  OF  CONSTANCE.  285 

discovering  much  mortification  and  disappointment.  But 
the  legate  of  Benedict  stoutly  refused  to  make  the  least 
concession. 

The  jealousies  of  these  three  claimants  of  the  tiara  ex- 
hausted many  tedious  months ;  and,  in  the  hope  of  concili- 
ating Benedict,  the  Emperor  Sigismund  took  a  personal 
journey  to  Perpignan,  where  that  Pontiff  dwelt.  To  occupy 
the  interval  the  council  turned  its  attention  to  other  matters, 
and  in  particular  to  the  heresies  which  had  lately  sprung 
up  in  Bohemia.  The  queen  of  Richard  II.  of  England  was 
a  Bohemian  princess,  and  her  residence  in  England  had 
brought  her  into  contact  with  the  disciples  and  doctrines 
of  Wiclif.  After  the  death  of  her  husband  she  had  re- 
turned to  Bohemia,  carrying  with  her  the  writings  of  that 
great  reformer;  and  these  fell  into  the  hands,  and,  under 
the  blessing  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  changed  the  heart  of  John 
Huss,  who,  although  of  obscure  origin,  had  raised  himself 
by  his  talents  to  a  professor's  chair  at  Prague,  and  had  been 
chosen  confessor  to  the  queen. 

Roused  by  the  doctrines  of  Wiclif,  Huss  soon  began  to 
preach  openly  against  the  corruptions  of  the  Church,  and 
many  of  the  students  in  the  university  adopted  his  tenets. 
A  spirit  of  reform  was  excited  among  the  people,  and  on 
some  Englishmen  painting  upon  the  wall  of  an  inn  a  picture 
representing  Christ  on  the  one  side,  meek,  and  lowly,  and 
poor,  entering  Jerusalem  mounted  on  an  ass ;  and  the 
Pope  on  the  other,  proudly  prancing  on  a  high-mettled 
steed,  and  glittering  in  purple  and  gold,  the  populace  came 
in  crowds  to  the  inn,  eager  to  see  the  sight.  The  writings 
and  preaching  of  Huss  at  length  created  so  much  agitation, 
and  so  much  hostility  to  the  priests,  that  Pope  John  XXIII. 
had  cited  him  to  appear  at  Rome  as  soon  as  he  had  ascended 
the  throne,  a  citation  which  Huss  had  refused  to  obey.  The 
Council  of  Constance  now  repeated  the  citation,  and  acknowl- 
edging its  authority,  Huss  immediately  complied,  first  obtain- 
ing, however,  a  safe-conduct  from  the  Emperor  Sigismund. 


286  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

On  arriving  in  Constance,  Huss  was  thrown  into  prison, 
and  immured  in  a  narrow  dungeon  on  the  banks  of  the 
Rhine,  where  the  common  sewers  emptied  themselves.  The 
pestilential  atmosphere  speedily  engendered  a  fever.  He 
suffered  many  other  indignities  and  hardships,  but  at  last 
was  summoned  to  appear  before  the  council,  and  answer  to 
the  accusations  preferred  against  him.  As  Huss  entered 
the  assembly  a  solar  eclipse  darkened  the  air.  Addressing 
the  emperor  he  thanked  him  for  the  safe-conduct  he  had 
granted.  The  blood  rushed  to  the  face  of  the  monarch, 
who  made  no  reply,  well  knowing  that  the  fate  of  the  re- 
former was  already  decided.  The  Spaniards  had  clamored 
loudly  for  the  death  of  the  heretic,  and  it  was  of  the  first 
importance  to  conciliate  them  in  order  to  secure  unanimity 
in  the  election  of  a  pope.  An  emperor's  word,  and  the 
life  of  an  innocent  man,  were  slight  sacrifices  to  policy, 
when  the  craft  of  the  priesthood  was  in  danger. 

The  articles  of  accusation  were  read.  Huss  was  charged 
with  nothing  immoral  in  practice  or  unscriptural  in  doctrine, 
but  he  was  accused  of  "  being  tainted  with  the  leprosy  of 
the  Waldenses ;  of  asserting  that  the  Pope  is  on  a  level 
with  the  bishops ;  that  there  is  no  purgatory ;  that  prayers 
for  the  dead  are  a  vain  device  of  sacerdotal  avarice ;  that 
images  ought  not  to  be  worshiped,"  with  some  other  kin- 
dred doctrines,  too  familiar  to  Protestant  ears  to  need  repeti- 
tion. Huss  offered  to  speak,  but  his  voice  was  silenced  by  the 
clamor  of  the  council,  and  the  command  of  its  president, 
who  ordered  him  simply  to  recant.  Passages  were  read 
from  his  writings,  commenting  on  the  criminal  lives  of  the 
priesthood,  which  excited  vociferous  laughter  from  those 
who  should  have  hung  down  their  heads  in  shame.  At 
length  Huss  explicitly  refused  to  recant,  "  except  he  were 
better  instructed  by  the  council."  But  it  was  no  part  of 
the  council's  intention  to  instruct,  and  they  finally  sentenced 
him  to  suflfer  as  a  heretic. 

Sigismund,  seated  on  his  throne,  presided  over  the  coun- 


COUNCIL  OF  CONSTANCE.  287 

cil  that  condemned  Huss  to  death.  The  martyr  was  first 
deprived  of  all  the  vestments  and  insignia  of  the  offices  he 
held,  and  then  crowned  with  a  paper  cap,  an  ell  in  height, 
on  which  three  devils  were  painted,  and  this  inscription : 
"The  archheretic."  The  noble  confessor  calmly  observed, 
"  Christ  wore  a  crown  of  thorns."  The  elector  of  the  Pal- 
atinate headed  the  procession  to  the  place  of  execution, 
where  Huss  was  bound  to  the  stake,  the  misguided  popu- 
lace heaping  up  the  fuel.  On  seeing  a  peasant  engaged  in 
this  task,  the  Christian  sufferer  exclaimed  with  true  com- 
passion, "  0  sacred  simphcity !"  a  touching  counterpart  of 
his  Di\ine  Master's,  "  They  know  not  what  they  do."  The 
pile  was  kindled,  and  the  martyr's  voice  was  heard  singing 
a  psalm  until  he  was  stifled  by  the  flames.  His  execution 
took  place  on  his  forty-second  birthday,  and  on  the  6  th  of 
July,  1415. 

One  of  the  most  faithful  and  attached  friends  of  Huss 
was  Jerome  Faulfisch,  commonly  known  as  Jerome  of 
Prague.  The  doctrines  which  Huss  taught  from  the  pulpit, 
Jerome  inculcated,  and  it  is  said  with  greater  eloquence, 
from  his  chair  in  the  university.  He  was  accordingly  des- 
tined to  tread  in  his  companion's  footsteps.  Summoned  to 
Constance,  his  resolution  at  first  forsook  him,  and  he  recant- 
ed, but  he  soon  entreated  to  be  heard  again,  when  he  boldly 
retracted  the  recantation  which  only  his  fears  had  extorted. 
Condemned  like  Huss  to  the  stake,  Jerome  suffered  with 
equal  constancy,  and  when  the  executioner  would  have 
kindled  the  fagots  behind  his  back,  he  bade  him  do  it  be- 
fore his  face ;  "  for  had  I  dreaded  fire,"  exclaimed  the  cour- 
ageous Christian,  "  I  should  not  have  been  here."  This 
tragical  event  followed  the  former  in  less  than  a  year. 

With  such  awful  displays  of  the  malevolence  of  bigotry 
did  the  Council  of  Constance  beguile  the  time  until  the 
three  contending  Pontiffs  could  be  brought  to  submission. 
The  emperor's  visit  to  Benedict  had  proved  very  unsatisfac- 
tory.    He  found  him  deaf  to  all  remonstrances,  and  reso- 


288  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

lute  not  to  abandon  tlie  bark  of  St.  Peter,  the  helm  of 
which,  he  said,  had  been  confided  to  him  by  God.  Al- 
though seventy-eight  years  old,  Benedict  argued  his  own 
cause  before  the  emperor  and  an  assembly  of  nobles  and 
doctors  of  the  Church,  for  seven  successive  hours,  and  with 
such  fervid  impetuosity  as  to  fill  his  audience  with  amaze- 
ment. John  also  soon  repented  of  the  concessions  he  had 
made,  and  quitting  Constance  in  military  disguise,  escaped 
to  the  castle  of  Fribourg,  where  the  duke  of  Austria  en- 
gaged to  protect  him. 

But  the  tide  of  fortune  had  turned  in  favor  of  the  coun- 
cil, and  of  its  efforts  to  establish  peace.  Benedict's  friends 
deserted  him  one  after  another,  and  John's  protector  be- 
trayed his  guest  into  the  hands  of  the  emperor.  John  was 
brought  before  the  council,  and  charged  with  the  most 
monstrous  crimes,  almost  any  one  of  which  would  have 
brought  a  common  offender  to  the  scaffold,  and  to  none  of 
these  charges  did  he  offer  denial  or  defense.  His  humble 
deportment  probably  saved  him  from  death,  but  he  was 
solemnly  deposed  from  the  popedom,  and  spent  many  sub- 
sequent years  in  prison.  The  sentence  of  deposition  was 
also  pronounced  upon  the  absent  Benedict,  and  the  abdica- 
tion of  Gregory  was  formally  registered.  The  council  then 
proceeded  to  the  election  of  a  new  pontiff.  Otho  Colonna, 
a  member  of  that  noble  Roman  house,  and  Cardinal-deacon 
of  St.  George,  was  the  unanimous  choice  of  the  college, 
which  had  first  been  carefully  recomposed,  so  that  there 
should  be  an  equal  number  of  representatives  in  it  of  each 
nation  belonging  to  the  council.  The  new  Pontiff  assumed 
the  title  of  Martin  V. 

The  first  duty  which  devolved  on  Martin  was  to  preside 
over  the  remaining  sessions  of  the  council,  which  now  turned 
its  attention  to  the  general  condition  of  the  Church.  There 
was  a  party  in  it  that  sincerely  desired  a  general  reforma- 
tion ;  and  well  knowing  that  the  weight  of  the  papacy  was 
always  thrown  into  the  scale  of  cori-uption,  they  had  stren- 


COUNCIL   OF   CONSTAN'CE.  289 

uously  deprecated  the  election  of  a  new  pope  until  the  nec- 
essary reform  should  at  least  have  been  commenced.  De- 
feated in  this  by  the  election  of  Martin  V.,  they  gave  up  the 
cause  as  a  lost  one ;  for  though  a  committee  of  refoi'm  was 
appointed,  and  their  plans  for  regulating  the  conduct  of  the 
clergy,  and  restraining  the  acknowledged  abuses  of  indul- 
gences and  dispensations,  were  approved  by  the  council,  in 
filling  up  the  vacant  popedom  that  assembly  had  cast  away 
the  only  opportunity  they  had  of  carrying  such  plans  into 
effect.     The  reformation  was  indefinitely  postponed. 

The  actually  efifective  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Con- 
stance were  rather  new  impulses  to  the  march  of  error  than 
checks  to  its  progress.  One  of  its  canons  restricted  the 
laity  to  the  use  of  bread  only  in  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's 
supper,  at  the  same  time  confessing,  with  truly  popish  ef- 
frontery, that  it  was  a  deviation  from  the  practice  of  the 
primitive  Church.  The  power  that  dares  to  set  itself  in 
such  defiant  opposition  to  the  commands  of  Christ  cannot 
possibly  be  cleared  from  the  brandmark  of  the  Antichrist, 
whose  coming  was  announced  by  the  inspired  pen  of  the 
apostles.  Another  of  its  decrees  was  as  barefaced  a  viola- 
tion of  the  commonest  rules  of  morality.  Referring  to  the 
base  treachery  of  the  emperor  in  breaking  his  compact  with 
Huss,  respecting  the  safe-conduct,  the  council  adopted  the 
principle  of  the  act,  affirming  that,  because  of  his  heresy, 
Huss  was  unworthy  of  any  privilege,  and  that  no  faith  or 
promise  ought  to  be  kept  with  him  to  the  prejudice  of  the 
Catholic  religion.  We  cannot  wonder  that  "  No  faith  with 
heretics"  should  have  become  the  watch-word  of  a  party 
whose  teachers  and  leaders  could  solemnly  ordain  it  as  a 
principle  of  morals,  not  hesitating  to  put  evil  for  good,  and 
darkness  for  hght. 

Martin  V.,  as  was  foreseen,  took  the  earliest  occasion  of 
dissolving  an  assembly  which  claimed  an  authority  para- 
mount to  his  own  ;  and  the  Council  of  Constance — the  most 
memorable  that  had  been  held  for  ages — was  accordingly 

13 


290  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

dismissed  in  the  spring  of  1418.  Before  it  separated,  how- 
ever, it  decreed  that  another  general  council  should  be 
called  in  five  years,  a  second  seven  years  later,  and  that 
afterward  they  should  recur  every  ten  years — a  decree 
which  the  Pontiff  took  good  eare  should  never  come  into 
operation. 

The  pontificate  of  Martin  was  chiefly  occupied  in  attempts 
to  recover  possession  of  the  States  of  the  Church,  which,  in 
the  long  absence  of  the  popes,  had  been  the  prey  of  every 
invader ;  of  the  Hungarians  first,  and  then  of  the  Neapoli- 
tans. In  these  attempts  he  succeeded,  and  then  devoted 
himself  to  the  amassing  of  wealth  and  the  aggi-andizement 
of  his  family.  He  was  also  the  first"  Pontiff  who  resumed 
the  royal  prerogative  of  coining  money,  after  it  had  been 
exercised  by  the  senate  c^*  the'  senator  for  nearly  three  hun- 
dred years,  and  in  the  series  of  extant  papal  coins  the  image 
and  superscription  of  Martin  V.  is  the  first  in  order. 

The  reforming  party  were  far  fi'om  content  with  the  re- 
sults of  the  Council  of  Constance,  and  anxiously  looked  for- 
ward to  the  meeting  of  another  general  council,  by  which 
the  abuses  of  the  Church  should  be  thoroughly  discussed, 
and  some  effectual  remedies  applied.  But  Martin  was  too 
politic  to  permit  any  such  opportunity  of  undermining  the 
authority  of  the  popedom.  In  compliance  with  the  htter 
of  the  decrees  of  the  former  council,  he  summoned  another 
in  1423,  but  fixed  its  place  of  assembly  at  Pavia,  knowing 
that  their  jealous  and  well-founded  apprehensions  of  papal 
influence  would  quite  deter  the  transalpine  clergy  from  at- 
tending. He  summoned  another  at  Basil,  in  1431 ;  but  be- 
fore its  proceedings  commenced  the  Pontiff  himself  had 
passed  away  from  the  stage  of  human  life. 


A  second  cycle  in  the  history  of  the  Romish  Church  and 
its  pontiffs  has  now  passed  before  lis.  We  have  yet,  in- 
deed, to  see  to  what  a  depth  of  depravity  and  corruption 


COUNCIL  OF  CONSTANCE.  291 

the  current  of  events  was  now  bearing  the  Pope.  But 
ah-eady  we  can  perceive  the  symptoms  of  coming  reform. 
While  the  darkness  is  thickening  there  are  occasional  corus- 
cations of  light ;  and  the  bright,  although  somewhat  mete- 
oric career  of  an  Arnold,  a  Huss,  a  Jerome,  and  a  Wiclif, 
proclaim  the  advancing  dawn  of  the  reformation. 

One  obvious  lesson  to  be  learned  from  the  foregoing  nar- 
rative, and  applicable  alike  to  individuals,  nations,  and  sys- 
tems, is  the  utter  futility  of  a  mere  outward  reformation. 
Such  was  the  reformation  of  the  Church  attempted  by 
Gregory  the  Seventh.  It  soon  became  apparent  that  noth- 
ing was  accomphshed  beyond  an  exchange  of  vices.  Am- 
bition, which  wore  the  cloak  of  sanctity  in  Gregory  and  in 
his  immediate  successors,  became  undisguised  and  rampant 
arrogance  and  pride  in  Adrian  IV.,  Alexander  III.,  and 
Innocent  III. ;  and  ultimately  brought  back  the  priesthood 
(as  we  shall  hereafter  see)  to  the  very  same  point  of  cor- 
ruption from  which  the  pseudo-reformation  had  started, 
when  the  avarice,  licentiousness,  and  cruelty  of  a  Bene- 
dict IX.  discovered  their  hideous  features  once  again  in 
Sixtus  IV.,  Innocent  VIII. ,  and  Alexander  VI. 

A  second  truth  which  this  history  suggests  is  the  ab- 
surdity of  the  claim  set  up  hy  the  Romanist  for  the  unity 
and  infallibility  of  his  Church.  The  anti-popes,  who  thun- 
dered their  curses  against  the  popes,  were  often  as  fully 
entitled  to  do  so,  by  canonical  law,  as  the  accepted  pontiffs 
themselves.  Twice  were  the  rival  claims  so  nicely  balanced 
that  nothing  less  than  a  general  council  could  settle  the 
strife.  Popes  have  thus  belied  one  another  while  alive  ; 
and  perhaps  as  often  have  the  decrees  of  a  deceased  pon- 
tiff been  repealed  or  contradicted  by  the  decrees  of  his  suc- 
cessor. 

One  other  fact  important  to  be  noted  is,  that  new  ex- 
crescence of  the  papal  system  which  disgraces  its  second 
era — tlie  plenary  absolution  of  sins  hy  indulgences  and  jubi- 
lees.    The  great  want  of  the  human  soul  is  the  forgiveness 


292  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

of  its  sins.  It  is  the  deepest  want  of  humanity.  For  this 
**  the  whole  creation  groaneth  and  travaileth  in  pain  to- 
gether." For  this  the  Divine  Redeemer  is  the  "  Desu'e  of 
all  nations."  Richly  in  his  word  has  he  provided  for  this 
want  of  the  human  family.  "  Repentance  and  remission  of 
sins  "  are  the  great  truths  of  the  gospel.  The  Saviour's 
invitations  are  still  addressed  to  the  children  of  men — "  If 
any  man  thirst,  let  him  come  unto  me  and  drink  " — "Come 
unto  me,  all  ye  that  labor  and  are  heavy  laden,  and  I  will 
give  you  rest  " — rest  by  faith  in  his  atoning  sacrifice  from 
the  stings  of  a  guilty  conscience — rest  by  an  interest  in  his 
justifying  righteousness  from  the  claims  of  a  violated  law — 
rest  by  the  indwelhng  of  his  regenerating  Spirit  (freely  im- 
parted to  all  who  seek  it  aright)  from  the  debasing  bond- 
age of  sin  and  corruption.  Such  is  the  gospel  provision. 
Woe  to  that  system  which  has  dared  to  corrupt  the  fountain 
of  divine  truth,  and  which  has  presumed  to  mock  the  crav- 
ing of  man  for  the  forgiveness  of  sin,  by  supplying  him  with 
the  polluted  streams  of  human  inventions,  instead  of  the 
"  living  waters  " — to  tantalize  and  deceive  him  with  cun- 
ninof  devices  and  fraudulent  mummeries !  Human  nature 
may  thus  be  abused  and  deluded  for  a  time,  but  God's 
righteous  providence  will  discover  the  foul  imposture,  and 
the  impostors  themselves  will  become  a  by-word  and  re- 
proach. And  the  hour  of  discovery  was  now  at  hand. 
Ere  lona:  the  voice  was  to  be  heard  that  should  shake  the 
world,  as  with  the  blast  of  a  trumpet,  and  announce  that 
popes  are  nothing,  priests  nothing — that  beside  the  name 
of  Jesus  "  there  is  none  other  name  under  heaven  given 
among  men,  whereby  we  must  be  saved." 


KXi   ®|irL 


FEOM  THE  DAWN  OF  THE  REFORMATION  TO  THE  ROMANIST 
REACTION -A.  D.  1431-1605. 


CHAPTER  I. 

INTRODUCTORY  OBSERVATIONS PONTIFICATES  OF  UGENIUS  IV. 

AND  NICHOLAS  V. A.  D.  1431-1455. 

No  empire,  of  ancient  or  modern  times,  has  experienced 
such  marvelous  and  varied  vicissitudes  as  those  which 
have  befallen  the  empire  of  the  Roman  Church.  Born 
in  obscurity  and  reared  in  adversity,  that  Church  nev- 
ertheless succeeded  in  climbing  to  a  loftier  throne,  and 
grasping  the  scepter  of  a  more  absolute  dominion,  than 
either  a  Xerxes  or  an  Alexander  could  boast.  Pretending 
to  despise  mere  worldly  gains,  she  cunningly  turned  the 
channels  of  riches  toward  herself,  and  emptied  them  with- 
out scruple  into  the  reservoirs  of  her  own  wealth.  When 
the  day  of  her  humiliation  had  arrived,  and  her  intolerable 
arrogance  and  selfishness  provoked  fierce  vengeance  from 
the  indignant  world,  she  did  not,  like  other  empires,  fall 
beneath  the  violent  blow.  Just  for  a  moment  she  reeled 
and  recoiled,  but  it  was  only  to  gather  new  strength  and 
return  to  her  former  position.  When  the  German  thought 
to  bind  her  with  imperial  ordinances  and  laws,  she  proudly 
snapped  asunder  these  "withes  of  the  Philistines,"  and  pro- 
claimed herself  superior  to  all  secular  control.  When  the 
Albigensian  Christians  hoped  to  undermine  her  authority 
by  laying  bare  her  corruptness  to  the  gaze  of  the  world, 
she  was  able,  and  did  not  shrink  from  commanding  fire  and 
sword  to  destroy  the  presumptuous  heretics,  and  set  her 


294  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

free  from  their  annoying  and  dangerous  scrutiny.  When 
the  French  king,  Philip  the  Fair,  resentful  of  her  lordly 
assumptions,  dared  to  degrade  and  imprison  one  of  her 
haughtiest  pontiflFs,  and  so  tampered  with  the  cardinals  that 
they  were  content  to  endure  a  base  capti\ity  at  Avignon, 
submitting  their  high  functions  to  the  unhallowed  rule  of  a 
mere  temporal  sovereign,  there  was  still  vigor  enough  left 
in  "  the  Churcli  "  to  wipe  oflF  the  ignominy  and  retrieve  the 
disaster.  She  brought  back  her  chieftains  from  their 
"  Babylon  of  bondage,"  and  in  spite  of  schisms  within,  and 
new  forms  of  hostility  without,  engendered  by  the  learning 
that  was  now  diffusing  itself  all  around,  she  reestablished 
them  on  their  ancient  throne,  and  reinvested  them  with  no 
mean  share  of  their  ancient  power. 

And  although  in  the  century  we  are  now,  in  these  his- 
torical sketches,  approaching,  a  heavier  shock  was  given  to 
the  Roman  Church  than  she  had  ever  sustained  before,  we 
shall  find  that,  notwithstanding  her  manifest  degeneracy, 
her  strength  was  far  from  exhausted.  Within  herself  she 
yet  possessed  the  means  of  resisting  all  her  foes,  and  of  once 
again  inducing  a  large  portion  of  the  human  family  to  yield 
her  a  devoted  allegiance.  The  Reformation,  which  wrested 
from  Rome  the  two  richest  provinces  of  her  empire,  was 
succeeded  by  a  reaction,  which  at  least  checked  the  prog- 
ress of  her  ruin,  and  established  on  a  firmer  basis  than  ever 
the  authority  she  still  retained.  To  a  Roman  Catholic,  this 
momentous  era  in  the  history  of  his  Chmxh  is  fraught  with 
the  most  painful  and  humiliating,  as  well  as  some  of  the 
most  triumphant  reminiscences  of  her  whole  eventful  career. 
To  us,  the  collisions  between  Rome  and  the  Protestant 
Churches  in  the  sixteenth  century  are  far  more  interesting 
than  all  the  other  struggles  of  the  papal  Church,  and  they 
will  therefore  detain  us  a  proportionable  time. 

It  will  be  manifest,  as  this  narrative  proceeds,  that  much 
of  Rome's  wonderful  vitality  is  attributable  to  the  characters 
of  the  men  who  successively  occupied  her  throne.     But  we 


EUGENIUS  IV.   AND  NICHOLAS  V.  295 

shall  assuredly  find  that  while  some  great  men  impressed  the 
stamp  of  their  greatness  upon  the  age  in  which  they  hved, 
and  on  the  institutions  they  governed,  it  was  a  Greater  than 
any  human  hand  that  secretly  and  potently  directed  the 
current  of  events,  making  even  the  selfish  papal  imposture 
subservient  to  the  highest  and  most  glorious  designs.  Again 
and  again  are  we  taught  the  profound  truthfulness  of  the 
declaration,  that  "  the  Most  His^h  ruleth  in  the  kino-dom  of 
men,  and  giveth  it  to  whomsoever  he  will,  and  setteth 
up  over  it  the  basest  of  men^ 

The  pontificate  of  Eugenius  IY.,  who  succeeded  Martin  Y. 
in  1431,  was  distracted  by  the  dissensions  which  prevailed 
both  in  the  Church  and  in  the  secular  dominions  of  the 
Pope.  A  war  broke  out  between  Eugenius  and  some  of  the 
baronial  houses  of  Rome,  in  the  vicissitudes  of  which  the  lat- 
ter were  well-nigh  destroyed,  and  the  Pontiflf  was  once  com- 
pelled to  flee  from  Rome  and  seek  safety  in  a  neighborino- 
city.  But  the  proceedings  in  the  Council  of  Basel,  con- 
vened by  his  predecessor,  rendered  ih^  pontificate  of  Euge- 
nius so  excessively  stormy.  That  council  boldly  declared 
its  superiority  to  papal  mandates,  and  would  not  even  ad- 
mit the  Pope's  legates  until  they  had  sworn  obedience  to 
all  its  decrees.  It  then  hastened  to  enact  statutes  abolish- 
ing annates,  reservations,  and  other  lucrative  but  tyrannical 
prerogatives  of  the  popedom.  To  such  daring  innovations 
no  pontiff  could  be  expected  to  submit,  and  least  of  all 
Eugenius,  who  was  as  proud  and  passionate  as  he  was 
ignorant  and  weak.  He  summoned  a  new  council  at  Flor- 
ence ;  whereupon  the  Council  of  Basel  elected  a  new  Pope, 
and  all  the  fierceness  of  the  former  schism  was  revived. 
The  contest  between  these  rival  Popes  and  councils  was 
rapidly  rising,  and  would  soon  have  endangered  the  unity 
of  the  Church,  if  the  death  of  Eugenius,  in  1447,  had  not 
given  an  opportunity  for  choosing  a  successor  to  the  tiara 
in  whom  all  parties  could  unite. 

With  the  accession  of  Nicholas  Y.  a  season  of  com- 


296  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

parative  peace  was  ushered  in.  This  Pontiff  had  raised 
himself  from  rank  to  rank  in  the  Church  chiefly  by  his 
studious  and  hterary  habits.  On  being  recommended  to 
Eugenius  IV.,  he  had  at  once  received  a  cardinal's  hat ;  but 
there  it  seemed  probable  that  his  exaltation  would  cease, 
as  many  other  members  of  the  college  were  powerful  by 
their  connections,  while  he  was  only  the  son  of  a  physician. 
By  an  accident,  however,  their  votes  united  in  him,  and  he 
commenced  his  pontificate  with  promises  of  establishing 
peace  and  promoting  learning.  The  latter  part  of  his 
engagement  he  fulfilled ;  the  former  was  beyond  his  power. 

The  love  of  liberty  which  Petrarch  had  infused  into  the 
Roman  people,  and  which  Rienzi's  brilliant  though  short 
career  had  so  largely  developed,  had  not  yet  become  extinct. 
They  often  rebelled  against  the  tyranny  of  the  popes,  but 
were  not  steadfast  enough  to  succeed  in  throwing  off  their 
yoke.  In  the  interval  that  elapsed  between  the  death  of 
Eugenius  and  the  election  of  Nicholas,  a  noble  and  honor- 
able Roman,  Stefano  Porcari,  urged  his  countrymen  to 
oblige  the  new  Pontiff  to  promise  and  secure  to  them  con- 
stitutional liberty.  The  fickle  or  frivolous  temper  of  the 
people  prevented  his  success,  and  Nicholas  therefore  as- 
sumed the  tiara  with  a  deep-rooted  prejudice  against  Por- 
cari, and  with  such  unlimited  power,  that  he  banished  him 
almost  immediately  to  the  city  of  Bologna. 

Porcari,  however,  found  frequent  opportunities  of  escap- 
ing to  Rome,  where  he  stirred  up  his  partisans  to  attempt 
a  general  revolt.  Nicholas,  hearing  of  the  plot,  became 
apprehensive  that  his  life  was  in  peril,  and,  from  being 
mild  and  confiding,  grew  timid  and  ferocious.  He  stained 
his  hands  with  the  blood  of  the  imprudent  Porcari,  whose 
sentiments  were  patriotic  and  noble,  but  whose  judgment 
was  heated  and  rash.  The  patriot  was  sentenced  without 
trial,  and,  together  with  nine  of  his  confederates,  was  hanged 
from  the  battlements  of  St.  Angelo.  This  cruel  transaction 
was  followed  by  continual  acts  of  severity  and  injustice ;  so 


EUGENIUS  IV.   AND  NICHOLAS  V.  297 

that  the  reign  of  Nicholas,  although  peaceful  m  relation  to 
other  states,  was  one  of  perpetual  cabals  and  terror  at  home. 
The  revolt  of  Porcari  was  the  last  effervescence  of  the 
repubhcan  spirit  in  Rome,  which  has  continued  till  the 
present  century  in  resigned  submission  to  pontifical  rule. 
In  the  year  1452  the  Emperor  Frederic  III.  alarmed  the 
citizens  by  a  visit,  but  his  intentions  were  wholly  pacific. 
His  only  request  was  that  he  might  receive  the  honor  of 
coronation  from  papal  hands ;  and  this  was  the  last  instance 
of  a  German  emperor  crossing  the  Alps  for  so  servile  and 
unnecessary  a  pm-pose. 

When  free  from  those  alarms  which  had  transformed  a 
naturally  amiable  disposition  into  one  of  a  suspicious  and 
even  tyrannical  kind,  Nicholas  employed  himself  in  pursuits 
^hich  were  as  useful  to  the  world  as  they  were  cono-enial 
to  his  own  taste.    In  his  encouragement  of  learning,  he  was 
as  splendidly  munificent  as  his  own  friend  and  early  patron 
Cosmo  de'  Medici,  the  "pater  patri^"  of  Florence.     Tlie 
papal  court  was  crowded  with  men  of  letters  who  were 
fostered  with  his  bounty.     He  founded  the  Vatican  library, 
and  contributed  to  its  stores  above  five  thousand  manu- 
scripts, which  were  collected  at  his  expense,  and  in  part  by 
his  own  research.     A  greater  number  of  the  Greek  classics 
were  translated  into  Latin  by  his  command  than  in  all  the 
five  centuries  preceding  his  elevation.    His  patronage  of  the 
arts  was  equally  generous.    The  remarkable  monuments  of 
the  metropolis  were  preserved  and  cherished  by  his  enthu- 
siastic admiration;  the  churches  were  repaired  and   em- 
bellished;   and   the   erection   of  many  superb   structures 
attested  at  once  the  magnificence  of  his  spirit  and  the  re- 
finement of  his  taste.     Happy  should  we  be  to  record  of  so 
noble  a  mind  that  it  gave  evidence  also  of  havino-  been 
purified  by  the  grace  of  God ;  but  alas !  this,  the  crowning 
virtue,  without  which  all  others  are  comparatively  worthless, 
was  the  only  one  of  which  Nicholas  appeared  to  be  destitute. 
He  had  not  learned  to  forsake  all  and  follow  Christ 

13* 


298  LIVES    OF  THE   POPES. 

From  "his  literary  pursuits,  the  Pontiff  was  suddenly  called 
off  by  the  appalling  announcement  that  Constantinople  had 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Ottoman  Turks.  With  the 
gradual  decay  of  the  Greek  empire,  the  insolence  and 
encroachments  of  this  warlike  people  had  kept  equal  pace. 
In  vain  had  the  Emperor  Constantine  Palaeologus  sought  to 
propitiate  the  young  and  ambitious  Sultan  Mohammed  II. 
Certain  of  the  weakness  of  the  Greeks,  (or,  as  they  still 
chose  to  be  called,  the  Romans,)  Mohammed  coolly  trans- 
ported his  troops  across  the  Bosphorus,  and  erected  a 
fortress  on  its  western  shore.  Issuing  thence,  with  all  the 
munitions  of  war,  in  the  summer  of  1453,  he  encamped 
before  the  walls  of  Constantinople,  and  took  it,  after  an 
obstinate  resistance  of  fifty- three  days.  In  this  siege,  the 
artillery  of  ancient  and  modern  times  were  combined  both 
in  the  assault  and  the  defense,  thus  marking  in  a  singular 
manner  the  stage  at  which  the  progress  of  ci\alization  had 
arrived.  The  ''  Greek  fire"  and  the  cross-bow  were  used 
by  the  besieged,  together  with  the  rude  hand-gun,  and  per- 
haps the  arquebus ;  while  in  the  camp  of  the  besiegers,  the 
catapult  and  battering-ram  stood  side-by-side  with  the  large 
cannons  contrived  for  the  express  occasion  by  the  Turks. 
Mohammed  is  said  to  have  constructed  a  cannon  by  which 
a  ball  of  six  hundred  pounds'  weight  was  driven  the  dis- 
tance of  a  mile,  falling  then  with  such  force  as  to  sink  a 
fathom  deep  in  the  ground.  By  this  mingled  species  of 
artillery,  a  breach  was  at  last  effected  in  the  stubborn  walls 
of  the  city;  and  in  the  conflict  that  ensued,  the  unhappy 
emperor  finally  fell.  A  large  part  of  Europe  thus  passed 
into  Ottoman  hands,  and  the  beautiful  church  of  San  Sophia 
was  forthwith  transformed  into  a  Mohammedan  mosque. 

Apprehensive  that  the  success  of  the  conqueror  would 
tempt  him  to  extend  his  ravages,  and  perhaps  even  to  aim  at 
the  capture  of 'the  more  ancient  metropolis  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire, the  Pope  endeavored  to  revive  among  the  faithful  the 
crusading  spirit  of  former  days.    In  Germany,  the  eloquence 


ALARM   OF  TURKISH  INVASION.  299 

of  ^neas  Sj^lvius  was  employed  to  inflame  the  people ;  but 
with  Yery  indifferent  results.  In  Italy,  a  hermit  named 
Simonet  was  more  successful.  By  his  earnestness  and  ac- 
tivity he  prevailed  on  the  Italian  cities  to  suspend  their 
quarrels,  and  unite  in  the  common  cause.  But  ere  the  in- 
tended armament  could  be  prepared,  Nicholas  was  taken 
dangerously  ill,  and  after  much  suffering  expired.  His  con- 
fessions are  fraught  with  instruction  to  the  worldly  and  am- 
bitious. "  Gladly,"  said  he,  "  would  I  resign  the  pontificate 
if  I  dared,  and  become  once  more  Thomas  of  Sarzana. 
Under  that  simple  name  I  had  more  enjoyment  in  a  single 
day  than  any  year  has  since  afforded  me." 


CHAPTER  II. 

ALARM  OF  TURKISH   INVASION CONSPIRACY   OF  THE   PAZZI. 

A.  D.  1455-14:84:. 

The  successor  of  Nicholas  was  Alphonso  Borgia,  a  Span- 
iard, and  who  assumed,  with  the  tiara,  the  title  of  Calix- 
Tus  III.  His  short  reign  of  three  years  produced  no  re- 
markable event;  and  his  name  might  be  passed  over  in 
silence  but  for  the  ''  bad  eminence  "  it  has  reached  throug-h 
the  infamous  life  of  Roderic  Borgia,  who  was  either  his 
nephew  or  his  son.  Of  that  infamy  Calixtus  III.  justly 
deserves  a  share,  for  he  basely  used  the  pontificate  for  the 
mere  purpose  of  advancing  his  nephew,  and  other  equally 
depraved  relatives,  to  seats  of  wealth  and  power.  On  them 
he  exhausted  the  papal  treasures,  and  diverted  to  family 
aggrandizement  the  riches  that  he  had  sworn  to  use  for  the 
good  of  a  vast  community. 

A  little  before  his  death,  Calixtus  received  a  deputation 
from  Germany,  complaining  of  papal  exactions,  and  JEneas 
Sylvius,  formerly  the  emperor's  but  now  the  Pope's  secre- 
tary, forgetful  of  his  obligations  to  the  German  nation,  took 


300  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

this  occasion  of  flattering  the  Pontiff  by  stoutly  opposing 
the  claims  of  the  delegates.  He  advocated,  with  his  usual 
skill  and  eloquence,  the  demands  of  the  Pope  upon  the  Ger- 
man bishops,  and  was  rewarded  by  immediate  elevation  to 
the  purple.  It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  this  was  the  same 
man  who,  at  the  Council  of  Basel,  had  so  zealously  con- 
tended that  the  authority  of  a  council  was  superior  to  that 
of  a  pope,  and  that  the  latter  was  "  rather  to  be  regarded 
as  the  vicar  of  the  Church  than  as  the  vicar  of  Christ." 
But  such  is  the  alchemy  of  ambition — the  transmuting 
power  of  selfish  worldliness. 

Perhaps  it  was  the  advanced  age,  as  much  as  the  high 
reputation  of  ^neas  Sylvius,  that  recommended  him  to  the 
college  as  the  most  eligible  successor  to  Calixtus  III.  on 
the  demise  of  the  latter.  Be  this  as  it  may,  he  received  a 
majority  of  their  votes,  and  immediately  adopted  the  title 
of  Pius  II.  Had  the  times  been  equally  favorable,  it  is 
probable  that  the  career  of  Pius  II.  would  have  closely  re- 
sembled that  of  Nicholas  Y.  The  new  Pontiff  was  a  man 
of  the  same  tastes,  but  of  even  greater  abilities  and  loftier 
distinction.  His  poems,  letters,  and  orations,  still  attest  the 
brilliancy  of  his  genius.  On  attaining  the  popedom,  his 
success  in  diplomacy  and  his  elaborate  historical  composi- 
tions had  already  established  his  character  for  extensive 
learning,  and  especially  for  a  just  knowledge  of  mankind. 
But  his  talents  were  destined  to  be  henceforth  employed  in 
a  direction  which  rendered  them  far  less  useful  to  the  world 
than  they  might  otherwise  have  proved. 

The  nearer  approach  of  the  Turks  to  the  shores  of  the 
Adriatic  had  thoroughly  aroused  the  fears  of  the  Pope,  and 
decided  him  to  neglect  no  means  of  stirring  up  Christian 
opposition  to  the  march  of  the  infidel.  With  this  object  in 
view,  he  summoned  a  council  at  Mantua,  which  was  largely 
attended  by  Italian  bishops,  and  more  reluctantly  and 
meagerly  by  representatives  from  the  other  nations  of  Eu- 
rope.    At  this  council,  the  Pope  exerted  all  his  eloquence 


ALARM   OF  TURKISH  INVASION.  301 

to  awaken  the  fears  and  inflame  the  zeal  of  princes  and 
people  for  the  sacred  cause.     To  all  appearance  he  pre- 
vailed.    The  council  promised  assistance,  but  separated  to 
forgfet  their  promise.     It  was  at  this  council  that  Pius  took 
occasion  to  recant  and  reprobate  sentiments  respecting  the 
popedom  which  he  had  held  in  his  earlier  days "  An  exe- 
crable abuse,"  said  he,  "  unheard  of  in  ancient  times,  has 
gained  footing  in  our  days,  of  presuming  to  appeal  from 
the  Pontiff  of  Rome,  the  vicar  of  Jesus  Christ,  to  a  council ; 
a  practice  which  every  man  instructed  in  law  must  regard 
as  contrary  to  the  holy  canons,  and  prejudicial  to  the  Chris- 
tian repubhc."    In  an  edict  subsequently  published,  he  de- 
clared that  his  own  defense  of  such  a  sentiment  at  the 
Council  of  Basel  was  owing  to  ignorance.     "  Wherefore," 
he  added,  *'  despise  those  opinions,  reject  them,  and  follow 
that  which  I  now  proclaim  to  you.     Believe  me  now  that  I 
am  old,  rather  than  when  I  spoke  as  a  youth ;  pay  more 
regard  to  the  sovereign  Pontiff  than  to  the  individual ;  re- 
ject ^neas,  receive  Pius."    It  has  been  well  observed,  that 
"  if  this  change  in  opinion  had  been  a  change  to  a  wiser  and 
better  opinion,  and  not  to  one  so  obviously  coincident  with 
the  Pontiff's  personal  advancement,  the  sincerity  of  his 
professions  might  possibly  have  been  beheved."     As  the 
case  actually  stands,  there  can  hardly  be  a  doubt  that  the 
Pontiff  well  knew  that  it  was  ^neas  Sylvius  who  was  right, 
and  Pius  II.  who  was  wrong. 

There  was  real  sincerity,  however,  in  the  Pope's  dread 
or  hatred  of  the  Turks.  Fmding  the  princes  of  Europe  too 
busily  engaged  in  putting  down  domestic  seditions  to  think 
much  of  a  distant  foe,  Pius  resolved  to  rebuke  their  remiss- 
ness by  setting  them  an  example  in  person.  "  If  they  will 
not  attend  when  we  say,  Go;'  exclaimed  he,  "they  per- 
haps may  if  we  say.  Come.  We  will  ourselves  march 
against  the  Turks ;  not  that  we  propose  to  draw  the  sword ; 
but,  after  the  example  of  Moses,  we  shall  stand  on  some 
lofty  galley  or  mountain's  brow,  and,  holding  the  eucharist 


302  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

before  our  eyes,  implore  Christ  to  grant  safety  and  victory 
to  our  contending  forces."  In  the  summer  of  1464,  Pius, 
although  suffering  severely  from  illness  and  the  infirmities 
of  age,  actually  set  out  to  join  a  considerable  body  of  troops 
lying  at  Ancona.  He  was  borne  on  a  litter,  and  was  con- 
veyed by  slow  journeys  to  the  place  of  rendezvous.  On 
arriving  at  Ancona  he  found  a  multitude  of  ill-armed  and 
ill-disciplined  soldiers,  who  seemed  to  have  little  enthusiasm 
in  the  great  cause  they  had  espoused.  Disappointment  and 
mortification,  in  all  probability,  hastened  his  end,  and  on  the 
12th  of  August  Pope  Pius  II.  expired. 

Paul  II.,  a  Venetian,  was  immediately  elected  to  be  the 
next  wearer  of  the  tiara.  In  early  life  he  had  been  a  mer- 
chant, and  had  not  turned  his  thoughts  to  study  until  his 
uncle,  or  father.  Pope  Eugenius  IV.,  had  unexpectedly 
attained  the  popedom,  and  so  given  an  ambitious  direction 
to  his  desires.  In  entering  upon  office,  he  solemnly  pledged 
himself  to  continue  the  enterprise  of  the  late  Pope  against 
the  Turks ;  but  he  soon  made  it  evident  that  there  were 
other  objects  much  nearer  his  heart.  Carefully  conciliating 
the  cardinals  by  granting  them  various  favors,  among 
which  was  the  childish  one  of  permitting  them  to  wear 
miters  made  of  silk,  and  to  adorn  their  horses  with  scarlet 
trappings,  he  ventured  to  employ  the  treasures  which  had 
been  gathered  by  his  predecessors  for  the  Turkish  crusade, 
in  rewarding  the  persecutors  of  the  Hussites  in  Bohemia ; 
so  that  the  sufferings  of  that  unhappy  people  were  greatly 
aggravated,  and  the  flames  of  dvil  war  raged  with  renewed 
fury. 

At  home,  Paul  displayed  himself  as  the  enemy  of  all 
learning,  and  the  patron  of  w^^tever  was  frivolous  and  low. 
He  delighted  in  shows  and  Spectacles,  and  his  biographer 
indignantly  describes  a  general  racing  amusement  which 
was  devised  for  the  pleasure  of  this  venerable  Pontiff.  "All 
raced — old  men,  middle-aged  men,  young  men,  and  Jews ; 
the  latter,  however,  were  well  drenched  before  they  started. 


ALARM  OF  TURKISH  INVASION.  303 

that  they  might  not  run  so  fast.  Horses  raced,  mares,  asses, 
and  buffaloes ;  and  at  all  this  racing  the  populace  were  so 
much  amused,  that  they  could  hardly  keep  on  their  feet  for 
laughing.  The  Pope  took  his  station  at  the  church  of  St, 
Marco,  and  after  the  race  was  over,  he  rewarded  all,  down 
to  the  little  boys,  covered  as  they  were  with  dirt  and  per- 
spiration, with  a  carlino  apiece." 

Even  in  these  contemptible  sports  the  wanton  cruelty  of 
this  Pope's  temper  discovered  itself  in  his  usage  of  the 
Jews;  and  the  memory  of  Paul  is  rendered  not  merely 
despicable,  but  hateful,  by  his  persecution  of  learned  men, 
whose  learning  alone  made  them  odious  and  suspicious  in 
his  eyes.  His  grasping  ambition,  moreover,  led  him  to  seek, 
by  the  most  disgraceful  means,  to  subjugate  the  district  of 
Rimini,  and  he  was  thus  brought  into  collision  with  the 
rising  house  of  the  Medici,  of  which  the  "  Magnificent  Lo- 
renzo" was  then  the  chief  representative.  Paul  died  in 
14*71,  too  early  to  reap  the  advantage  of  an  alteration  which 
he  had  characteristically  made,  by  which  the  jubilees  were 
to  recur  every  twenty-fifth  year. 

SixTus  IV.,  the  successor  of  Paul,  commenced  his  pon- 
tificate by  professing  to  adopt  the  policy  of  Pius  II.  He 
loudly  demanded  that  the  decrees  of  the  Mantuan  council 
against  the  Turks  should  be  carried  into  eflfect ;  and  promised 
indulgences  to  all  who  would  join  in  the  crusade.  But  find- 
ing that  his  exhortations  were  coldly  received  Sixtus  quickly 
grew  apathetic  in  the  cause,  and  resigned  himself  entirely 
to  those  schemes  of  selfish  and  criminal  aggrandizement 
which  now  continually  disgraced  the  papal  chair.  Lorenzo 
de'  Medici  was  at  this  time  the  absolute  ruler  of  Florence, 
and  on  many  accounts  the  most  remarkable  man  of  his  day. 
His  mercantile  successes  had  excited  the  envy  of  another 
Florentine  family,  the  Pazzi,  who  removed  from  Florence 
to  Rome  that  they  might  not  be  offended  by  the  greatness 
or  pride  of  their  rival.  This  enmity  led  ultimately  to  veiy 
tragical  results,  in  which  Sixtus  IV.  was  deeply  involved. 


304  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

The  Pontiff  had  several  illegitimate  sons,  whom  to  enrich 
and  advance  was  his  most  anxious  concern.  He  had  seized 
on  the  estates  of  one  of  the  nobles  of  Romagna,  intending 
to  confer  them  on  one  of  these  children,  Giuliano  della  Ro- 
vere,  when  Lorenzo  interfered  on  behalf  of  the  injured 
man.  That  he  might  further  insure  the  tranquillity  of 
Italy  against  the  ambitious  designs  of  the  Pope,  De'  Medici 
united  Florence  in  a  solemn  league  with  the  states  of  Milan 
and  Venice.  The  wrath  of  Sixtus  at  these  measures  knew 
no  bounds,  and  he  now  engaged  the  Pazzi,  whose  hostility 
to  the  Medici  was  no  secret,  to  become  the  instrument  of 
his  vengeance.  A  plot  was  soon  contrived  for  the  assas- 
sination of  Lorenzo's  whole  family,  in  which  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Pisa  engaged  also  to  bear  a  part.  With  the  most 
atrocious  and  revolting  coolness  was  this  plot  matured. 
The  assassination  was  fixed  for  a  Sunday,  when  high-mass 
would  be  celebrated  at  the  church  of  San  Reparata  at  Flor- 
ence ;  and  when  the  brothers,  Lorenzo  and  Giuliano  de* 
Medici,  were  almost  sure  to  be  present.  At  the  commence- 
ment of  the  service  Giuhano  had  not  arrived,  and  one  of 
the  Pazzi  hastened  to  his  house,  and,  pretending  a  return 
of  old  friendhness,  besought  him  to  accompany  him  to  mass. 
He  even  placed  his  aims  around  his  victim,  as  if  playfully 
to  draw  him  to  the  church,  but  really  to  feel  if  he  wore  any 
kind  of  armor  beneath  his  dress.  Giuliano  was  persuaded, 
and  soon  filled  his  usual  station  by  his  brother's  side  near 
to  the  high  altar.  All  things  were  now  ready;  and  the 
conspirators  gathered  around  the  unconscious  brothers. 
At  the  moment  that  the  priest  raised  the  consecrated  wafer 
the  assassins  rushed  on  their  victims.  Giuliano  fell,  pierced 
with  wounds ;  but  Lorenzo,  having  received  only  a  slight 
scar  in  the  neck,  stood  on  his  defense  till  help  was  pro- 
cured, and  the  murderers  either  dispatched  on  the  spot  or 
safely  secured.  It  was  then  found  that  the  Archbishop  of 
Pisa  had  gone  in  the  meantime  to  the  palace  of  the  Medici, 
intending  to  seize  on  the  government.     In  this  attempt  he 


CLIMAX   OF  THEIR  CORRUPTION.  805 

was  baffled,  and  so  enraged  were  the  people  that,  without 
waiting  for  the  form  of  a  trial,  or  even  divesting  him  of  his 
official  robes,  they  hung  the  archbishop  at  one  of  the  win- 
dows of  the  palace — a  fate  which  some  of  the  Pazzi  shared. 
The  Pope  did  not  conceal  his  chagrin  at  the  failure  of 
the  plot ;  and  immediately  declared  war  against  Lorenzo, 
placing  Florence  under  the  censure  of  the  Church.  For 
two  years  did  this  man  fill  northern  Italy  with  bloodshed 
and  terror ;  but  the  news  that  the  Turkish  conqueror  had  at 
last  reached  Italy,  and  had  actually  taken  Otranto,  brought 
the  frenzied  Pontiff  to  his  senses,  and  compelled  at  least  a 
temporary  peace  between  the  conflicting  states.  But  Six- 
tus  passed  the  remainder  of  his  life  in  the  indulgence  of  the 
same  passions,  and  the  pursuit  of  the  same  ends.  To  ag- 
grandize his  worthless  relatives,  and  gratify  his  fierce  ani- 
mosities, he  shrank  from  no  crime,  and  his  last  emotion  was 
one  of  regret  that  he  was  compelled  to  leave  Italy  at  peace. 
He  died  in  1484. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  PAPACr  REACHES  ITS  CLIMAX  OF  CORRUPTION SAVAN- 

OROLA THE  BORGIAS. A.  D.  1484-1503. 

Innocent  VIII.  was  the  next  link  in  this  papal  chain  of  ig- 
nominy, crime,  and  horror.  And  although  he  proved  him- 
self as  feeble  and  indolent  as  his  predecessor  had  been 
headstrong  and  restless,  yet  his  tastes  were  of  the  same 
kind,  and  his  reign  was  as  prejudicial  to  the  welfare  of  the 
world.  He  had  spent  a  dissipated  life,  and  his  most  earn- 
est wish  was  to  enrich  the  seven  children  whom  he  pub- 
licly acknowledged  as  the  results  of  his  various  amours. 
During  the  pontificate  of  Innocent,  extortion,  unblushing 
venality,  and  open  debauchery  were  the  reproach  of  the 
papal  court.  Innocent  was  not  adapted  by  nature  for 
warlike  pursuits ;  yet  so  eager  was  he  to  increase  his  power 


306  LIVES   OF   THE   POPES. 

and  wealth  that,  when  the  barons  of  Naples,  groaning  un- 
der the  iron  yoke  of  their  tyrannical  princes,  offered  to 
place  the  kingdom  under  the  immediate  government  of  the 
Pope,  he  instantly  countenanced  the  revolt,  although  he  lay 
under  many  obligations  to  Ferdinand,  the  reigning  king. 
The  struggle  was  unsuccessful ;  and,  alarmed  at  the  ap- 
proach of  Ferdinand  to  the  Roman  territoiy,  Innocent 
sought  the  good  offices  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  to  effect  a  rec- 
onciliation between  himself  and  the  Neapolitan  king.  From 
this  Lorenzo  acquired  unbounded  ascendency  over  the  weak 
Pontiff;  and  to  his  talents  and  genius  is  to  be  ascribed  the 
temporary  repose  which  Italy  now  enjoyed.  Lorenzo  did 
not,  however,  use  his  influence  solely  for  his  country's  good. 
His  measures  were  often  dictated  by  mere  policy  and  am- 
bition, and  he  did  not  lose  any  opportunity  of  advancing 
his  own  family.  One  of  his  daughters  was  now  married  to 
a  natural  son  of  the  Pope,  and  another  child,  Giovanni,  was 
admitted  at  the  ridiculous  age  of  thirteen  into  the  college 
of  cardinals. 

But  the  most  disgraceful  event  of  Innocent's  reign  was 
the  impulse  which  he  gave  to  the  sanguinary  persecutions 
of  the  Waldenses  of  Piedmont.  The  bull  which  he  issued 
for  this  purpose  exhorts  "all  bishops,  together  with  the 
princes  of  France,"  to  take  up  arms  against  that  innocent 
people,  and  to  "  tread  them  under  foot  as  venomous  ad- 
ders." The  response  to  this  bull  was  as  fierce  and  savage 
as  its  bigoted  authors  could  have  desired.  The  inhabitants 
of  the  valleys  were  hunted  to  the  mountain  caves  to  which 
they  fled  for  refuge,  and  the  mouths  of  the  caverns  were 
stopped  up  with  large  piles  of  wood  which  were  immedi- 
ately set  on  fire.  Among  the  crowds  thus  cruelly  suffo- 
cated were  four  hundred  infants  in  their  cradles  or  at  their 
mothers'  breasts.  Multitudes  of  both  sexes,  and  of  all  ages, 
were  hurled  over  the  rocks  and  dashed  in  pieces ;  and  alto- 
gether three  thousand  thus  perished  at  the  hands  of  their 
brutal  persecutors. 


CLIMAX  OF  THEIR  CORRUPTION.  307 

y  Roderic  Borgia  was  the  successor  of  Innocent,  in  1492, 
and  on  assuraina:  the  tiara  he  took  the  name  of  Alexan- 
DER  VI.  He  was  the  son  of  Pope  Calixtus  III,,  and  the 
fit  successor  of  Sixtus  IV.  and  Innocent  VIII.  In  his 
character  we  find  at  last  the  extreme  limit  of  papal  de- 
pravity, and  in  his  history  we  seem  to  fathom  the  lowest 
abyss  of  human  baseness.  If  murder,  incest,  adulteiy,  re- 
lentless cruelty,  and  shameless  perfidy  never  before  met  in 
a  single  individual,  in  the  life  of  this  Pope  they  all  found 
a  place,  and  that  with  frequent  repetition.  "  He  entered 
on  his  office,"  says  a  cotemporary  writer,  "  with  the  meek- 
ness of  an  ox,  but  he  administered  it  with  the  fierceness  of 
a  lion."  His  intellectual  qualities,  which  were  not  despica- 
ble, were  far  more  than  counterbalanced  by  his  vices,  and, 
indeed,  were  merely  the  instruments  of  the  latter.  A  Ro- 
manist historian  testifies  that  '*  in  his  manners  he  was  most 
shameless ;  wholly  divested  of  sincerity,  decency,  and  truth ; 
without  fidelity  or  rehgion ;  immoderate  in  avarice ;  insatia- 
ble in  ambition ;  more  than  barbarous  in  cruelty ;  passion- 
ately eager,  by  any  means  whatsoever,  to  exalt  his  children, 
some  of  whom  were  as  detestable  as  their  father."  The 
life  of  such  a  man  can  be  but  a  mere  catalogue  of  crimes, 
and  it  could  only  gratify  a  prurient  curiosity  to  give  a  mi- 
nute account  of  the  deeds  of  this  monster  in  human  form. 

The  early  part  of  Alexander's  pontificate  was  disturbed 
by  an  invasion  of  Italy  by  the  French,  under  Charles  VIII., 
who  laid  claim  to  the  throne  of  Naples.  The  French 
monarch  passed  through  Tuscany  and  sat  down  before  the 
walls  of  Rome  :  but  Alexander,  who  had  hitherto  vigorously 
opposed  the  object  of  the  invader,  now  thought  it  best  to 
adopt  a  conciliatory  policy;  and  receiving  Charles  in  due 
state,  entertained  him  for  a  month  before  he  renewed  his 
march.  The  expedition  of  the  French  monarch  ended  in 
his  making  a  nominal  conquest  of  Naples,  and  in  his  suffer- 
ing the  loss  of  almost  his  entire  army  by  their  ungoverna- 
ble hcentiousness  and  their  harassing  travel.     But  the  re- 


308  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

suits  of  this  invasion  were  to  be  felt  in  Italy  for  many  years 
to  come. 

To  ecclesiastical  affairs  Alexander  paid  just  so  much  at- 
tention as  sufficed  to  advance  his  own  worldly  interests,  or 
to  aid  in  the  indulgence  of  his  lusts.  He  cloaked,  yet 
scarcely  concealed  his  abandoned  habits  beneath  the  vail  of 
his  priestly  office,  and  abused  that  office  in  the  most  shock- 
ing manner  for  the  purpose  of  swelling  the  revenues  of  the 
papal  treasury.  The  priesthood  found  their  account  in 
pandering  to  the  superstitions  of  the  people.  Indulgences 
for  all  sorts  of  sins  were  never  so  eagerly  bought,  and  the 
clergy  were  never  so  zealous  in  promoting  their  sale  as  now 
that  they  were  encouraged  by  the  example  of  the  ecclesias- 
tical chief.  To  Alexander  VI.  belongs  the  shame  of  being 
the  first  Pope  who  officially  declared  that  souls  supposed 
to  be  expiating  in  the  fires  of  purgatory  their  transgressions 
and  crimes  on  earth  could  be  released  by  the  will  of  the 
Church ;  and  that  papal  indulgences  would  thus  avail,  not 
only  the  purchaser  himself,  but  also  those  deceased  rela- 
tions of  whose  happiness  he  might  entertain  doubts. 

It  was  only  to  be  expected  that  so  mercenary  and  pro- 
fane an  abuse  of  all  sacred  and  holy  things  should  arouse 
the  indignation  of  truly  devout  men.  Among  these,  the 
reformer  of  Florence,  Girolamo  Savanorola,  was  the  most 
conspicuous  and  daring.  He  did  not  hesitate  to  denounce 
from  the  pulpit  all  the  vices  of  the  time,  and  even  rebuked 
his  patron,  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  for  the  countenance  he 
gave  to  the  corrupt  morals  of  the  people.  It  would  be  too 
much  to  affirm  that  Savanorola  was  a  reformer  of  the  same 
class  with  Luther  and  Calvin,  yet  his  efforts  were  prompted 
by  the  same  convictions  as  theirs,  and,  in  proportion  to  his 
knowledsre  of  the  truth,  were  directed  to  the  same  ends. 
His  strong  political  feelings,  however,  diverted  him  from 
that  singleness  of  aim  by  which  these  other  reformer  were 
distinguished.  To  the  vehement  excitements  of  party  must 
also  be  ascribed  that  decidedly  fanatical  complexion  which 


CLIMAX  OF  THEIR  CORRUPTION.  309 

the  conduct  of  Savanorola  eventually  assumed.  It  was 
great  matter  of  rejoicing  to  the  corrupt  priesthood  to  find 
that  their  enemy  had  suffered  himself  to  fall  into  this  trap ; 
and  it  must  be  equally  a  cause  of  regret  to  sincere  Chris- 
tians, that  the  memory  of  so  bold  a  reformer  should 
be  tarnished  by  delusions  and  extravagances  so  gross.  In- 
dignant at  the  tyranny  of  the  Medici,  Savanorola  proposed 
the  expulsion  of  that  family,  and  the  formation  of  a  repub- 
lic, of  which  Jesus  Christ  should  be  the  head.  A  coin  still 
exists  which  was  struck  by  his  ordei-s,  bearing  on  one  side 
the  Florentine  fieur-de-lis,  with  the  motto :  "  The  Senate 
and  people  of  Florence,"  and  on  the  other  a  cross,  with  the 
words,  "Jesus  Christ  our  king."  Proceedings  so  rash  soon 
exposed  Savanorola  to  the  malicious  designs  of  his  foes. 
The  fickle  populace  were  induced  to  give  him  up  to  the  em- 
issaries of  the  Pope,  and  these  soon  finished  his  career  by 
condemnins:  him  to  die  the  death  of  a  heretic.  He  was 
burned  in  the  streets  of  Florence,  and,  that  no  relics  might 
be  preserved,  his  ashes  were  thrown  into  the  Amo. 

The  offices  of  the  Church  were,  now  more  than  ever, 
regarded  as  mere  secular  property.  They  were  bought  and 
sold  without  shame;  and  all  orders,  from  pope  to  priest, 
kept  up  the  disgraceful  traffic.  "  What  a  spectacle,"  says 
a  Roman  prelate  of  that  time,  "is  this  desolation  of  the 
Churches  !  All  the  flocks  are  abandoned  by  their  shep- 
herds ;  they  are  given  over  to  the  care  of  hirelings !"  A 
bishopric  was  the  prize,  not  of  the  worthiest,  but  of  the 
richest ;  it  belonged  to  him  who  was  best  able  to  purchase 
it.  The  owners  of  Church  dignities  bestowed  them  without 
pausing  to  inquire  whether  their  favorites  possessed  either 
piety  or  good  morals.  The  Pope,  beyond  them  all,  was 
intent  on  enriching  his  own  family,  and  his  profligate  sons 
held  the  highest  and  most  lucrative  offices  it  was  in  his 
power  to  confer. 

The  favorite  son  of  Alexander  VI.  was  Caesar  Borgia,  a 
son,  the  very  image  of  his  sire.     Although  holding  a  seat 


310  LIVES    OF  THE   POPES. 

in  the  college  of  cardinals,  he  had  no  relish  for  ecclesias- 
tical life.  Possessed  of  great  courage  and  considerable  mil- 
itary skill,  Caesar  turned  soldier,  and  employed  force  to  give 
effect  to  the  machinations  of  his  father.  Their  united  aim 
was  to  destroy  as  many  as  they  could  of  the  Romanese  no- 
bles, and  seize  on  their  estates  ;  so  that  when  the  popedom 
should  depart  from  the  family,  the  house  of  Borgia  should 
still  be  among  the  greatest  in  Italy.  In  pursuance  of  this 
policy,  Caesar  Borgia  first  captm^ed  the  city  of  Piombino ; 
then  marched  against  the  duke  of  Urbino,  and  driving  him 
forth,  took  possession  of  his  duchy,  containing  four  cities, 
and  thirty  fortified  places.  He  finally  attacked  the  States 
of  Camerino,  which  he  also  reduced  to  subjection,  after 
treacherously  putting  to  death  the  heirs  of  Giulio  di  Ya- 
rano,  the  lord  of  that  territory.  From  one  stroke  of  ambi- 
tion he  proceeded  to  another,  until  the  Pontiff  proposed  to 
the  college  to  confer  on  him  the  title  of  King  of  Romagna 
and  Urabria. 

It  was  certainly  not  the  crimes  of  Borgia  that  prevented 
this  proposal  from  being  adopted,  for  his  public  outrages 
had  been  surpassed  by  the  enormities  of  his  earlier  life,  and 
he  yet  retained  his  cardinal's  hat.  He  was  even  accused, 
and  not  without  reason,  of  having  murdered  his  own  broth- 
er, the  duke  of  Gandia.  The  two  brothers  had  been  to 
the  house  of  their  mother  Vanozza  to  sup,  and  left  together 
at  a  late  hour.  Next  morning  the  duke  of  Gandia  was 
missing,  and  some  fishermen  dragging  the  Tiber,  found  his 
body,  pierced  with  nine  wounds,  while  its  dress  and  orna- 
ments were  untouched.  Jealousy  of  his  brother's  titles 
and  prospective  honors  are  supposed  to  have  incited  Caesar 
to  the  deed. 

But,  though  not  restrained  from  elevating  Borgia  to  roy- 
alty by  any  sense  of  his  real  demerits,  the  cardinals  were 
prevented  by  a  more  potent  argument ;  for  the  death  of 
the  Pontiff  himself  occurred  while  the  question  was  held  in 
debate.     The  end  of  Alexander  VI.  was  a  meet  sequel  to 


THE  WARS   OF  JULIUS  II.  311 

bis  life.  Borgia  and  the  Pope  had  plotted  to  poison  a  rich 
cardinal,  that  they  might  lay  hands  on  his  wealth.  The 
whole  body  of  cardinals  were  therefore  invited  to  a  ban- 
quet, and  among  the  wines  provided  was  one  bottle  of  poi- 
son carefully  prepared  and  set  apart.  But  the  Pope  and 
his  son  coming  in  before  supper,  called  for  some  wine,  and 
a  servant  presented  them  by  mistake  with  the  bottle  con- 
taining the  poison.  Borgia  had  largely  diluted  his  wine, 
and,  being  young  and  vigorous,  he  recovered  under  the  use 
of  proper  antidotes ;  but  Alexander  died  the  same  evening, 
— a  remarkable  example  of  divine  retribution  !* 


CHAPTER  IV. 

PIUS  III. THE  WARS   OF  JULIUS  II. HIS  PATRONAGE   OF 

ART. A.    D.    1503-1513. 

To  the  monster  of  depravity  whose  life  we  have  briefly 
sketched  in  the  foregoing  chapter,  succeeded  Pius  III.  He 
was  the  nephew  of  Pius  II.,  that  ^neas  Sylvius  who  acted 
so  important  a  part  in  the  Council  of  Basel.  The  new 
Pontiff  inherited  some  of  his  uncle's  nobler  qualities,  and, 
indeed,  was  so  esteemed  for  his  virtue  that  great  hopes 
were  formed  of  him.  But  although  the  possession  of  a 
character  of  such  rare  excellence  was  a  good  argument  for 
the  elevation  of  the  new  Pontiff,  it  was  by  no  means  the 
real  ground  of  his  election.     Behind  this  plausible  pre- 

'■'  The  cotemporary  historian,  Guicciardini,  declares  that  "  all 
Kome  rushed  to  St.  Peter's  with  incredible  delight  to  behold  his 
corpse,  nor  was  there  any  man  who  could  satiate  his  eyes  with 
gazing  on  that  serpent,  which,  by  his  unbounded  ambition,  his 
pestiferous  perfidy,  his  frightful  cruelties  of  all  kinds,  his  mon- 
strous lust,  his  unheard-of  avarice,  and  his  unscrupulous  traflBck- 
ing  with  things  sacred  and  profane,  had  impoisoned  the  whole 
world !" 


312  LIVES    OF  THE   POPES. 

tense,  the  Cardinal  della  Rovere,  whose  influence  had  decided 
the  conclave,  concealed  other  motives  of  a  purely  selfish 
nature.  That  cardinal,  who,  it  will  be  remembered,  was 
deeply  implicated  with  Sixtus  IV.  in  the  conspiracy  of  the 
Pazzi,  and  whose  hands  were  therefore  stained  with  the 
blood  of  a  murdered  man,  was  secretly  plotting  the  attain- 
ment of  the  tiara  for  himself,  and,  because  the  time  was 
not  yet  fully  ripe,  supported  the  pretensions  of  Pius  III., 
an  infirm  and  sickly  old  man,  who  was  not  likely  to  hold 
his  dignities  inconveniently  long.  In  fact,  Pius  died  a 
month  after  his  exaltation ;  and  whether  his  end  was  occa- 
sioned by  poison,  as  rumor  averred,  or  by  a  natural  decay, 
the  event  was,  unquestionably,  the  most  opportune  that 
could  have  happened  for  the  wily  and  subtile  Cardinal  della 
Rovere.  He  had  by  this  time  gained  over  the  whole  col- 
lege to  his  interest,  and  the  obsequies  of  the  late  Pope  were 
no  sooner  over  than  Giuliano  della  Rovere  was  chosen  his 
successor. 

Julius  II.  was  the  title  the  new  Pontiff  assumed  ;  to  indi- 
cate, as  some  say,  his  preference  for  the  regal  and  military 
to  the  ecclesiastical  character.  Ambitious,  bold,  reckless, 
and  grasping,  Julius  had  little  sympathy  with  the  sensual 
vices  of  Alexander  VI.,  and  yet  the  aspect  of  tlie  papacy 
was  in  no  degree  improved.  The  whole  ten  years  of  this 
pontificate  were  devoted  to  frauds  and  stratagems,  and 
deeds  of  violence  and  injustice. 

The  Pope's  first  eflfort  was  to  appropriate  some  of  the 
cities  of  Romagna,  and  incorporate  them  with  the  states  of 
the  Church.  To  accomplish  this  purpose  he  seized  on 
Caesar  Borgia,  who  had  conquered  these  cities  in  the  life- 
time of  his  father,  and  had  placed  in  them  creatures  of  his 
own,  to  keep  and  govern  them  for  him.  The  Pope  then 
announced  to  these  governors  that  he  would  give  liberty  to 
their  leader  only  when  they  should  have  resigned  their 
authority,  with  the  keys  of  their  cities,  into  the  hands  of 
liis  envoys.     By  these  summary  measures,  he  quickly  sue- 


THE   WARS   OF  JULIUS  II.  313 

ceeded  in  delivering  himself  from  a  dangerous  subject,  (for 
Borgia  instantly  quitted  Rome  forever,)  and  likewise  in 
considerably  enlarging  the  papal  domains. 

The  success  of  his  first  enterprise  emboldened  Julius  to 
proceed.  The  Venetians,  the  French,  and  many  of  the 
petty  sovereignties  of  Italy,  were  in  turn  the  objects  of 
pontifical  envy  or  revenge.  The  Pope  had  a  two-fold  inten- 
tion— to  free  Italy  from  foreign  encroachments,  and  to 
secure  to  the  popedom  a  decided  preeminence  among  the 
peninsular  powers.  Jealousy  of  the  Venetian  republic, 
which  was  at  this  time  in  the  zenith  of  her  glory,  induced 
him  to  join  in  the  league  of  Cambray,  in  which  the  French, 
German,  and  Spanish  monarchs  combined  their  forces  with 
those  of  Julius  to  humble  the  mistress  of  the  sea.  But 
speedily  growing  alarmed  at  the  successes  of  the  League, 
and  apprehensive  that  the  French  might  thus  become  sole 
lords  of  northern  Italy,  the  Pontiflf  changed  his  policy,  was 
reconciled  to  the  Venetians,  and  declared  war  against  the 
French.  In  all  these  operations,  moreover,  the  Pope  took 
an  active  personal  part.  As  if  loving  the  tumultuous 
camp  more  than  the  tranquil  palace,  he  clothed  himself  in 
panoply  of  steel,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  army,  and, 
despising  all  danger,  was  often  found  foremost  in  the  fray. 

In  conducting  hostilities  against  the  French,  Julius, 
although  suffering  from  illness,  had  proceeded  with  some 
troops  to  Bologna,  and  that  city  being  wholly  unprepared  for 
defense,  he  had,  on  its  being  attacked  by  the  enemy,  a  nar- 
row escape  from  falling  into  their  hands.  But  his  policy 
was  equal  to  his  courage,  and  he  continued  to  delude  the 
French  general  with  promises  and  fair  speeches,  until  strong 
reinforcements  arrived  and  his  safety  was  insured. 

Not  long  after  this,  we  find  the  energetic  and  impetuous 
old  man  assailing  the  city  of  Mirandula,  and  heedlessly  ex- 
posing his  person  to  every  conceivable  peril.  Amid  frosts 
and  storms,  in  the  depth  of  winter,  he  marched  at  the  head 
of  his  forces,  directed  with  his  own  bands  the  planting  of 

14 


314  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

the  artillery,  braved  the  hottest  fire  of  the  enemy,  and 
when  a  breach  in  the  wall  was  effected,  was  the  first  to 
mount  the  scaling-ladder,  sword  in  hand,  and  to  enter  the 
captm'ed  city. 

Had  the  energetic  qualities  thus  exhibited  by  the  Pontiff 
been  employed  in  a  worthier  cause,  and  been  animated  by 
right  principles,  the  name  of  Julius  II.  might  well  have 
commanded  our  admiration.  But,  alas!  he  was  stained 
with  vice.  His  courage  and  boldness  were  made  the  serv- 
ants of  a  base  ambition,  and  they  often  degenerated  into 
rashness  and  rage,  scarcely  to  be  distinguished  from  mad- 
ness. His  insolence  and  tyranny  was  so  excessive,  that  the 
cities  of  Italy  dreaded  to  fall  into  his  hands ;  and  when,  in 
one  of  the  numerous  vicissitudes  of  war,  the  city  of  Bologna 
was  on  one  occasion  surprised  and  captured  by  his  an- 
tagonists, the  inhabitants  were  so  delirious  with  joy  that 
they  rushed  in  a  mass  to  the  great  square,  in  which  stood 
a  noble  statue  of  the  Pontiff  which  Michael  Angelo  had 
founded  in  brass,  and,  regardless  of  its  high  merit  as  a  mas- 
terpiece of  art,  indignantly  hurled  it  from  its  pedestal,  and 
dragged  it  about  the  streets  with  every  demonstration  of 
hatred  and  contempt. 

Ambition  has  many  forms  of  development,  and  in  Julius 
II.  it  discovered  itself  in  another  mode,  far  less  objectionable 
than  these  attitudes  of  menace  and  deeds  of  cruelty.  The 
revival  of  literature  had  brought  with  it  the  renewed  cultiva- 
tion of  the  arts  ;  and,  imitating  the  conduct  of  Lorenzo  do* 
Medici,  most  of  the  sovereigns  of  Italy  had  become  patrons 
of  the  painters,  architects,  and  sculptors  which  that  age  of 
genius  produced  in  such  numbers.  The  zeal  which  the 
Pope  felt  for  aggrandizing  the  patrimony  of  the  Church, 
added  to  his  private  ambition,  rendered  him  a  munificent 
patron  of  all  sorts  of  artists.  By  their  aid  he  determined 
so  to  decorate  and  enrich  the  metropolis  of  the  Church,  as 
to  make  Rome  the  pride  of  Italy,  and  the  admiration  of  the 
world.     The  reimi  of  Julius  IT.   wns,  therefore,  notwith- 


THE  WARS   OF  JULIUS  II.  316 

standing  the  fact  that  he  was  a  man  of  little  taste  and  even 
of  savage  propensities,  distinguished  for  the  prosperity  of 
the  arts. 

The  architect  Bramante  was  an  especial  favorite  with 
Julius,  by  whose  orders  he  executed  the  great  task  of  unit- 
ing the  Belvedere  with  the  Vatican,  thus  giving  to  the  whole 
the  aspect  of  an  imposing  and  stupendous  mass  of  building, 
almost  without  a  rival.  It  was  the  same  architect  and  the 
same  Pontiff  who  commenced  the  cathedral  of  St.  Peter's, 
and  it  has  been  declared  by  competent  judges  that,  had 
their  design  been  fully  carried  out,  that  triumph  of  art  would 
have  been  made  yet  more  astonishing  for  beauty  and  majesty 
than  it  actually  is. 

Besides  Bramante,  the  Pope  patronized  the  painter 
Raphael,  whom  he  invited  to  leave  Florence  and  settle  at 
Rome.  During  the  reign  of  Julius,  Raphael  was  largely 
employed  in  adorning  the  walls  and  ceilings  of  the  Vatican 
with  frescoes,  which  are  to  this  day  the  wonder  of  mankind. 

But  the  brightest  star  in  all  this  constellation  of  genius 
was  unquestionaly  Mchael  Angelo,  whose  powers  seemed 
equally  adapted  for  bearing  away  the  palm  either  in  paint- 
ing,' architecture,  or  sculptm-e.  Hearing  of  his  marvelous 
skill,  Julius  sent  for  him  to  Rome,  and  instructed  him  to 
design  a  mausoleum  that  should  perpetuate  for  ages  the 
fame  of  the  Julian  pontificate.  In  this  design  the  mighty 
master  seemed  even  to  surpass  himself,  and  it  is  confidently 
asserted  that,  had  it  been  properly  executed,  it  would  have 
wholly  eclipsed  every  similar  edifice  of  ancient  and  modern 
times.  Its  dimensions  were  so  large  that  it  could  not  be 
contained  in  the  old  church  of  St.  Peter,  and  on  this  account 
it  was  that  Julius  resolved  to  erect  the  new  cathedral  on  a 
nobler  scale. 

The  temper  of  the  Pope  and  that  of  his  favorite  artist 
were  not  unlike.  Both  were  independent  and  choleric,  and 
it  is  related  that  Angelo,  feehng  oflfended  at  some  want  of 
respect  shown  him  on  a  certain  occasion,  determined  on 


316  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

selling  his  goods  and  departing  altogether  from  Rome ;  he 
had,  in  fact,  estabhshed  himself  once  more  in  Florence, 
when  messages  came  from  the  Pope  desiring  his  return. 
After  many  refusals,  Angelo  at  last  made  his  appearance 
again  in  the  Vatican,  and  the  interview  between  himself 
and  Julius  is  highly  characteristic  of  the  latter.  "  What 
then !"  said  Julius,  with  an  angry  look,  "  instead  of  coming 
to  seek  us,  thou  wast  determined  that  we  should  come  to 
seek  thee !"  A  bishop  in  attendance  endeavored  to  apolo- 
gize for  the  artist.  *'  Who  told  thee  to  interfere  ?"  ex- 
claimed the  Pope,  at  the  same  time  dealing  the  prelate  a 
hearty  blow  with  his  staff.  Then  bidding  Michael  Angelo 
to  kneel,  he  gave  him  his  benediction  in  due  form,  and  re- 
ceived him  once  more  into  favor. 

Another  anecdote  is  told  which  equally  illustrates  this 
Pontiff's  character.  He  had  given  directions  to  Angelo  to 
make  his  statue  in  bronze.  The  clay  model  was  soon 
finished  and  shown  to  the  Pope.  His  attitude  was  the 
very  expression  of  majesty,  but  its  face  wore  so  terrible  a 
frown  that  Julius  himself  demanded,  "Am  I  uttering  a 
blessing  or  a  curse  V  Michael  Angelo  replied,  that  he  had 
intended  to  represent  him  pronouncing  an  admonition,  and 
inquired  if  he  would  have  a  book  placed  in  one  of  his  hands. 
"  Give  me  a  sword  P'  answered  the  fierce  Pontiff — "I  know 
nothing  of  books." 

It  is  clear  enough  from  all  this  that  Julius  II.  had  little 
of  the  ecclesiastical  character,  even  as  it  then  prevailed,  and 
of  that  of  piety  he  gave  no  traces  whatever.  The  unre- 
generate  heart  showed  itself  without  disguise  in  him.  The 
natural  passions  were  unchecked — were  indulged  and  ex- 
hibited even  to  excess ;  indeed  the  chief  use  that  Julius 
made  of  his  ecclesiastical  position  was  to  arm  himself 
against  his  foes  with  spiritual  in  addition  to  carnal  weapons. 
Excommunications,  interdicts,  and  all  similar  fulminations 
were  freely  put  in  requisition;  and  their  power  was  not  yet  so 
far  gone  but  that  the  enemies  of  Julius  trembled  before  him. 


CHARACTER   OF   LEO   X..  81*1 

The  moral  aspect  of  the  Roman  Church  continued  un- 
changed throughout  this  pontificate.  Its  abuses  were  fur- 
ther multiphed,  and  a  little  company  of  cardinals,  who  were 
disgusted  at  the  profligacy  of  the  court,  and  who  attempted, 
to  hold  a  council  for  the  reformation  of  the  Church,  soon 
found  that,  abandoned  both  by  the  Pope  and  the  people, 
having  neither  the  sanction  of  the  one  nor  the  confidence 
of  the  other,  their  labors  were  wholly  in  vain.  It  was  not 
from  such  a  quarter  that  reformation,  now  so  urgently  called 
for,  was  to  proceed. 

The  death  of  Juhus  II.,  which  occurred  in  1513,  was  in 
mournful  harmony  with  his  life,  and  strongly  reminds  one 
of  the  death  of  Pope  Boniface  VIII.  Even  on  his  dying 
bed,  Julius  could  not  lay  aside  his  schemes  of  ambition,  or 
the  fierce  invectives  of  his  violent  tongue.  "  Out  of  Italy, 
French  !  Out,  Alphonso  of  Este  !"  he  shouted  with  all  the 
energy  he  could  command ;  and  whether  we  regard  these 
expressions  as  the  eflfects  of  delirium,  or  with  Mr.  Roscoe, 
as  only  signs  of  "  the  ruling  passion  strong  in  death,"  they 
give  unequivocal  and  lamentable  proof  that  Pope  Julius  II. 
died  as  he  had  lived,  a  man  of  unsubdued  arrogance  and 
of  unrestrained  malignant  passions.  How  strongly  should 
such  an  example  impress  upon  the  reader  the  necessity  of 
those  influences  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  without  which  a  man 
cannot  see  the  kingdom  of  heaven ! 


CHAPTER  V. 

LEO  X. HIS  CHARACTER  AND  MANNER   OF  LIFE STATE   OF 

SOCIETY. A.  D.  1513. 

No  contrast  can  be  stronger  than  is  presented  between  the 
character  of  the  turbulent  Julius  and  that  of  his  mild  and 
almost  slothful  successor.  The  choice  of  the  conclave  fell, 
after  seven  days'  deliberation  and  party- plotting,  upon  Gio- 


318  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

vanni  de'  Medici,  second  son  of  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent. 
The  Medici  had  known  painful  reverses  since  the  death  of 
Lorenzo.  They  had  been  expelled  from  Florence,  and  had 
lost  most  of  their  power  and  much  of  their  wealth.  It  was 
only  by  obser-^ing  the  most  politic  course  of  beha\aor  that 
they  were  enabled  to  maintain  among  the  jealous  princes  of 
Italy  a  position  at  all  worthy  of  their  hereditary  greatness. 

But  no  disposition  could  have  been  better  adapted  for 
such  trying  circumstances  than  that  of  Giovanni  de'  Medici ; 
and  it  was  probably  his  conciliatory  and  polite,  if  not  amia- 
ble demeanor,  that  now  secured  him  the  high  dignity  to 
which  he  had  secretly  aspired  from  his  earhest  youth. 

The  accession  of  De'  Medici  to  the  tiara  as  Leo  X.  aflford- 
ed  real  joy  to  those  who  desired  repose  from  the  turmoils 
of  war,  and  who  sighed  for  the  uninterrupted  cultivation  of 
letters  and  the  arts.  Better  aspirations  than  these  could 
hardly  be  said  to  exist  at  that  period  in  Italy.  There  were 
few  who  desired  the  amendment  of  morals,  or  the  restora- 
tion of  pure  religion ;  perhaps  there  were  none  who  knew 
by  what  means  alone  such  changes  could  be  produced.  The 
Bible  was  either  a  sealed  or  a  neglected  book. 

It  was,  however,  in  peaceful  and  enlightened  pursuits 
that  the  new  Pontiff  had  passed  his  life ;  and  it  was  ex- 
pected, not  unjustly,  that  he  would  distinguish  his  reign  by 
the  most  generous  patronage  of  all  learned  and  ingenious 
men.  Among  the  inscriptions  that  adorned  the  tiiumphal 
arches  and  the  palaces  of  Rome  on  the  day  of  Leo's  coro- 
nation, was  one  that  expressed  this  feeling  in  pithy  and 
striking  phrase.  Alluding  to  the  debaucheries  of  Alexan- 
der VL,  and  the  warlike  habits  of  Julius  II.,  it  contrasted 
wnth  these  the  mild  and  studious  disposition  of  the  new 
Pontiff,  in  the  following  lines  : — 

"  Once  Venus  ruled ;  next  Mars  usurped  the  throne ; 
Now  Pallas  calls  these  favored  seats  her  own." 
Leo,  however,  did  not  combine  with  his  love  for  literature 
and  art  any  desires  for  the  establishment  of  purity  in  the 


CHARACTER  OF   LEO  X. 


319 


Roman  Church ;  even  had  he  done  so,  however,  that  vast 
organization  of  fraud  and  wickedness  had  now  gone  to 
moral  decay,  beyond  the  reach  of  any  restorative  influence 
that  a  pope  could  employ,  however  excellent  he  might  him- 
self have  been.  It  was  not,  as  we  shall  see,  to  be  regener- 
ated at  all ;  and  whatever  amendment  in  morals  it  was  des- 
tined to  receive,  the  first  impulse  required  to  be  given 
wholly  from  beyond  its  own  borders. 

The  life  of  Leo  X.  was  one  of  intellectual  sensuality, 
which,  though  widely  removed  from  the  debasing  habits  of 
his  immediate  predecessors,  was  not  a  whit  more  fevorable 
to  the  prevalence  of  "  pure  and  undefiled  religion."    Reared 
by  his  father  amid  relics  of  ancient  art,  saved  from  the  gen- 
eral wreck  of  Greece  and  imperial  Rome,  he  had  been  ac- 
customed to  revere  the  wisdom  and  genius  of  heathen  sages 
far  more  profoundly  than  the  deepest  inspirations  of  the 
apostles  and  of  the  Son  of  God.     At  the  time  when  he 
assumed  the  pontificate,  the  tendency  of  the  age,  of  which 
he  was  the  true  offspring,  had  reached  its  culminating  point. 
The  homage  for  antiquity  had  attained  its  greatest  height, 
and  was  producing  its  proper  fruits  in  inciting  men  to  emu- 
late in  writings  composed  in  their  own  mother-tongue,  the 
ancient  mode?s  of  philosophy  and  wit.    Artists  and  sculptors 
also  were  weary  of  merely  coipying  the  ancients,  and  hence 
we  find  a  Raphael  and  an  Angelo  embodying  religious  con- 
ceptions, drawn  from  the  faith  or  the  superstitions  of  their 
time,  in  forms  as  purely  beautiful  and  sublime  as  any  that 
emanated  from  the  schools  of  Greece. 

Leo  was  the  patron  both  of  those  who  delighted  in  imi- 
tating the  ancients,  and  of  those  who  strove  after  originality 
in  their  labors.  His  education  and  taste  perhaps  inclined 
him  most  to  the  former ;  and  he  rewarded  with  the  highest 
favor  those  who  excelled  in  Latin  composition.  He  could 
himself  write  and  speak  that  language  with  Ciceronian  ele- 
gance, and  an  improvisatore  of  Latin  hexameters  needed  no 
other  recommendation  to  his  esteem  than  his  possession  of 


320  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

that  art.  But  Leo  also  encouraged  the  attempts  of  Bembo 
and  others  to  give  correctness  and  dignity  to  the  native 
Italian,  and  every  effort  at  original  writing  in  that  tongue 
was  rewarded  with  his  cordial  approval.  "Ariosto,"  we 
are  told,  "was  among  the  acquaintances  of  his  youth. 
Machiavelli  composed  more  than  one  of  his  works  expressly 
for  him.  His  halls,  galleries,  and  chapels  were  filled  by 
Raphael  with  the  rich  ideals  of  human  beauty,  and  with  the 
purest  expression  of  life  in  its  most  varied  forms.  He  was 
a  passionate  lover  of  music — a  more  scientific  practice  of 
which  was  just  then  becoming  diflPused  throughout  Italy ; 
the  sounds  of  music  were  daily  heard  floating  through  the 
palace,  Leo  himself  humming  the  airs  that  were  per- 
formed."— Ranke,  Book  I.,  Chap,  ii,  3. 

With  these  intellectual  enjoyments,  Leo  blended  others 
of  a  yet  lighter  kind  ;  for  his  life  was  one  of  worldly  pleas- 
ure, and  he  paid  little  heed  to  the  most  pressing  exigencies 
of  either  Church  or  State.  The  autumn  he  would  pass  in 
the  country,  hawking  at  Viterbo,  hunting  the  stag  at  Cor- 
neto,  or  fishing  in  the  lake  of  Bolsena.  His  favorite  rural 
residence  was  Malliano,  where  he  would  surround  himself 
with  improvisatori,  and  other  men  of  light  and  agreeable 
talents,  (down  to  the  jester  and  buffoon,)  who  aided  in 
making  the  hours — those  precious  deposits — pass,  as  he 
thought,  pleasantly  away. 

In  the  winter  Leo  mostly  kept  his  court  in  Rome,  where 
men  of  learning  and  genius  were  always  welcome,  and  where 
a  round  of  gay  and  costly  festivities  relieved  the  fatigue 
which  his  occasional  attention  to  public  concerns  might 
create.  No  expenditure  was  found  too  lavish  when  the 
question  was  one  of  amusements,  theaters,  presents,  or 
marks  of  favor.  There  was  high  jubilee  when  it  was  known 
that  Giuliano  de'  Medici  meant  to  settle  with  his  young 
wife  in  Rome.  "  Here,"  writes  Cardinal  Bibbiena  to  him, 
"  we  lack  nothing  but  a  court  with  ladies !" — Ranke,  Book  I, 
Chap,  ii,  3. 


CHARACTER  OF  LEO  X.  321 

Amid  all  this  merry-making  it  would  have  been  hard  in 
deed  for  thoughts  of  reforming  the  Church  to  have  entered 
the  Pontiff's  mind.  In  truth,  the  Church  was  not  in  a  state 
very  different  from  that  which  a  man  like  Leo  would  have 
naturally  preferred  to  any  other.  Had  it  been  an  easy 
task  —  had  there  been  no  vexation  and  trouble  involved  in 
bringing  about  the  change  —  he  might  perhaps  have  en- 
deavored to  repress  open  immorality  in  the  priesthood,  and 
would  have  insisted  that  a  teacher  of  others  should  be 
possessed  of  some  learning  himself.  The  open  vices  of  the 
clergy  might  have  received  some  rebuke,  and  the  shame- 
ful ignorance  that  generally  prevailed  might  have  been  par- 
tially removed.  Although  he  might  not  have  cared  more 
than  his  predecessors  whether  doctors  in  theology  had  ever 
read  a  single  page  of  the  Bible,  he  would  at  least  have 
thought  it  decent  that  the  priests  should  be  able  to  read 
the  mass  with  tolerable  correctness.  But  even  to  effect 
such  seemly  alterations  as  these  Leo  X.  was  destitute  of  the 
requisite  energy.  They  would  doubtless  have  met  with  his 
approbation,  but  to  originate  them  was  more  than  he  had 
courage  to  attempt.  No  wish,  however,  for  the  establish- 
ment of  spiritual  religion  and  vital  godliness  could  ever 
have  entered  his  mind ;  for  in  these  he  was  quite  wanting 
himself.  Indeed,  it  is  only  too  probable  that,  like  most  of 
the  literati  of  his  age,  he  was  no  believer  at  all  in  the  sol- 
emn verities  of  holy  writ.  It  is  affirmed  of  him  that  he 
once  exclaimed:  "This  Christianity!  how  profitable  a 
farce  it  has  proved  to  us !" 

It  is  certain  that  Leo  was  surrounded  by  men  who  held 
every  conceivable  shade  of  infidel  and  skeptical  opinions, 
from  the  avowed  and  unblushinsf  atheist  to  the  secret 
doubter.  The  most  awful  declarations  of  Scripture  fur- 
nished matter  for  the  jesting  and  mockery  of  the  gay  court- 
iers who  attended  the  Pope,  Even  the  priests  were  wont 
to  boast  to  each  other,  in  their  revelries,  how  they  deluded 
the  people,  by  only  pretending  to  transubstantiate  the  bread 

14* 


322  LIVES   OF   THE   POPES. 

and  wine  in  the  mass,  saying,  instead  of  the  usual  formula, 
'*Panis  es  et  panis  manehis,^''  "  Vinum  es  et  vinum  mane- 
his" — "  Bread  thou  art  and  bread  thou  shalt  remain  ;'* 
"Wine  thou  art  and  wine  thou  shalt  abide."  One  who 
was  not  at  all  likely  to  be  a  severe  censor  of  vice,  but 
•who  was  endowed  with  a  keen  foresight  of  social  changes, 
the  renowned  Machiavelli,  observed  that  "the  greatest 
symptoms  of  the  approaching  ruin  of  Christianity,"  (by 
which  he  meant  Roman  Catholicism,)  "is  that  the  nearer 
the  nations  are  to  the  capital  of  Christendom,  the  less  do 
we  find  in  them  of  a  real  Christian  spirit.  The  crimes  and 
scandalous  example  of  the  court  of  Rome  are  the  cause  of 
Italy  having  lost  all  principles  of  piety  and  all  religious 
feelings.  Indeed,  we  Italians  have  chiefly  to  thank  the 
Church  and  the  priests  for  having  become  a  nation  of  im- 
pious persons  and  cut-throats." — Machiavelli,  Disser- 
tation on  First  Decade  of  Livy.  The  depravity  of  the 
Romish  Church  had,  indeed,  reached  its  highest  chmax ; 
but  the  same  Divine  Providence  which,  in  a  former  age,  had 
raised  up  an  Arnold,  a  Wiclif,  a  Jerome,  and  a  Huss,  had 
now  prepared  a  remedy  for  the  gigantic  evils  with  which 
the  papal  system  had  oppressed  the  world. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

WARS    OF    LEO    X.  WITH   FRANCE  AND   URBINO CONSPIRACY 

OF  CARDINALS. A.  D.  1513-1517. 

Desperate  as  was  the  moral  state  of  the  Church,  and  loud 
as  was  the  call  for  a  thorough  reform  —  a  call  to  which  ut- 
terance had  been  given  with  more  or  less  distinctness  ever 
since  the  Council  of  Constance — it  was  not  to  ecclesiastical 
matters  that  Leo  X.  first  gave  his  attention.  He  had 
hardly  ascended  the  throne  when  Italy  was  thrown  into 
alarm   at  the  news  of  another  French   invasion   bv  the 


WAR.S   OF   LEO   X.  323 

annies  of  King  Louis  XII.  Ever  since  the  expedition 
of  Charles  VIII.  the  French  had  laid  claim  to  the 
duchy  of  Milan,  and  the  \dgorous  efforts  of  Julius  II.  to 
preserve  Italy  from  foreign  encroachments  have  already 
passed  before  us  in  review.  The  death  of  that  redoubtable 
Pontiff  seems  to  have  encouraged  the  French  monarch  to 
renew  the  attempt  to  wrest  the  Milanese  territory  from 
Maximihan  Sforza,  who  now  held  the  scepter  of  that  duchy. 
Sforza  turned  an  imploring  eye  to  the  Pope,  who,  although 
no  mihtary  genius,  saw  clearly  enough  the  demands  of  the 
crisis. 

Leo  first  of  all  attempted  to  draw  the  emperor  and  the 
king  of  England  into  a  league  of  defense  for  Italy ;  but 
finding  that  succors  arrived  but  tardily  from  these  remote 
quarters,  he  engaged  at  his  own  expense  a  numereus  body 
of  Swiss  mercenaries,  which  he  added  to  all  the  force  that 
could  possibly  be  raised  within  the  Italian  borders.  In  the 
battle  of  Novara,  which  was  fought  June  6,  1513,  the 
question  of  French  occupancy  was  decided  for  the  present ; 
for,  after  a  dreadful  conflict,  the  Smss  and  Italians  came 
off  wholly  victorious,  and  Louis  XII.  was  glad  to  purchase 
peace  on  the  most  humiliating  terms. 

The  death  of  Louis  XIL,  in  1515,  completely  changed, 
however,  the  aspect  of  affairs.  Francis  I.,  his  successor, 
was  ardent  and  aspiring.  He  burned  above  all  to  achieve 
for  himself  the  reputation  of  a  warrior,  and  therefore  lost 
no  time  in  asserting  his  right  to  the  duchy  of  Milan.  But 
Francis  was  not  devoid  of  prudence,  and  he  accordingly 
commenced  operations  by  laboring  to  eflfect  a  union  be- 
tween himself  and  those  other  monarchs  who  were  likely  to 
obstruct  his  designs.  He  succeeded  in  contracting  an  alli- 
ance with  Henry  VIIL  of  England  —  with  the  archduke, 
soon  to  be  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  —  and  with  the  Vene- 
tian senate.  So  formidable  a  league  against  the  quiet  of 
central  Italy  made  the  Pontiff  tremble ;  and  his  cautious 
temper  induced  him  to  refrain  alike  from  opposing  so  strong 


324  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

a  confederacy,  and  from  giving  countenance  to  their  plans, 
until  he  should  be  more  certain  of  the  probable  results. 
He  resolved,  therefore,  for  the  present  to  leave  Milan  to  its 
fate. 

After  some  temporizing,  however,  Leo  found  it  to  be 
quite  necessary  that  he  should  take  a  decided  part  in  the 
approaching  contest.  Siding,  therefore,  with  those  who 
aimed  at  keeping  the  too  powerful  French  out  of  Italy,  he 
united  his  arms  with  those  of  the  Swiss,  the  Emperor  Max- 
imilian, and  Ferdinand  of  Aragon. 

The  details  of  this  struggle  may  be  rapidly  told.  Fran- 
cis made  his  appearance  in  Italy  at  the  head  of  a  powerful 
army,  comprising  the  flower  of  French  chivalry,  expecting 
to  be  joined  there  by  his  Venetian  allies.  But  his  progress 
was  disputed  at  every  step  by  the  brave  Swiss,  who  were 
eager  to  repeat  the  achievements  of  Novara.  At  Marig- 
nano  the  allied  armies  met  the  intruders  in  full  force.  In 
a  hard-fought  battle  the  French  proved  themselves  more 
than  a  match  for  the  combined  strength  of  the  Italians, 
Spaniards,  and  Swiss.  It  was  toward  evening  when  these 
last  commenced  the  attack  with  their  wonted  impetuosity, 
and,  breaking  the  French  lines,  would,  perhaps,  have  car- 
ried all  before  them  had  not  the  darkness  of  night  inter- 
rupted the  combat.  All  that  night  both  armies  continued 
under  arms,  waiting  impatiently  for  the  dawn,  that  the 
work  of  carnage  might  begin  afresh.  When  day  broke,  it 
was  seen  that  Francis  had  reorganized  his  forces.  He  led 
the  vanguard  in  person,  and  inspired  his  soldiers  with  such 
enthusiasm  that  they  fought  with  great  courage,  and  in  the 
end  gained  a  decisive  victory. 

Francis  was  now  imdisputed  master  of  Milan,  and  the 
politic  Leo  hastened  forthwith  to  conciliate  a  foe  who,  if 
further  exasperated,  might  inflict  injury  even  on  the  sacred 
domains  of  the  Church.  But  the  French  king  was  content 
with  his  present  conquests,  and,  receiving  the  Pope's  am- 
bassadors with  the  greatest  cordiality,  proposed  a  personal 


( 


WARS  OF   LEO   X.  325 

interview  between  himself  and  Leo,  for  the  purpose  of 
strengthening  the  ties  of  their  friendship.  The  meeting 
was  arranged  to  be  held  at  Bologna,  and  thither  both 
the  potentates  proceeded,  attended  by  a  large  concourse  of 
followers  of  all  kinds.  At  Bologna,  Francis  performed 
homage  to  the  Pope,  according  to  custom,  by  kissing  Leo's 
hand  and  foot ;  and  the  Pontifif  insisted,  on  his  part,  that 
the  king  should  keep  his  head  covered,  although  contrary 
to  the  usual  etiquette.  This  visit  of  Francis  to  Leo  lasted 
for  some  weeks,  and  the  time  was  not  wholly  exhausted  in 
tom-naments  and  other  festivities;  many  really  important 
transactions,  which  deeply  affected  the  welfare  of  both 
France  and  Italy,  took  place  between  the  two  princes. 

Among  these  was  the  abolition  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanc- 
tion, an  ancient  covenant  between  the  popes  and  the 
monarchs  of  France,  through  which  the  French  Churches 
had  enjoyed  a  singular  independence  of  papal  control.  It 
was  now  agreed  that  all  the  powers  of  the  Pope  should  be 
transferred  to  the  king,  who  should  henceforth  present  to 
all  vacant  sees,  and  adjudicate  in  all  ecclesiastical  affairs,  with 
a  merely  nominal  subjection  to  the  supremacy  of  the  Pope. 
The  French  clergy  remonstrated  in  vain  against  this  arrange- 
ment, by  which  they  had  gained  a  master  who  had  full 
power  to  compel  obedience,  in  exchange  for  one  whose  will 
might  very  often  be  safely  set  at  naught.  The  independence 
of  the  French  Church  was  thus  destroyed ;  and  although  the 
growing  insolence  of  prelates  had  rendered  the  step  quite 
essential  to  the  repose  of  France,  it  will  be  hard  to  excul- 
pate the  Pope  and  the  king  (with  whom  it  was  a  mere 
question  of  policy,  and  who  acted  throughout  the  business 
in  direct  opposition  to  all  their  professed  convictions  of  papal 
supremacy)  from  the  charge  so  vehemently  urged  against 
them,  of  buying  and  selling  the  spiritual  interests  of  the 
people. 

It  was  also  at  this  Bologna  conference  that  Francis,  so- 
licitous  to  please  the  English  king,  obtained  for  his  ambitious 


326  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

servant,  Wolsey,  a  cardinal's  hat  as  compensation  for  the 
loss  of  a  bishopric  in  France  which  Francis  desired  for  a 
friend  of  his  own. 

Relieved  from  the  terrors  of  foreign  invasion,  Leo  had 
leisure  to  undertake  some  long-cherished  designs  for  the 
aggrandizement  of  his  own  family.  For  such  selfish  aims 
the  popes  had  now  become  notorious,  and  the  ambitious 
Medici  were  not  likely  to  let  slip  an  opportunity  so  favorable 
as  the  present,  when  one  of  their  house  swayed  the  potent 
scepter  of  the  Church. 

Leo's  aflfections  were  chiefly  directed  to  his  nephew 
Lorenzo,  and  he  now  resolved  to  obtain  for  that  nephew  a 
lasting  position  among  the  sovereigns  of  Italy.  In  a  state 
of  society  so  depraved  as  that  of  the  Italians  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  it  was  no  difficult  matter  for  a  Pope  to  charge  any 
of  liis  neighbors  with  some  crimes  of  a  very  serious  nature. 
The  duchy  of  Urbino  seemed  to  Leo  the  most  desirable  pos- 
session for  his  relative,  and  he  therefore  immediately  pro- 
ceeded to  accuse  its  duke  of  having  formerly,  with  his  own 
hands,  assassinated  a  cardinal  in  the  streets  of  Ravenna.  For 
this  crime,  which  indeed  was  not  denied,  the  duke  was  now 
summoned  to  answer  before  the  papal  tribunal.  An  instant 
refusal  to  obey  the  citation  furnished  a  plausible  pretext 
for  the  employment  of  force,  and  a  civil  war  ensued,  which, 
if  it  did  not  deluge  Italy  with  blood,  like  the  wars  of 
Charles  VIII.  and  Louis  XII.,  kept  the  central  states  em- 
broiled for  a  long  time  in  continual  discord. 

The  Pope  appears  to  especial  disadvantage  in  the  whole 
of  this  affair.  As  cupidity  prompted  and  injustice  com- 
menced it,  so  did  cruelty  and  treachery  signalize  its  prose- 
cution and  its  close.  Tlie  duchess  of  Urbino  obtained 
audience  of  Leo,  and  forcibly  urged  how  great  would  be 
the  scandal,  how  monstrous  the  ingratitude,  if  Lorenzo, 
whom,  when  an  infant,  she  had  caressed  in  her  arms,  should 
now  rise  up  against  his  benefactors,  and  repay  their  kind- 
ness with  persecution  and  robbery.     But  her  entreaties  and 


WARS  OP  LEO   X. 


327 


tears  were  all  in  vain :  ambition  had  effectually  steeled  the 
heart  of  the  Pope  against  the  claims  of  justice,  and  even 
the  voice  of  pity.  The  spoliation  was  decided  on ;  and  so 
far  did  Leo  cany  his  harshness,  that  when,  after  Urbino 
had  been  seized  and  its  duke  sent  into  exile,  the  latter 
humbly  petitioned  to  be  at  least  set  free  from  ecclesiastical 
censures,  the  Pope  sternly  refused  to  grant  even  this  cheap 
favor,  which  the  poor  duke  sincerely  believed  to  be  neces- 
sary for  the  salvation  of  his  soul. 

But  cruelty  goes  not  unpunished.     It  often  meets  a  rec- 
ompense even  in  the  present  life ;  and  although  this  action 
of  Leo's  was  quite  at  variance  with  the  usual  tenor  of  his 
life,  yet  it  was   destined  to  receive  retribution.     In  the 
course  of  the  contest  with  Urbino,  many  wholly  unoffending 
families  were,  of  course,  involved  in  the  ruin  so  indiscrimin- 
ately dealt   out  by  the  violent   hands  of  war.     Among 
these  was  the  family  of  the  Petrucci,  which  had  been  de- 
prived by  the  Pope  of  their  government  of  Sienna,  and 
expelled  altogether  from  that  city.     But  one  of  the  Petrucci 
was  in  the  sacred  college,  and  Cardinal  Petrucci  now  medi- 
tated a  deadly  revenge  against  the  destroyer  of  his  house. 
At  first,  he  declared  he  would  not  hesitate  to  assassinate  the 
Pontiff  wherever  he  might  chance  to  meet  him  ;  but  as  soon 
as  the  paroxysm  of  his  anger  had  subsided  he  took  other 
measures,  and  secretly  formed  a  conspiracy  for  taking  away 
his  life  by  poison.     Still  the  fierce  passions   that   raged 
within  him  could  ill  brook  the  delay  necessary  to  accom- 
plish his  object,  and  he  often  gave  utterance  to  his  wrath 
in  a  manner  so  public  that  he  was  at  last  obliged  to  escape 
from  Rome,  to  avoid  the  consequences  of  his  imprudence. 
To  Leo's  dismay  it  was  now  found  that  the  conspiracy  had 
been  joined  in  by  a  considerable  number  of  the  cardinals, 
and  he  instantly  caused  such  as  he  suspected  to  be  appre- 
hended and  committed  to  prison.     Petrucci  himself  was 
inveigled  to  Rome  by  the  sacred  promise  of  a  safe-conduct, 
a  promise  only  made  to  be  shamefully  broken.     After  bit- 


328  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

terly  reproaching  the  guilty  cardinals  for  their  treachery, 
Leo  sentenced  Petrucci  and  some  inferior  confederates  to 
be  strangled  in  prison,  and  the  other  chief  conspirators  were 
heavily  fined. 

The  peace  of  the  Pontiff's  life  could  not,  however,  be 
restored  by  judicial  punishments.  Treason  might  still,  for 
aught  he  knew,  be  working  in  secret,  and  Leo  was  now 
condemned  to  experience  the  miserable  torment  of  always 
fearing  an  unknown  and  invisible  foe.  To  relieve  himself 
of  these  miseries  he  resolved  on  largely  augmenting  the 
number  of  cardinals,  hoping  thus  to  be  assured  that  the 
majority  of  the  college  would  be  his  grateful  and  faithful 
adherents.  At  one  time,  he  promoted  thirty-one  persons 
to  this  much-coveted  honor,  some  of  whom  were  his  own 
relatives,  others  his  personal  friends,  and  the  remainder  in- 
dividuals of  eminence  in  connection  with  the  courts  of  France, 
Germany,  Portugal,  and  Spain.  By  this  politic  step  he 
greatly  advanced  his  influence  abroad,  and  secured  more 
firmly  the  bonds  of  peace  and  safety  at  home. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

PONTIFICATE  OF  LEO  X. OUTBREAK  OF  THE  P.EFORMATION 

THE   OPPOSITION    OF  ROME. A.  D.  1517-1520. 

It  is  somewhat  remarkable  that  Leo  X.,  who  longed  for 
nothing  so  much  as  the  quiet  enjoyment  of  life,  should  have 
been  allowed  less  repose  than  most  of  his  predecessors. 
No  sooner  had  he  hushed  the  storms  of  political  and  do- 
mestic strife  than  fearful  indications  appeared  of  a  far  more 
fierce  and  protracted  ecclesiastical  war.  The  Reformation 
now  began  to  gather  its  forces,  and  already  sounded  from 
behind  the  Alps  the  loud  clarion  of  battle. 

For  ages  it  had  been  the  common  practice  of  the  popes 
to  replenish  their  treasury,  whenever  it  was  deeply  drained, 


OUTBREAK  OF  THE  REFORMATION.  329 

by  means  of  indulgences.  For  the  promulgation  of  these, 
the  shghtest  occasion  or  excuse  was  eagerly  seized.  Thus, 
when  Julius  II.  determined  on  erecting  the  new  cathedral 
of  St.  Peter's,  it  furnished  an  excellent  pretext  for  the  sale 
of  indulgences.  And  as  the  completion  of  this  edifice  was 
a  slow  and  tedious  work,  extending  over  a  space  of  many 
years,  the  same  source  of  revenue  continued  open  long  after 
Julius  was  laid  in  the  tomb.  The  lavish  expenditure  of 
Leo  X.  made  such  resources  peculiarly  needful  and  accept- 
able to  him,  and  we  have  evidence,  if  we  may  so  term  it,  of 
one  of  the  best  purposes  to  which  these  funds  were  devoted, 
in  a  curious  document  yei  extant, — a  letter  from  Leo  to  his 
commissioner  of  indulgences,  requiring  a  hundred  and  forty 
ducats  to  effect  the  purchase  of  a  manuscript  of  the  thirty- 
third  book  of  Livy. 

The  sale  of  indulgences  had  thus  become  an  authorized 
and  regular  branch  of  clerical  duties.  It  was  a  traflSc 
chiefly  monopolized,  however,  by  the  Begging  Friars,  an 
order  which,  originally  pretending  to  superior  sanctity,  had 
now  grown  to  be  the  most  dissolute  and  venal  of  all,  and 
the  members  of  which  were  even  the  moral  pestilence  of 
the  unhappy  neighborhood  they  chose  to  infest.  Wander- 
ing from  town  to  town,  they  everywhere  oJSfered  their  in- 
dulgences for  sale  in  the  most  public  places,  and  with  un- 
blushing effrontery  exaggerated  the  sufficiently  impudent 
claims  of  the  impious  indulgence  itself.  There  was  no  sin, 
they  affirmed,  however  awful  it  might  be,  for  which  the  in- 
dulgence would  not  secure  an  ample  pardon.  Nay !  men 
might  thus  purchase  a  complete  absolution  from  all  crimes 
whatever  that  they  might  yet  intend  to  commit.  All  would 
be  pardoned,  and  that  without  the  disagreeable  necessity  of 
repentance.  Relatives  who  were  groaning  in  purgatory 
might  thus  be  set  free,  and  "the  very  moment,"  said 
one  of  the  indulgence-sellers,  ''that  the  purchase-money 
chinks  at  the  bottom  of  the  strong  box,  these  souls  escape 
from  their  torments,  and  soar  to  heaven."     For  the  paltry 


330  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

sum  of  twelve  groats,  they  were  reminded,  a  man  could 
deliver  his  father  out  of  purgatory ;  and  for  eight  ducats  he 
might  commit  murder  without  fear  of  eternal  retribution.* 

But  the  labors  of  Dante  and  Petrarch,  of  Reuchlin  and 
Erasmus,  had  not  been  so  utterly  lost  as  to  leave  the  world 
quite  in  the  same  darkness  as  of  old  respecting  these  blas- 
phemous pretensions.  The  seller  of  indulgences  now  often 
encountered  the  laughter  of  an  unbelieving  audience,  and 
sometimes  received  a  severer  and  not  undeserved  chastise- 
ment. Especially  in  Germany  had  the  bonds  of  supersti- 
tion been  loosened  by  that  spirit  of  free  inquiry  into  every 
sort  of  doctrine  to  which  the  revival  of  letters  had  given 
birth.  In  Germany,  also,  it  was  not  felt,  so  strongly  as  in 
Italy,  that  it  was  for  the  interest  of  the  priesthood  to  uphold 
absurd  dogmas  which  in  their  hearts  men  had  wholly  ceased 
to  believe.  There  was  a  spirit  rising  in  Germany  that 
could  not  endure  the  loathsome  mixture  of  arrogance,  hy- 
pocrisy, and  blasphemy  of  which  an  indulgence-seller  was 
composed;  and  this  spirit  pervaded  the  universities  and 
monasteries,  as  well  as  the  cities  and  towns. 

Already  had  Luther,  preacher  in  the  town  church  of 
Wittenberg,  and  professor  of  theology  in  its  university, 
awakened  great  attention  to  the  paramount  authority  of 
the  Scriptures,  and  especially  to  the  Scriptural,  but  then 
novel  and  ill-understood  doctrine  of  the  sinner's  justification 
by  faith  alone  in  the  atonement  of  Christ.  Already  he  had 
gathered  around  him  a  promising  phalanx  of  ardent  young 
men,  who  looked  up  to  him  with  reverence  as  a  revealer  of 
new  truth,  and  in  whose  hearts  was  kindled  a  holy  zeal 
akin  to  his  own. 

But  at  present  Luther  still  retained  the  profoundest  re- 
spect for  the  Pope,  and  for  all  the  ancient  institutions  of 
the  Roman  Church.     He  groaned  over  the  flagrant  abuses^ 

"  See  further  details  of  this  monstrous  traffic  in  Merle  D'Au- 
bigne's  "  History  of  the  Reformation,"  book  iii,  who  cites  Luth-er's 
Theses,  Tetzel's  Anti-Theses,  and  Miiller's  Reliq.  iii,  p.  264. 


OUTBREAK  OF  THE  REFORMATION.  331 

of  the  times,  but  persuaded  himself  that  these  abuses  were 
not  tolerated  by  the  Pope,  and  needed  only  to  be  exposed 
to  be  removed.  To  this  very  task  he  was  now  addressing 
himself  with  all  the  stupendous  energy  of  his  soul ;  and 
when,  in  1516,  he  heard  that  Tetzel,  one  of  the  most  noto- 
rious and  impudent  of  the  indulgence-mongers,  had  ven- 
tured to  approach  Wittenberg,  hawking  his  blasphemous 
certificates  for  the  salvation  of  souls,  and  proclaiming  their 
virtues  in  the  most  extravagant  and  shocking  terms,  Luther 
burned  with  indignation,  and  he  passionately  exclaimed  : 
"  If  God  permit,  I  will  knock  a  hole  in  his  drum  !" 

How  his  threat  was  fulfilled,  and  what  dissensions  were 
created  in  Germany  by  the  bold  stand  which  the  reformer 
made  for  a  purer  creed  and  worship,  it  is  beside  our  pres- 
ent purpose  minutely  to  record.  We  have  here  chiefly  to 
do  with  the  ultimate  results  of  his  labors,  and  their  direct 
effects  on  Italy  and  the  popedom.  Nevertheless,  the  noble 
reformer  himself  must  occasionally  pass  across  the  scene. 

Luther's  boldest  stroke  was  his  affixing  -to  the  doors  of 
Wittenberg  church  the  famous  ninety-five  theses  or  prop- 
ositions, in  which  he  distinctly  impugned  the  authority  of 
the  indulgences.  These  theses  were  copied  and  spread 
abroad  with  wonderful  rapidity.  "  It  was  as  if  angels  had 
carried  them,"  said  his  disciples  afterward.  In  a  fortnight, 
they  were  talked  of  throughout  Germany ;  and  in  a  month, 
had  reached  the  confines  of  Christendom,  both  east  and 
west.  The  Emperor  Maximilian  saw  that  the  bold  innova- 
tor might  one  day  assist  him  against  the  Pope,  -as  Savan- 
orola  had  formerly  aided  Charles  VIIL,  and  he  exclaimed, 
"  Take  care  of  that  monk,  Luther ;  the  time  may  come 
when  we  shall  have  need  of  him !"  And  even  the  Pontiff 
was  not  displeased  with  the  theses.  He  estimated  them  by 
their  literaiy  merit,  and  regarding  them  as  proofs  of  an 
original  and  independent  mind  :  "  This  friar  Martin,"  said 
he,  "  is  a  very  fine  genius,  and  all  that  is  said  against  him 
is  mere  monkish  jealousy." 


332  LIVES    OF   THE    POPES. 

But  if  the  Pope  was  indifferent  to  the  "  German  squab- 
ble," (for  so  Leo  had  styled  it,)  the  cardinals  and  priests 
thought  it  worthy  of  more  serious  notice.  The  censor  of 
the  papal  court,  Prierias,  undertook  to  reply  to  the  theses, 
which  he  did  in  a  treatise  abounding  with  adulation  of  the 
Pope,  and  violent  abuse  and  threatenings  for  the  "  barba- 
rous" and  daring  monk.  He  contemptuously  asks,  "  Has 
this  Luther  an  iron  nose  or  a  brazen  head,  so  that  it  cannot 
be  broken  ?"  He  insinuates,  that  if  Luther  should  "  re- 
ceive a  good  bishopric  he  would  be  ready  to  preach  up  the 
indulgences  which  he  now  chose  to  blacken."  And  he  in- 
timates that  the  Pope  "  can  employ  the  secular  arm  to  con- 
strain those  who  depart  from  the  faith."  Such  was  the 
spirit  with  which  the  rising  Reformation  was  met  in  the 
metropolis  of  Christendom. 

Rome  soon  began  to  bestir  herself  with  considerable  en- 
ergy. Early  in  1518  the  Cardinal  Rovere  addressed  a  let- 
ter to  Luther's  sovereign  and  protector,  the  Elector  Fred- 
eric, cautioning  him  that  his  friendship  for  the  reformer  was 
suggesting  suspicions  at  Rome  of  his  being  himself  heretic- 
ally  disposed.  A  little  later,  the  Emperor  Maximilian, 
wishing  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  Pope,  wrote  to  Leo, 
offering  his  services  to  carry  into  effect  whatever  measures 
might  be  resolved  on  for  checking  the  growth  of  the  heresy. 

Leo  was  now  roused  to  action,  and  he  forthwith  issued  a 
summons  citing  Luther  to  appear  personally  in  Rome  within 
the  space  of  sixty  days.  A  letter  was  also  dispatched  to 
the  Elector  Frederic,  warning  him  against  Luther's  heresy, 
and  seeking  to  detach  him  altogether  from  the  reformer's 
cause.  The  order  for  Luther's  appearance  in  Rome  was 
soon  afterward  changed  for  another  to  proceed  to  Augs- 
burg, to  meet  the  Cardinal  Gaeta,  the  Pope's  legate  at  the 
imperial  court,  and  be  by  him  examined  respecting  the  doc- 
trines he  held.  Here,  for  the  present,  the  court  of  Rome 
seemed  disposed  to  rest  in  its  opposition  to  the  German 
Reformation. 


OUTBREAK  OF  THE   REFORMATION.  333 

Other  matters  enofrossed  the  Pontiff's  attention.  On  the 
one  hand,  the  Ottoman  Turks  were  making  new  inroads  on 
western  Europe,  and  the  Itahans  began  to  apprehend  an 
attack  on  their  own  peninsula.  To  avert  so  tremendous  an 
evil,  Leo  strove  to  unite  the  European  powers  in  a  confed- 
eracy to  resist  the  infidel  foe,  and  hoped,  by  exciting  anew 
the  ci-usading  spirit,  to  restore  that  deference  for  the  papacy 
which  was  too  evidently  on  the  decline. 

On  the  other  hand,  important  political  changes  were 
taking  place  beyond  the  Alps,  which  might  seriously  affect 
the  welfare  of  Italy.  The  feeble  old  Emperor  Maxiraihan 
died  in  1518,  and  a  struggle  ensued  between  Francis  I.  and 
the  Archduke  Charles  for  the  imperial  crown,  in  which  the 
latter  was  the  victor.  Charles  had  now  become  the  great- 
est potentate  of  Europe,  and  indeed  the  most  powerful  that 
Europe  had  seen  since  the  days  of  Charlemagne.  The 
crowns  of  the  Empire,  of  Spain,  the  Sicilies,  and  the  Neth- 
erlands, all  reposed  on  his  head ;  so  that  to  his  movements 
the  eyes  of  all  sovereigns  were  of  course  anxiously  turned. 

But  the  excitement  of  these  events  having  passed  away, 
the  Pope  again  directed  his  attention  to  the  dissensions  of 
the  German  Church.  Still  hoping  to  conciliate  Luther,  he 
dispatched  a  Saxon  nobleman,  of  courteous  manners  and 
consummate  address,  Charles  Miltitz,  to  endeavor  to  prevail 
on  the  reformer  to  publish  a  retractation  of  his  heretical  doc- 
trines. But  Luther  had  gone  too  far  to  retract,  and  had 
gained  a  much  larger  number  of  disciples  than  people  at 
Rome  imagined.  Miltitz  was  astonished  to  observe,  as  he 
proceeded  to  Wittenberg,  innumerable  tokens  of  the  strong 
hold  which  the  doctrines  of  the  reformer  had  already  taken 
on  the  minds  of  the  lower  classes.  "  Tmly,*'  said  he  to 
Luther,  "  I  would  not  undertake  to  carry  you  out  of  Ger- 
many, if  I  had  at  my  command  an  army  of  twenty-five 
thousand  men !"  Nor  was  this  mere  flattery;  it  was  sober 
sense.  The  youth  of  Germany,  attracted  by  Luther's 
fame,  and  by  sympathy  with  the  tiTiths   he  taught,  were 


334  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

flocking  to  tlie  University  of  Wittenberg  by  hundreds. 
"  Our  city,"  wrote  Luther,  **  can  hardly  receive  all  who 
arrive  here."  And  it  was  not  to  Wittenberg,  nor  even  to 
Germany,  that  this  movement  was  confined.  The  age  was 
ripe  for  revolt  against  effete  superstitions,  and  from  Switz- 
erland, from  Bohemia,  and  even  from  Italy,  Luther  re- 
ceived letters,  vehemently  urging  him  to  proceed  boldly 
in  the  course  he  had  commenced. 

And  Luther  himself  was  less  disposed  than  ever  to  retract. 
The  fierce  opposition  he  had  met  with  from  German  doctors 
and  priests,  had  led  him  to  a  deeper  study  of  the  history  of 
the  Roman  Church.  New  hght  broke  daily  on  his  mind,  re- 
vealing the  utter  dissimilarity  between  the  papal  imposture 
and  primitive  Christianity.  Until  now  he  had  reverenced 
the  authority  of  the  Pope,  but  we  find  him  at  this  period 
writing  to  a  friend  :  "  I  am  studying  the  decretals  of  the  pon- 
tiflPs,  and  (let  me  whisper  in  your  ear)  I  am  not  sure  whether 
the  Pope  be  Antichrist  himself,  or  only  his  apostle,  to 
such  a  degree  has  Christ  been  perverted  and  sacrificed." 
At  a  disputation  wliich  he  held  shortly  afterward  at  Leipsic, 
he  openly  impugned  the  primacy  of  the  Pope ;  and  in  a  very 
few  months  he  became  satisfied  that  the  mass  was  not  the 
Lord's  supper,  and  that  celibacy  was  not  binding  on  the  clergy. 

The  blandishments  of  Miltitz  were  consequently  em- 
ployed to  no  purpose  ;  and  Rome  began  to  meditate  severer 
measures  for  the  extermination  of  the  dangerous  heresy. 
The  Pontifi"  himself  was,  in  all  probability,  averse  to  the 
adoption  of  these  ulterior  steps.  It  was  also  very  doubtful 
how  far  the  new  emperor  could  be  depended  on  for  carry- 
ing into  effect  the  decrees  of  the  Church.  But  the  dictates 
of  prudence  were  overruled  by  the  clamors  of  bigotry ;  for 
Luther's  rival  and  enemy.  Dr.  Eck,  had  industriously  pois- 
oned the  minds  of  all  the  cardinals,  and  on  the  15tli  of  June, 
1520,  the  famous  bull  was  sent  forth  by  which  the  doctrines 
of  the  reformer  were  officially  condemned,  and  his  person 
handed  over  to  the  vengeance  of  the  secular  power. 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  REFORMATION.  886 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

PROGRESS     OF    REFORMATION LUTHER     IMPRISONED DEATH 

OF  LEO  X. A.   D.    1520,  1521. 

The  reception  of  the  papal  bull  in  Germany  was  not  calcu- 
lated to  inspire  reassurance  at  the  court  of  Rome.  At 
Leipsic,  its  publication  was  forbidden  by  authority  of  the 
duke.  At  Erfurt,  the  students  tore  in  pieces  the  copies 
that  were  sent,  and  threw  the  fragments  into  the  river,  ex- 
claiming, *'  It  is  a  bull ;  let  it  swim !"  At  Wittenberg, 
a  public  meeting  was  called  by  Luther,  and  a  large  bonfire 
being  lighted,  the  reformer  cast  into  it,  in  the  presence  of 
an  assembly  of  doctors,  professors,  students,  and  citizens, 
the  volumes  of  the  canon  law,  the  decretals,  and  other  pa- 
pal statutes ;  and  then  holding  aloft  the  Pope's  bull,  and 
solemnly  pronouncing  these  words,  ''  Whereas  thou  hast 
grieved  the  Lord's  holy  ones,  may  the  everlasting  fire  grieve 
and  consume  thee,"  he  committed  that  also  to  the  flames, 
amid  shouts  of  approbation  from  the  concourse  of  spec- 
tators. 

So  bold  a  defiance  of  Rome's  most  terrible  fulminations 
at  once  stimulated  the  zeal  of  Luther's  partisans,  and  infu- 
riated the  malice  of  his  foes.  The  legates  of  the  Pope  now 
applied  to  the  young  emperor,  and  implored  him  to  put  in 
prompt  execution  the  decrees  of  the  bull.  But  Charles  V. 
was  too  cautious  to  commit  himself  to  any  course  that 
might  possibly,  at  the  very  beginning  of  his  reign,  embroil 
him  with  several  states  of  his  empire.  He  said  he  would 
consult  the  Elector  Frederic,  the  oldest  and  wisest  of  the 
German  princes,  and  be  guided  by  his  counsel.  The  advice 
of  the  elector,  who  had  always  been  partial  to  the  reformer, 
and  whose  convictions  were  now  inclined  more  than  ever 
to  the  side  of  Scriptural  truth,  was,  that  before  Luther  was 
delivered  over  to  the  vengeance  of  Rome  he  should  be  al- 


336  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

lowed  to  plead  his  own  cause  before  impartial  judges.  In 
accordance  with  this  counsel,  Charles  summoned  the  reform- 
er to  present  himself  before  the  diet  of  the  empire,  just 
then  about  to  be  held  in  the  city  of  Worms. 

All  circumstances  seemed  to  combine  to  attract  an  un- 
usual concourse  of  princes,  prelates,  and  nobles,  to  this 
memorable  diet.  The  accession  of  a  new  and  powerful  mon- 
arch to  the  imperial  throne;  the  well-known  jealousies 
between  Charles,  Francis  I.,  and  the  Pope;  and  the 
religious  excitement  rising  higher  and  higher  in  all  coun- 
tries, united  to  swell  the  numbers  of  this  august  assem- 
bly. It  is  beside  our  present  purpose  to  relate  its  proceed- 
ings in  detail ;  they  may  be  found  in  all  biographies  of 
Luther,  and  histories  of  the  Reformation.  Luther,  in  spite 
of  repeated  friendly  warnings  and  entreaties  to  the  contrary, 
did  not  fail  to  appear,  and  was  met  before  the  diet  by  his 
implacable  enemy  and  eloquent  accuser,  the  legate  Ale- 
ander. 

The  excitement  was  intense  when  Luther  entered  the  as- 
sembly to  make  his  defense.  The  hall  was  crowded  to 
excess,  and  the  reformer  was  well-nigh  exhausted  by  the 
heat  before  he  was  suffered  to  begin.  Then,  first  in  Ger- 
man, and  afterward  in  Latin,  he  explained  the  steps  he  had 
taken,  the  motives  which  had  guided  him,  and  the  reasons 
why  he  could  not  possibly  retract.  Being  then  desired  to 
give  a  clear  and  precise  answer  to  the  question,  whether  he 
would  or  would  not  retract,  he  firmly  and  deliberately  re- 
plied, "  Unless  fully  convinced  by  the  testimony  of  Scrip- 
ture, I  neither  can  nor  will  retract  anything.  Here  I 
stand,"  he  continued,  as  if  reflecting  on  his  solitary,  for- 
lorn, and  helpless  position  ;  "  I  can  do  no  otherwise.  God 
help  me.     Amen." 

One  would  have  expected  that  so  manly  an  assertion  of 
the  rights  of  conscience  would  have  commanded  the  admi- 
ration of  the  entire  assembly ;  and  on  many  it  did  not  fail 
to  make  a  very  deep  impression.     But  the  emperor's  edu- 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  REFORMATION".  337 

cation  had  lamentably  unfitted  him  for  rightly  appreciating 
Luther's  noble  protest  against  debasing  superstitions  and 
priestly  imposture.  Charles  was  a  blind  follower  of  the 
popes,  and  he  therefore  finally  decreed  that  the  reformer 
should  instantly  depart  from  Worms,  and  not  be  found 
within  the  bounds  of  the  empire  after  the  lapse  of  twenty 
days. 

Luther  departed,  confidently  intrusting  himself  and  his 
cause  to  the  gracious  protection  of  that  God  who  had  so 
manifestly  "set  him  for  the  defense  of  the  gospel."  And 
God  quickly  appeared  in  his  behalf.  The  life  of  his  serv- 
ant was  eagerly  sought  by  misguided  and  evil-minded  men ; 
but  there  was  more  work  for  him  yet  to  accomplish,  and  so 
his  life  was  preserved.  As  Luther  leisurely  journeyed  to 
Wittenberg,  passing  through  the  wood  of  Altenstein,  he 
was  suddenly  surprised  by  a  band  of  armed  men  in  masks, 
who  placed  him  on  a  horse  brought  for  that  purpose,  and 
riding  rapidly  through  by-paths  in  the  woods,  conducted 
him  to  a  castle  called  the  Wartburg,  surrounded  on  all 
sides  by  the  dense  Thuringian  forests ;  a  place  of  refuge 
which  the  reformer,  in  after  days,  was  wont  to  denominate 
his  "Patmos." 

This  rescue  had  been  barely  efifected  in  time  to  save  the 
life  of  Luther ;  for  on  his  quitting  Worms,  the  papal  legate 
had  influence  enough  to  procure  a  decree  from  the  emperor, 
by  which  the  reformer's  writings  were  sentenced  to  be 
burned,  his  adherents  to  be  seized  and  imprisoned,  and  Lu- 
ther himself  to  be  brought  in  sure  custody  to  the  imperial 
presence,  from  whence  it  was  intended,  no  doubt,  he  should 
only  depart  to  grace  an  auto-da-fe. 

Delivered  for  the  present  from  the  great  disturber  of  ec- 
clesiastical lethargy  and  corruption,  Leo  X.  had  leisure  to 
indulge  more  thoroughly  in  those  pursuits  of  literature, 
taste,  and  ambition,  that  were  the  most  grateful  aliment  of 
his  mind.  It  may  be  recorded  in  his  praise,  that  he  gath- 
ered around  him,  and  liberally  rewarded,  such  men  of  gen- 

15 


338  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

ius  and  learning  as  Italy  then  contained ;  but  few  of  these 
have  left  names  that  claim  our  highest  veneration.  The 
whole  character  of  that  age  bears  the  stamp  of  the  German, 
rather  than  the  Italian  intellect.  It  was  the  energy  of  a 
Luther,  the  consecrated  lore  of  a  Melancthon,  the  polished 
wit  of  an  Erasmus,  which  then  gave  impulse  and  direction 
to  the  thoughts  and  opinions  of  the  world,  much  more  than 
the  frivolous  jesting  or  refined  pedantry  of  the  infidel  eccle- 
siastics who  thi-onged  the  halls  of  the  Vatican.  Yet  the 
zeal  of  the  Pontiff  in  collecting  ancient  manuscripts,  which 
he  purchased  at  almost  any  price,  to  enrich  the  Laurentian 
library ;  his  efforts  also  to  increase  the  stores  of  the  Vatican 
libraiy ;  and  his  discriminating  taste  in  the  patronage  of 
artists  and  sculptors,  among  the  crowds  of  whom  the  tow- 
ering forms  of  a  Raphael  and  an  Angelo  are  particularly 
conspicuous,  constitute  a  fair  claim  in  behalf  of  Leo  X. 
to  the  gratitude  of  mankind;  and  though  they  can  form 
no  justification,  may  be  accepted  as  some  sort  of  com- 
pensation for  his  encouragement  of  ribald  poets  and  buf- 
foons. 

Among  other  suitors  for  literary  honors  at  the  hands  of 
Pope  Leo  X.,  was  one  of  singular  character  and  pretensions. 
The  writings  of  Luther  had  called  forth  a  host  of  replies,  and 
none  of  these  excited  so  much  curiosity,  or  won  such  general 
applause,  as  that  of  King  Henry  VIII.  of  England.  This 
ambitious  young  monarch,  in  his  eagerness  for  all  sorts  of 
distinction,  and  influenced  by  the  vanity  which  the  flattery 
of  his  courtiers  had  inspired,  had  determined  on  entering 
the  lists  of  theological  debate  with  the  now  world-famed 
monk  of  Wittenberg.  The  "  Defense  of  the  Seven  Sac- 
raments" which  he  produced  is  more  remarkable  for  zeal 
than  for  learning  or  talent,  but  by  the  popish  party  it  was 
extolled  for  the  latter  as  much  as  for  the  former.  It  was 
presented  to  the  Pope  Avith  great  ceremony,  and  was  re- 
ceived by  him  in  full  consistory.  The  reward  which  Henry 
coveted  v/as  also  granted  after  some  demur,  and  a  papal 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  REFORMATION.  339 

bull  authorized  the  English  king  to  style  himself  the  "  De- 
fender of  the  Faith."  Thus  the  king  of  England,  to  his 
great  satisfaction,  was  at  last  placed  on  a  perfect  equality 
"with  the  "  Most  Christian"  monarch  of  France,  and  the 
"  Catholic"  sovereign  of  Spain. 

While  Leo  was  thus  diligently  establishing  his  title  to  be 
regarded  as  the  patron  of  letters  and  the  arts,  he  was  not 
inattentive  to  political  affairs.  The  occupation  of  Milan  by 
the  French  had  always  been  a  cause  of  sore  vexation  to  his 
mind,  and  whatever  apparent  amity  existed  between  him 
and  Francis  I.,  was  only  a  politic  cover  to  secret  dislike. 
He  seized  the  first  opportunity  of  breaking  the  compact  be- 
tween them.  Uniting  the  forces  of  "the  Church"  with 
those  of  the  emperor,  he  entered  on  regular  hostilities  to- 
ward the  close  of  1521,  in  the  hope  of  expelling  the  French 
altogether  from  the  Italian  soil,  and  once  more  obtaining 
the  States  of  Parma  and  Piacenza,  of  which  his  treaty  with 
Francis  had  deprived  him. 

It  had  long  been  the  practice  of  the  princes  of  Italy,  in 
their  frequent  wars  with  each  other,  to  engage  the  services 
of  the  Swiss  mountaineers,  whose  valor  was  strangely  com- 
bined with  a  mercenary  spirit,  which  led  them  to  sell  their 
life-blood  to  the  best  paymaster,  whoever  he  might  be.  On 
this  occasion,  the  Pontiff  was  the  highest  bidder ;  and  upon 
the  French  retiring  into  the  city  of  Milan,  the  allies,  strength- 
ened by  the  Swiss  auxiliaries,  made  a  vigorous  and  success- 
ful assault,  compelling  the  French  to  surrender  at  discre- 
tion, and  to  promise  the  immediate  withdrawal  of  their 
whole  force  from  Italy. 

Leo  was  at  his  country-seat  of  Malliano  when  the  news 
of  this  victory  reached  him.  Exultation  at  so  signal  a  tri- 
umph threw  him  mto  the  greatest  excitement.  The  ene- 
mies of  Italy  were  vanquished  ;  Parma  and  Piacenza  again 
sparkled  among  the  brightest  gems  in  the  papal  diadem. 
During  the  whole  night  he  paced  to  and  fro  in  his  cham- 
ber, alternately  gazing  on  the  festivities  which  were  com- 


340  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

menced  by  his  retainers  in  honor  of  the  event,  and  which 
he  could  see  from  his  window,  and  reflecting  on  the  glori- 
ous career  that  now  seemed  open  to  his  ambition. 

On  the  morrow,  Leo  returned  to  Rome,  to  give  directions 
for  the  public  celebration  of  the  triumph ;  but  on  that  very- 
day  he  was  seized  with  a  fatal  illness,  and  amid  excrucia- 
ting suJGferings  of  body,  and  still  more  distressing  mental 
agitation — without  hope  to  cheer  him,  and  without  faith  in 
the  atoning  blood  of  Christ  to  sustain  him — he  expired  in 
the  course  of  a  few  hours.  He  was  only  forty-seven  years 
of  age,  and  had  reigned  but  eight  years. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

PONTIFICATE   OF  ADRIAN    VI. A.    D.    1521-1523, 

The  choice  of  a  successor  to  the  deceased  Pope  was  a  mo- 
mentous affair  ;  and  had  the  cardinals  been  chiefly  concerned 
for  the  welfare  of  the  Church,  they  would  (as  Merle  D'Au- 
bigne  justly  remarks)  have  chosen  for  such  troubled  times 
a  Gregory  VII.  or  an  Innocent  III.  But  the  members  of 
the  conclave  were,  as  usual,  too  busy  in  pursuing  their  own 
separate  interests  to  think  of  the  public  good  ;  and  thus  the 
providence  of  God  employed  them  to  forward,  unconsciously, 
the  great  work  of  the  Reformation.  Unable  for  several 
days  to  agree,  it  at  last  happened  that  a  sufficient  number 
of  votes  fell  upon  a  man  whom  none  of  them  really  desired 
to  elect,  Adrian  of  Utrecht,  formerly  a  professor  at  Lou- 
vain,  and  then  tutor  to  Charles  V.  Contrary  to  their  hopes, 
Adrian  accepted  the  tiara,  and,  contrary  to  usage,  assumed 
the  popedom  without  changing  his  name. 

Adrian  VI.  was  a  perfect  contrast  in  character  to 
Leo  X.  His  gravity  was  so  great  that  it  is  said  he  never 
laughed,  a  faint  smile  being  his  nearest  approach  to  mirth. 
His  habits  were  severely  studious,  abstemious,  and  correct ; 


PONTIFICATE  OF  ADRIAN  VI.  341 

tliere  can  be  no  question  that  lie  was  heartily  zealous  for 
the  welfare  of  the  Roman  Church.  The  Dutch  were  in 
raptures  that  one  of  their  countrymen  should  be  chosen  to 
fill  the  chair  of  St.  Peter,  and  the  Romans  were  willing  to 
suppress  their  mortification  at  the  rigid  manners  of  the  new 
Pontiff,  in  consideration  of  the  five  thousand  benefices  which 
he  had  it  in  his  power  to  bestow. 

Adrian  determined  to  set  an  example  in  his  own  person 
of  the  deportment  which  he  thought  befitting  the  priestly 
office.  On  approaching  Rome,  he  alighted  from  his  car- 
riage, and  entered  the  city  with  bare  legs  and  feet,  intend- 
ing to  impress  on  the  citizens,  and  especially  on  the  clergy, 
the  duties  of  humility  and  self-denial.  That  he  was  only 
laughed  at  for  his  pains  by  the  volatile  Romans  we  may 
be  quite  sure ;  and  that  such  a  show  of  humility  bordered 
very  nearly  on  affectation,  if  not  on  hypocrisy  itself,  even 
charity  is  obliged  to  suspect.  On  taking  possession  of  the 
Vatican,  Adrian  determined  to  continue  his  former  domestic 
habits.  His  old  housekeeper  still  provided  his  frugal  and 
sohtary  meals  in  the  halls  which  had  so  lately  been  crowded 
with  guests  and  servants,  and  where  luxurious  banquets  had 
been  daily  prepared  at  an  enormous  cost. 

In  all  matters  of  refinement  and  taste,  the  new  Pope  was 
equally  a  contrast  to  the  old.  On  being  shown  that  noble 
group  of  statuary,  the  Laocoon,  which  Julius  II.  had  pur- 
chased at  a  great  price  from  those  who  had  recovered  it 
from  amid  ruins,  Adrian  coldly  remarked  :  "  These  are  the 
idols  of  the  pagans !"  The  frescoes  of  Raphael  he  de- 
noimced  in  the  same  ascetic  or  barbarous  spirit  as  **  merely 
useless  ornaments."  As  for  poets,  he  would  not  have  them 
so  much  as  named  in  his  presence.  It  is  true  that  the  poets 
of  Leo  X'.'s  court  were  not  worthy  of  much  esteem,  but 
Adrian  would  have  treated  an  Ariosto  and  an  An*etino  with 
an  equal  amount  of  contempt. 

Great  changes  had  occurred  in  Germany  since  the  im- 
prisonment of  Luther  in  the  Wartburg.     The  seed  which 


342  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

he  had  sown  had  had  tune  to  grow,  and  was  now  bringing 
forth  its  earhest  fruits.  The  reformer  had  hitherto  ab- 
stained from  urging  any  alterations  in  the  forms  of  worship, 
or  in  the  public  discipline  of  the  Church.  But  it  was  soon 
perceived  by  his  disciples  that  the  great  truths  which  their 
master  taught  were  wholly  incompatible  with  the  customs 
and  forms  authorized  by  the  Church.  The  celibacy  of  the 
clergy,  so  productive  of  immorality,  was  the  first  of  these 
customs  to  be  attacked.  Some  of  the  reforming  priests 
dared  to  break  their  vows,  and  entered  into  matrimonial 
bonds.  The  monasteries  were  the  next  object  of  assault. 
It  was  declared  that  monastic  vows  were  contrary  to  the 
spirit  of  Scripture  and  injurious  to  society.  Thirteen  Au- 
gustinian  monks  at  Wittenberg  at  once  forsook  their  mon- 
astery and  abandoned  the  dress  of  their  order.  One  of 
them  even  ventured  to  marry,  and  petitioned  to  be  admitted 
as  a  burgess.  Soon  afterward,  the  mass  was  publicly  de- 
nounced from  the  pulpit  by  Carlstadt,  and  at  his  instigation 
the  university  and  council  of  Wittenberg  decreed  that  the 
Lord's  supper,  administered  in  a  Scriptural  manner,  should 
be  substituted  for  that  absurd  and  superstitious  rite. 

All  Germany  was  now  on  fire  with  a  spirit  of  inquiry. 
Theological  discussions  were  held  at  the  fireside,  in  the  mar- 
ket-place,  and  in  the  halls  of  justice.  The  vices  of  the  pa- 
pacy became  increasingly  apparent,  and  Luther  threw  oil 
upon  the  flames  by  pouring  forth  treatise  after  treatise  from 
his  secure  hiding-place  in  the  Thuringian  woods.  In  fact, 
the  reformer  began  to  be  alarmed  at  his  own  success,  and 
trembled  lest  the  zeal  of  his  disciples  should  outstrip  their 
prudence.  That  there  was  danger  of  this  was  quite  evi- 
dent, and  it  caused  him  the  most  serious  concern.  Some 
had  used  violence  in  destroying  images  and  in  preventing 
the  priests  from  saying  mass  in  the  churches.  Others  pre- 
tended to  a  direct  inspiration  from  heaven,  and  were  begin- 
ning to  be  carried  away  by  that  spirit  of  fanaticism  which 
seldom  fails  to  appear  in  times  of  religious  awakening. 


PONTIFICATE    OF   ADRIAN    VI.  343 

Fearful  lest  his  own  labors  should  thus  lose  their  reward, 
and  the  great  work  of  reformation  be  hindered  by  these 
extravagances,  Luther  resolved  on  quitting  his  secluded  and 
secure  abode,  and  presenting  himself  once  more  on  the 
open  arena  of  conflict.  Finding  no  obstacle  opposed  to  his 
design,  he  forsook  the  Wartburg,  and  the  pulpits  of  Wit- 
tenberg again  resounded  with  the  earnest  appeals  that  had 
before  roused  the  sleeping  soul  of  the  people.  Their  suc- 
cess was  as  striking  as  ever.  Fanaticism  was  exorcised,  and 
the  Reformation,  again  directed  in  a  safe  and  Scriptural 
channel,  pursued  its  course  with  greater  speed  than  before. 

The  consternation  and  wrath  which  these  movements 
excited  among  the  adherents  of  Rome  can  scarcely  be  de- 
scribed. It  was  one  of  Adrian's  first  measures  to  write  to 
the  Elector  Frederic,  sternly  rebuking  him  for  harboring 
and  befriending  such  pestilent  disturbers  of  the  Church  as 
Luther  and  his  associates.  In  this  letter,  the  elector  is 
charged  with  destroying  the  unity  of  the  Church,  and  in- 
troducino*  the  demon  of  strife  into  the  fold  of  Christ.     "  If 

O 

Christian  peace  has  fled  from  the  Church — if  the  shout  of 
war  resounds  from  east  to  west — if  an  universal  battle  be  at 
hand — for  all  this  it  is  thou,  even  thou,  who  art  to  blame !" 
Proceeding  to  accuse  Luther  of  all  monstrous  crimes,  and 
to  vilify  him  with  the  coarsest  epithets,  the  Pontifi"  pro- 
nounces a  sentence  of  utter  condemnation,  but  in  a  strain  so 
rhetorical  as  to  leave  some  doubt  whether  it  is  Luther  or 
Frederic  at  whom  the  bolt  is  hurled.  *'  Of  what  punish- 
ment, what  martyrdom  then,  thinkest  thou  we  shall  judge 
you  deserving  ?  In  the  name  of  Almighty  God,  and  of 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  whose  representative  I  am  upon 
earth,  I  declare  that  thou  shalt  be  punished  in  this  world, 
and  be  plunged  into  eternal  fire  in  that  which  is  to  come ! 
Repent,  and  be  converted  !  The  two  swords  are  suspended 
above  thy  head — the  sword  of  the  empire  and  the  sword 
of  the  popedom !" 

This  last  menace  of  the  Pontifi"  was  not  wholly  without 


344  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

meaning.  The  princes  of  that  age  were  generally  far  too 
willing  to  lend  themselves  to  deeds  of  persecution  in  the 
sacred  name  of  religion;  and,  except  where  his  political 
interests  interfered,  Charles  V.  did  not  rank  behind  the 
most  ardent  of  them  in  slavish  devotion  to  the  Church. 
The  inferior  rulers,  electors,  dukes,  and  counts,  stimulated 
by  the  Pope,  and  sanctioned  by  the  emperor,  were  eager  to 
slake  their  thirst  in  the  blood  of  the  heretic  Lutherans. 

No  time  was  lost.  The  work  of  slaughter,  confiscation, 
and  imprisonment  was  forthwith  begun,  and  the  Netherlands 
branded  themselves  with  ignominy  by  sending  the  first  of 
this  new  band  of  martyrs  to  the  stake.  At  Brussels,  three 
youthful  monks,  who  had  renounced  their  vows,  were  seized, 
manacled,  torn  from  their  homes,  and  after  a  hasty  trial 
publicly  burned  to  death. 

In  December,  1522,  the  diet  of  the  empire  assembled  at 
Nuremberg ;  and  Adrian,  full  of  zeal  against  the  reformers, 
dispatched  a  faithful  legate  to  be  his  representative  in  the 
council.  It  was  at  Luthe^r  that  the  legate  aimed  his  most 
powerful  blows.  "  This  gangrened  member,"  said  he  to 
the  nobles,  **  must  be  separated  entirely  from  the  main 
body.  As  your  fathers  executed  Huss  and  Jerome,  so  do 
you  go  forth  and  gain  a  magnificent  victory  over  this  in- 
fernal dragon." 

But  although  there  were  not  wanting  in  the  diet  princes 
who  fully  sympathized  with  the  legate,  the  majority  shud- 
dered at  his  address.  They  entered  on  the  consideration  of 
the  manifest  abuses  of  the  papacy ;  which  Luther  had  so 
thoroughly  laid  bare,  and  passed  resolutions  which  strikingly 
discovered  the  dechne  of  papal  influence.  No  fewer  than 
eighty  grievances  were  specified,  and  the  answer  returned 
to  the  Pope's  message  concluded  with  these  words :  **  If 
these  grievances  be  not  redressed  within  a  set  time,  we 
shall  think  of  other  means  of  escape  from  so  many  oppres- 
sions and  sufferings." 

The  Pope  did  not,  however,  expect  to  heal  all  the  dis- 


PONTIFICATE   OF  ADRIAN   VI.  345 

orders  of  the  Church  by  merely  extirpating  the  heretics. 
He  was  too  moral  a  man  himself  not  to  feel  disgust  at  the 
vices  and  profligacy  which  everywhere  prevailed,  and 
among  no  class  so  much  as  the  clergy.  Adrian,  also, 
was  too  earnest  in  desiring  the  welfare  of  the  Church  not 
to  give  expression  to  his  disgust.  In  fact,  the  very  legate 
who  demanded  the  exemplary  punishment  of  all  heresy, 
was  also  charged  with  the  Pontiff's  confession  that  the 
accusations  of  Luther  against  the  papacy  were  undoubtedly 
just.  "  We  are  well  aware,"  he  said,  "  that  for  many  years 
past  several  abuses  and  abominations  have  found  place  even 
beside  the  holy  chair.  From  the  head  the  malady  has 
passed  down  into  the  limbs  ;  from  the  Pope  it  has  extended 
to  the  prelates ;  we  are  all  gone  astray,  there  is  none  that 
hath  done  rightly,  no  not  one.  We  would  fain  reform  this 
Roman  court  whence  proceeds  so  many  evils ;  the  whole 
world  desires  this,  and  for  this  object  we  consented  to  ascend 
the  throne  of  the  pontiffs." 

But  if,  on  the  one  hand,  Adrian  met  vsdth  disappointment 
in  his  efforts  to  check  the  spread  of  heresy,  he  was  quite  as 
unsuccessful  on  the  other  in  accomplishing  the  reforms  of 
his  own  devising.  Where,  indeed,  was  he  to  make  a  be- 
ginning with  the  least  prospect  of  ever  achieving  a  thorough 
reformation  ?  So  long  had  corruption  been  permitted  to 
grow — so  inextricably  had  its  fibers  now  entwined  them- 
selves about  the  very  roots  of  the  Church,  that  to  eradicate 
the  one  was  inevitably  to  destroy  the  other.  On  all  sides 
the  Pope  met  with  the  most  resolute  resistance.  At  the 
least  step  toward  reform,  he  was  assailed  with  volleys  of 
reproaches,  warnings,  menaces,  and  prayers.  And,  too 
probably,  Adrian  himself  was  not  quite  sincere  in  his  re- 
forming projects.  If  he  had  been,  he  would  surely  have 
regarded  Luther's  exposure  of  abuses  as  at  the  worst  the 
rough  treatment  of  a  friendly  hand.  He  would  have  thought 
it  deserving  of  praise  rather  than  censure.  And  so,  evi- 
dently, Luther  himself  believed ;    for  on  translating  into 

15* 


-346  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

German  one  of  the  pontifical  mandates,  in  which  it  was  said 
"  the  cure  must  proceed  step  by  step,"  the  reformer  sar- 
castically added,  "  with  an  interval  of  some  ages  between 
each  step." 

Moreover,  Adrian  was  personally  unpopular  among  his 
Italian  subjects.  His  abstemious  habits  and  severe  looks 
gave  him  no  favor  with  a  people  accustomed  to  gayety, 
luxury,  and  uncontrolled  license  of  manners.  Wholly  un- 
used to  business,  the  secular  affairs  of  the  popedom  did  not 
prosper  in  his  hands ;  so  that  while  Adrian  himself  often  mur- 
mured, "  I  would  much  rather  serve  God  in  my  provostry  of 
Louvain  than  be  Pope  at  Rome,"  the  Romans  grumbled  at 
his  parsimony  and  his  taxes,  and  heartily  wished  his  popedom 
at  an  end.  The  gratification  of  their  wishes  was  not  long 
deferred,  for,  in  September,  1523,  Adrian  died ;  and 
although  there  is  no  solid  ground  for  supposing  that  he 
expired  by  a  violent  death,  the  citizens  in  the  night-time 
crowned  his  physician's  gate  with  garlands  of  flowers, 
and  inscribed  over  the  top,  "To  the  liberator  of  his 

COUNTRY  !" 


CHAPTER  X. 

pontificate   of   clement  VII.   TO   the   sack  of   ROME. 
A.  D.  1523-1527. 

So  numerous  and  determined  were  the  intrigues  of  the  dif- 
ferent parties  in  the  conclave,  that  two  months  had  almost 
slipped  awaj^  ere  they  could  fix  on  a  successor  to  the  chair. 
At  last,  the  influence  of  the  cardinal  Giulio  de'  Medici  pre- 
vailed. Having  secured  the  prize,  he  assumed  the  title  of 
Clement  VII. 

This  Pontiff  was  in  many  respects  well  suited  for  the 
post  he  had  gained.  He  had  long  been  familiar  with  politi- 
cal affairs,  and  the  popedom  was  now  at  least  as  much  a 
political  as  an  ecclesiastical  dignity.     He  was  gifted  with 


PONTIFICATE  OF  CLEMEJST  VII.  847 

quick  discernment  in  the  most  perplexing  difiBculties,  and 
his  assiduity  in  attending  to  business  was  admirable  when 
compared  with  the  remissness  of  his  predecessors.  To 
Adrian's  respect  for  morals  and  religion  he  made  Uttle  pre- 
tension, but  his  zeal  for  the  prosperity  of  the  priesthood, 
and  of  the  whole  hierarchical  system  which  now  usurped 
the  name  of  the  Church,  was  quite  as  ardent;  while  his 
taste  for  literature  and  the  arts  was  far  more  decided,  and 
in  accordance  with  the  demands  of  the  age.  Yet,  notwith- 
standing these  propitious  qualities  in  his  character,  Clement's 
was  destined  to  be  one  of  the  most  disastrous  and  unfor- 
tunate reigns  the  popedom  had  hitherto  experienced. 

The  state  of  pubhc  affairs  had,  indeed,  never  been  so 
complicated  as  at  the  time  when  Clement  assimied  the  tiara. 
On  all  sides  problems  presented  themselves,  for  the  solu- 
tfon  of  which  no  single  mind  could  possibly  be  adequate. 
To  secure  the  temporal  power  of  the  popedom  amid  the 
conflicting  strifes  of  the  sovereigns  who  now  disputed  the 
soil  of  Italy,  and  to  maintain  the  institutions  of  the  Church 
when  German  reformers  and  Turkish  invaders,  sanctioned 
by  the  voice  of  indignant  humanity,  Avere  threatening  their 
demolition — these,  indeed,  were  herculean  labors,  even  had 
they  been  demanded  at  long  intervals  ;  but  to  be  required 
all  at  once  and  of  the  same  man  was  enough  to  overwhelm 
the  strongest  mind,  and  baffle  the  most  skillful  genius. 

It  was  the  state  of  the  Church  to  wliich  Clement  first 
directed  his  attention.  The  Reformation  had  now  made  con- 
siderable progress  in  nearly  all  the  countries  beyond  the 
Alps ;  it  was  not  without  advocates  even  in  Italy ;  for  the 
revival  of  letters,  the  close  attention  that  was  paid  to  the 
editing  and  printing  of  rare  and  valuable  manuscripts,  and 
the  mtercourse  which  for  these  purposes  was  opened  be- 
tween the  learned  men  of  Italy  and  other  countries,  had 
created  more  liberal  modes  of  thinking,  and  had  directed 
the  minds  of  many  to  the  corrupted  state  of  religion.  Ec- 
clesiastics, zealous  enough  in  behalf  of  their  order,  were 


348  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

generally  the  writers  of  commentaries  on  tlie  Scriptures, 
and,  from  the  mere  love  of  learning,  devoted  themselves  to 
the  elucidation  of  the  Greek  and  Hebrew  texts,  and  thus 
largely  assisted  in  diffusing  truths  which  had  few  charms 
for  their  own  minds.  Very  justly  does  M'Crie  observe 
that,  "  in  surveying  this  portion  of  history,  it  is  impossible 
not  to  admire  the  arrangements  of  Providence,  when  we 
perceive  monks  and  bishops,  cardinals  and  popes,  active  in 
forging  and  polishing  those  weapons  which  were  soon  to 
be  turned  against  themselves,  and  which  they  afterward 
would  fain  have  blunted,  and  labored  to  decry  as  unlawful 
and  impoisoned." — History  of  the  Reformation  in  Italy, 
p.  51. 

But  it  was  on  the  posture  of  religious  affairs  in  Germany 
that  the  eyes  of  Clement  VII.  were  most  attentively  bent. 
Luther  having  escaped,  as  we  have  seen,  from  his  prison 
in  the  Wartburg,  was  now  in  Wittenberg,  denouncing  once 
more  the  sloth  and  avarice  of  the  priests,  and  restraining 
the  forward  zeal  of  his  too  enthusiastic  disciples.  In  all 
things  he  was  successful.  The  Reformation  moved  rapidly 
onward,  yet  with  a  steady  and  certain  step.  From  city 
it  advanced  to  city,  from  province  to  province.  In  Nu- 
remberg, Frankfort,  and  Hamburg,  with  many  other  Ger- 
man towns;  in  Zurich  and  other  cities  of  Switzerland, 
the  popish  forms  of  worship  had  been  abolished  by  author- 
ity (for  in  those  days  perfect  liberty  of  conscience  was  un- 
derstood by  none) ;  the  gospel  was  preached  by  faithful  and 
godly  men ;  the  Scriptures  were  expounded  without  slavish 
reference  to  the  fathers  or  the  theologians  of  "  the  Church ;" 
and  the  idolatrous  service  of  the  mass  was  exchanged  for 
the  ordinance  of  the  Lord's  supper,  administered  in  a 
Scriptural  way. 

But  the  greatest  triumph  of  all  was  the  publication  of 
the  sacred  Scriptures  themselves  in  the  popular  tongue. 
Luther  had  employed  much  of  his  leisure  in  the  AVartburg 
in  translating  the  New  Testament  into  German;    and  at 


PONTIFICATE  OF  CLEMENT  Vll.  S40 

Paris  the  same  work  was  performed  by  Lefevre,  an  en- 
lightened doctor  of  the  Sorbonne ;  so  that  the  French,  Ger- 
man, and  Swiss  nations  had  now,  all  of  them,  the  opportu- 
nity of  judging  for  themselves  between  the  reformers  and 
the  priests. 

Thus  all  Germany  and  Switzerland,  with  not  a  small  part 
of  France,  had  been  thrown  into  the  greatest  agitation.  In 
some  places  the  priests  were  assaulted  in  the  performance 
of  their  oflfices ;  in  others  the  images  of  the  saints  were 
broken  to  pieces ;  and  in  all  the  fever  of  religious  contro- 
versy was  raging  with  daily  increasing  strength. 

In  February,  1524,  a  diet  of  the  empire  was  to  be  held  at 
Nuremberg,  and  the  Pope  resolved  on  sending  to  it  a  legate 
who  should  urge  the  immediate  interposition  of  imperial 
authority  to  check  these  alarming  innovations.  The  Cardi- 
nal Campeggio,  who  was  chosen  for  this  office,  was  a  states- 
man of  singular  talent,  and  possessed  of  all  the  arts  of 
Italian  finesse.  On  appearing  in  the  assembly,  he  boldly 
demanded  that  the  decree  of  the  Diet  of  Worms  against 
the  reformers  should  be  forthwith  put  in  execution.  But 
the  German  barons  and  princes  were  now  too  much  inter- 
ested in  the  cause  of  reform  to  listen  to  such  a  demand. 
After  much  altercation,  it  was  decided  that  the  whole  busi- 
ness should  be  put  off  to  a  subsequent  diet. 

Other  diets  were  in  fact  held,  and  the  religious  dissen- 
sions of  the  empire  were  seriously  weighed  ;  but  the  politi- 
cal system  of  the  age  was  in  so  disjointed  a  state  that 
nothing  could  be  effected;  and,  finally,  in  August,  1526, 
the  Diet  of  Spires  decreed  that  for  the  present  each  state 
should  act  according  to  its  own  discretion.  Thus  was  lib- 
erty of  conscience  formally  conceded  to  the  Protestant 
party,  which  accordingly  dates  its  historical  existence  from 
that  memorable  epoch. 

But  all  this  interval  of  suspense  to  the  court  of  Rome 
had  been  dihgently  improved  by  Clement  VII.  and  the 
innumerable  emissaries  he  was  able  to  employ.     Campeg- 


350  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

gio  did  his  best  to  sow  the  seeds  of  animosity  (he  cared  not 
whether  pohtical  or  ecclesiastical)  among  the  German 
princes,  and,  by  skillfully  stirring  up  all  latent  bigotry,  he 
succeeded  in  leaguing  together  a  powerful  band  of  Catholic 
nobles,  who  bound  themselves  to  support  on  all  occasions 
the  interests  of  the  Church.  In  Bavaria  and  Austria  simi- 
lar exertions  were  made,  and  the  Pope  himself  wrote  to  the 
emperor,  to  warn  him  that  the  stability  of  the  empire  was 
no  less  at  stake  than  the  prosperity  of  the  Church. 

If  the  emperor  had  not  been  so  intent  on  his  own  ambi- 
tious projects  he  might  have  lent  an  attentive  ear  to  the 
voice  of  the  Pope.  But  Charles's  whole  resources  were 
already  engaged.  A  struggle  was  now  at  hand  between 
himself  and  the  king  of  France,  on  which  depended  the 
continuance  of  his  power  in  Italy,  and  even  his  preeminence 
in  the  councils  of  Europe.  The  duchy  of  Milan  had  been 
both  won  and  lost  by  Francis  I.,  who  was  now  resolved  to 
make  an  eflfort  that  should  not  only  retrieve  his  former  dis- 
asters, but  place  the  whole  of  Italy  in  his  power. 

To  accomplish  this  object  Francis  led  an  army  in  person 
across  the  Alps,  to  meet  the  forces  which,  under  the  Con- 
stable Bourbon  (who  had  basely  deserted  his  own  sovereign 
to  serve  a  hostile  prince)  and  the  Spanish  General  Pescara, 
defended  the  emperor's  dominions  in  Italy.  For  three 
months  did  the  French  king  lay  siege  to  the  well-fortified 
city  of  Pavia,  thus  allowing  the  imperialist  generals  ample 
time  to  gather  and  consolidate  their  strength  ;  and,  in  a 
battle  that  was  fiercely  fought  beneath  the  walls  of  the 
town,  the  French  army  was  utterly  defeated,  and  Francis 
himself  taken  prisoner.  He  was  immediately  carried  cap- 
tive into  Spain ;  and  the  year  1525  is  memorable  in  history, 
not  only  for  the  great  and  decisive  battle  of  Pavia,  but  for 
the  strange  reveree  which  caused  a  powerful  French  sover- 
eign to  languish  out  an  autumn  and  a  winter  in  a  dreary 
Spanish  dungeon. 

It  was  only  by  entering  into  a  treaty  involving  the  great- 


PONTIFICATE   OF  CLEMENT  VII.  351 

est  sacrifices  that  Francis  was  able  to  regain  his  liberty. 
By  a  solemn  oath,  he  bound  himself  to  relinquish  all  his 
claims  to  Italy,  beside  stripping  himself  of  extensive  prov- 
inces beyond  the  Alps.  But  the  Pope  was  by  no  means 
willing  that  the  emperor  should  be  left  to  do  as  he  listed 
on  the  Itahan  soil.  He  was  not  only  jealous  of  the  emper- 
or's growing  influence,  but  indignant  that  by  his  interven- 
tion the  States  of  Ferrara  had  been  delivered  from  the  grasp 
of  the  Church.  Francis  had  therefore  no  sooner  returned 
to  his  own  dominions  than  Clement  established  a  league 
between  himself,  the  Venetians,  the  duke  of  Milan,  and  the 
French  king,  to  expel  the  imperial  forces  from  Italy,  and 
to  place  the  Milanese  crown  upon  Sforza's  head.  This 
league  was  infamously  ratified  by  the  Pope's  giving  a  full 
absolution  to  Francis  I.  for  the  violation  of  the  treaty  he 
had  formerly  entered  into  with  Charles,  and  which,  although 
unfairly  and  ungenerously  extorted  by  the  latter  under  cir- 
cumstances which  left  no  option  of  refusal,  was  neverthe- 
less rendered  additionally  binding  by  the  sanctity  of  a  solemn 
oath.  Such  was  the  sort  of  morality  then  prevalent  in  Rome, 
and  to  which  the  chief  bishop  of  her  degenerate  Church 
did  not  scruple  to  set  the  seal  of  his  authority  and  name. 

The  emperor's  indignation  at  the  treachery  of  the  Pope 
cotild  hardly  be  kept  within  bounds.  He  even  forgot,  or 
purposely  laid  aside,  his  hereditary  devotion  to  the  Roman 
Chui-ch.  His  letters  to  the  German  Catholic  princes,  who 
were  depending  upon  his  aid  in  withstanding  the  progress 
of  reform,  now  counseled  moderation  and  conciliation,  in- 
stead of  breathing,  as  before,  the  hot  breath  of  persecution 
and  hatred.  For  a  while  the  refonners  were  allowed  to 
proceed  in  peace.  Charles  even  beat  up  for  recruits  in  the 
reforming  districts  of  Germany,  knowing  that  he  should 
not  want  for  soldiers  when  the  people  were  told  that  they 
were  going  to  fight  against  the  Pope.  "  Tell  them,"  said 
he,  "  that  they  are  going  to  march  against  the  Turks ; 
every  one  will  know  what  Turks  are  meant." 


352  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

A  new  Italian  war  accordingly  broke  out,  but  the  vigor 
of  the  conflicting  States  seemed  already  exhausted.  The 
months  wore  heavily  away,  and  there  was  still  no  prospect 
of  any  settlement  of  the  strife.  The  forces  of  the  league 
were  neither  of  one  mind  nor  in  good  spirits  ;  and  the  em- 
peror's numerous  army,  commanded  by  Bourbon,  was  com- 
pelled to  draw  its  daily  supplies  from  the  unhappy  land  it 
was  engaged  to  conquer.  Neither  did  the  PontiflF  act  with 
the  decision  and  promptitude  which  so  urgent  a  crisis  de- 
manded. Suspicious  even  of  his  allies,  and  seeing  dangers 
on  every  hand,  he  knew  not  what  course  to  pursue,  and  by 
his  vacillation  and  supineness  lost  the  only  opportunity  af- 
forded him  of  maintaining  his  position. 

Impetuous  Bourbon  could  not  long  be  contented  with 
such  unsatisfactory  warfare.  Nor  would  his  fierce  soldiers, 
a  promiscuous  and  unmanageable  horde  of  Germans,  Span- 
iards, and  Italians,  be  restrained  much  longer  from  the  rich 
booty  offered  by  the  pillage  of  Italian  cities.  They  loudly 
demanded  to  be  marched  on  Florence,  or  even  Rome  ;  and 
Bourbon  at  last,  yielding  to  their  entreaties  and  their  men- 
aces, determined  on  the  daring  exploit  of  laying  siege  to  the 
papal  metropolis  itself,  thus  intending  to  punish  the  Pope 
for  his  desertion  of  the  imperial  cause. 

Great  was  the  dismay  of  the  Pontiff  at  the  approach*  of 
so  formidable  a  foe.  His  presence  of  mind  wholly  forsook 
him,  and  he  neglected  the  plainest  precautions  for  the  de- 
fense of  the  city.  With  thirty  thousand  citizens  able  to 
bear  arms,  who  wore  swords  at  their  sides,  and  used  them 
often  in  their  street  quarrels,  the  Pope  could  only  contrive 
to  muster  a  force  of  five  hundred  men.  By  turns  he 
threatened  and  entreated  ;  sent  messengers  to  the  approach- 
ing foe,  and  then  recalled  them  ;  and  at  last  found  himself 
fortified  by  no  better  defenses  than  spiritual  denunciations, 
which,  though  always  abundant  in  the  papal  arsenals,  availed 
little  against  an  enemy  who  ridiculed  his  priestly  pretensions, 
and  eagerly  thirsted  for  rapine  and  bloodshed. 


PONTIFICATE   OF  CLEMENT  VII.  353 

On  the  6th  of  May,  1527,  the  imperial  city  of  the  west 
was  destined  to  fall  once  more  before  the  fierce  assault  of  a 
northern  foe.  The  soldiers  of  Bourbon  were  impatient  for 
battle,  and  before  the  sun  had  dispersed  the  mists  which 
vailed  the  illustrious  capital,  the  scaling-ladders  were  planted 
and  the  attack  commenced.  Bourbon  himself  was  the  first 
to  mount  the  ladder,  clothed  in  a  white  vesture,  which 
made  his  tall  commanding  figure  a  conspicuous  mark.  He 
quickly  paid  the  penalty  of  his  bravery  or  rashness.  One 
of  the  first  bullets  fired  by  the  citizens  who  guarded  the 
walls  pierced  his  side,  and  he  was  carried  off  lifeless  to  the 
camp.  But  his  followers  were  only  infuriated  by  the  fall 
of  their  leader,  and  rushing  forward  in  crowds,  soon  captured 
the  devoted  city.  A  scene  of  carnage  and  robbery  ensued 
which  baffles  description.  The  Pope,  in  an  agony  of  de- 
spair, shut  himself  up  in  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo,  and  help- 
lessly waited  the  result. 

The  picture  given  us  of  the  Pontiff  during  this  contest  is 
not  very  creditable  to  either  his  humanity  ©r  his  professions 
of  religion.  He  employed  his  favorite  artist,  Benvenuto 
Cellini,  as  engineer  in  defending  the  castle  against  its  assail- 
ants. Cellini  himself  expresses  the  disgust  which  he  felt  at 
his  new  occupation.  Describing  the  deadly  skill  with  which 
he  succeeded  in  marking  and  slaughtering  the  enemy,  he 
says :  "  My  drawing,  my  elegant  studies,  and  my  taste  for 
music,  all  vanished  before  this  butchering  business,  and  if 
I  were  to  give  a  particular  account  of  all  the  exploits  I 
performed  in  this  infernal  employment  I  should  astonish 
the  world."  Yet  Clement,  the  vicar  of  Christ,  the  holy 
father  of  the  Church,  would  daily  walk  on  the  ramparts, 
and  when  he  saw  his  cannon  doing  most  execution  would 
give  utterance  to  his  delight  in  terms  that  it  makes  the 
mind  shudder  to  reflect  on.  A  well-aimed  ball  had  cut  a 
Spanish  colonel  into  two  pieces,  and  on  the  Pope's  express- 
ing his  admiration  of  the  exploit,  Cellini  says :  "  Falling 
upon  my  knees,  I  entreated  his  holiness  to  absolve  me  from 


354  '  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

the  guilt  of  homicide,  and  hkewise  from  other  crimes  which 
I  had  committed  in  the  service  of  the  Church.  The  Pope, 
hfting  up  his  hands,  and  making  the  sign  of  the  cross  over 
me,  said  that  he  blessed  me,  and  gave  me  his  absolution  for 
all  the  homicides  that  I  had  ever  coramitted  or  ever  should 
commit,  in  the  service  of  the  apostolic  Church^ 

The  victorious  army  was  inflamed  with  other  passions 
beside  those  which  a  rude  soldiery  always  exhibits.  Both 
the  Spaniards  and  the  Germans  thirsted  for  revenge ;  for 
Clement  had  branded  the  former  as  infidels,  the  latter  as 
heretics.  Each  after  his  own  fashion  was  now  resolved  to 
retaliate  on  the  Pope.  Whatever  articles  were  esteemed' 
holy,  whatever  edifices  were  superstitiously  revered,  became 
special  objects  of  attack  with  the  German  soldiers.  Chal- 
ices, pyxes,  all  silver  and  golden  ornaments  belonging  to 
the  churches,  were  unceremoniously  swept  into  the  knap- 
sacks of  the  conquerors.  The  garments  of  the  priests,  and 
even  those  of  the  Pope  himself,  Avere  paraded  in  the  streets 
by  servants  and  camp-boys  in  rough  and  boisterous  ridicule. 
A  soldier  dressed  himself  one  day  in  all  the  state  robes  of 
the  Pontiff",  placed  the  triple-crown  on  his  head,  and  sur- 
rounded by  others  attired  in  the  scarlet  costume  of  cardi- 
nals, and  mounted  on  asses,  went  in  procession  through  the 
streets  of  the  city,  receiving  on  all  hands  mock  homage  from 
the  German  soldiery. 

The  revenge  of  the  Spaniards  was  of  a  deeper  and  more 
sanguinary  kind.  Nothing  could  restrain  their  fury.  Even 
priests  and  prelates  were  put  to  death  by  them ;  they 
spared  neither  rank,  sex,  nor  age.  The  pillage  of  the  city, 
and  these  scenes  of  bloodshed  and  cruel  oppression,  lasted 
for  ten  days.  Every  house,  church,  and  tomb  was  ransacked 
for  plunder.  Even  the  jeweled  ring,  which  the  corpse  of 
Julius  II.  still  wore  on  his  finger,  was.carried  off".  Thousands 
of  victims  miserably  perished,  and  the  booty  amounted  to  no 
less  than  ten  millions  of  golden  crowns.  The  city  which 
Leo  X.  had  taken  such  pains  to  adorn  and  enrich,  and  which 


PONTIFICATE  OF  CLEMENT  VII.  355 

liad  now  begun  under  pontifical  rule  to  rival  the  splendors 
of  its  imperial  prime,  was  in  a  few  hours  despoiled  of  all  its 
wealth,  and  in  some  parts  presented  to  the  weeping  gaze 
of  the  devotee  the  sad  aspect  of  a  dismantled  and  desolate 
ruin.  No  sack  of  the  city  under  the  Goths  or  Vandals  had 
been  equal  to  this. 

The  unhappy  Pope,  besieged  in  the  castle  of  St.  An- 
gelo,  was  reduced  to  the  severest  straits.  In  the  hope  of 
being  speedily  delivered  by  the  troops  of  the  league,  he 
refused  to  surrender,  and  was  at  last  compelled,  through 
the  failure  of  supplies,  to  subsist  on  asses'  flesh.  His  hopes 
also  were  cruelly  disappointed,  for  the  forces  of  the  league 
were  commanded  by  the  Duke  D'Urbino,  who  seized  the 
present  opportunity  of  wreaking  his  revenge  upon  the  house 
of  the  Medici.  Marching  his  army  sufficiently  near  to  raise 
the  poor  Pontiff's  hopes  to  the  highest  pitch — so  near,  in 
fact,  that  the  glistening  of  the  lances  could  be  seen  from 
the  parapet  of  the  castle — he  then  suddenly  withdrew, 
pretending  that  his  strength  was  inadequate  to  cope  with 
so  powerful  a  foe.  Clement  only  obtained  his  liberty  at 
last  by  paying  a  large  sum  for  ransom,  which  he  unscrupu- 
lously raised  by  the  sale  of  benefices  and  other  offices ;  and 
he  was  even  then  kept  a  prisoner  at  large  until  he  had  sur- 
rendered to  the  emperor  all  the  important  citadels  and 
towns  belonging  to  the  Church. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

PONTIFICATE    OF    CLEMENT  VII.    AFTER   THE    SACK    OF    ROME. 
A.  D.  1527-1534. 

All  papal  Europe  was  indignant  at  the  insults  thus  heaped 
on  its  spiritual  chief.  The  emperor,  though  secretly  re- 
joicing at  his  double  triumph  over  two  of  the  greatest  sov- 
ereigns of  the  age,  Francis  and  Clement,  considered  it  pru- 


356  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

dent  to  disguise  his  joy,  and  pretended  that  the  treatment 
of  the  Pope  had  not  met  with  his  approval.  And  as  all 
Italy  was  now  beneath  his  feet,  he  determined  to  secure  the 
alliance  of  the  Pope  by  granting  him  unusual  concessions. 

The  Pontiff  acted  with  equal  duplicity.  Concealing  his 
resentment  from  Charles,  he  accepted  all  the  overtures  of 
his  imperial  master,  while  still  belonging  to  the  league  con- 
federated against  him,  thus  deceiving  all  parties  alike. 
There  were  several  motives  that  prompted  iim  to  this 
course.  On  the  one  hand,  his  patriotism  was  cooled  by  the 
conduct  of  his  own  subjects.  They  treated  him  with  open 
contempt,  scoffed  at  his  illegitimate  birth,  and  expressed 
delight  at  his  misfortunes,  although  their  own  country  was 
involved  in  the  same  calamities.  They  declared  that  "  he 
was  no  longer  Pope ;"  and  Clement  bitterly  retorted,  that 
"  he  would  rather  be  the  emperor's  footman  than  the  butt 
of  his  people's  scorn."  On  the  other  hand,  the  Pontiff 
saw  clearly  that  nothing  but  an  alliance  with  Charles  would 
effectually  stave  off  the  perils  that  now  environed  the  pa- 
pacy. 

The  Reformation  had  made  great  progress  during  these 
Italian  wars.  The  forms  of  divine  service  had  been  sim- 
plified and  arranged  in  new  order  in  most  German  churches. 
Luther  had  published  the  mass  in  the  German  tongue,  and 
the  clergy  were  arrayed  in  habits  of  plain  black  and  white. 
Throughout  Saxony  the  churches  had  been  remodeled  ac- 
cording to  the  views  of  the  reformed,  and  had  also  been 
stripped  of  their  ornaments.  In  many  districts,  a  formal 
and  periodical  visitation  of  the  Churches  was  undertaken  at 
the  bidding  of  the  princes  by  the  leading  reformers,  in 
which  they  suppressed  convents  and  other  popish  institu- 
tions, established  unity  of  doctrine,  and  dismissed  from 
their  oflEices  all  priests  who  were  convicted  of  scandalous 
living.  The  Refonnation  had  now  assumed  a  definite  and 
organized  form. 

Nor  was  it  in  Germany  alone  that  events  like  these  por- 


PONTIFICATE  OF  CLEMENT  VII.  357 

tended  the  rising  storm.  In  England  the  Lutheran  doc- 
trines found  ready  acceptance,  and  the  king  himself  was 
evidently  declining  in  his  reverence  for  the  Pope.  Even  in 
Italy  there  were  unmistakable  symptoms  of  defection  from 
papal  rule.  The  German  soldiers  of  Bourbon  had  boasted 
of  the  freedom  from  priestly  sway  enjoyed  in  their  native 
land ;  -and  the  seeds  of  truth  which  they  sowed  found  a 
prepared  soil  in  a  region  where  full  liberty  of  opinion,  even 
to  licentiousness,  had  now  long  been  indulged.  Pope 
Clement  himself  wrote:  "With  heartfelt  grief  have  we 
learned  that  in  diflferent  parts  of  Italy  the  pestiferous  heresy 
of  Luther  prevails,  not  only  among  the  laity,  but  even 
among  the  ecclesiastics  and  the  regular  clergy ;  so  that 
some  by  their  conversation,  and  others  by  what  is  worse, 
their  public  preaching,  infect  numbers  with  their  disease, 
to  the  no  small  injury  of  the  Catholic  faith." 

Influenced  by  these  views,  the  Pontiflf  made  all  haste  to 
be  reconciled  to  the  emperor,  and  Charles  himself  was  not 
backward  in  accepting  his  proposals;  for  a  danger  now 
menaced  western  Europe,  which  made  it  highly  important 
that  all  parties  should  be  united.  The  Turks  were  making 
rapid  progress  in  conquest,  and  had  already  pitched  their 
tents  beneath  the  walls  of  Vienna.  An  army  of  two  hundred 
and  j&fty  thousand  victorious  veterans,  breathing  Mussulman 
vengeance  against  Christians  of  all  sects,  might  well  excite 
the  profound  est  anxieties.  Luther  and  the  Pope  both  agreed 
to  preach  a  new  crusade  ;  and  the  emperor,  desirous  of  com- 
posing the  Italian  dissensions,  readily  concluded  a  private 
treaty  with  Clement,  by  which  he  confirmed  the  Pontiff  in  all 
his  former  possessions,  promised  to  reestablish  the  power  of 
the  Medici  in  Florence,  and  engaged  hereafter  to  support 
the  Church  in  all  her  struggles  with  schismatic  reformers. 

But  even  before  this  treaty  was   fully  concluded   the' 
reformers  had  struck  a  blow  which  awakened  new  fears  in 
the  breast  of  the  Pope,  while  it  aroused  the  indignation  of 
the  emperor,  against  whose  authority  it  was  directly  aimed. 


358  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

At  a  diet  of  the  empire  held  in  the  city  of  Spires  in 
1529,  the  emperor  had  commissioned  his  brother  Ferdinand 
to  announce  that  the  decree  of  the  former  diet,  which  had 
allowed  liberty  of  action  to  all  states  in  matters  of  religion, 
was  now  absolutely  annulled  by  imperial  command.  This 
act  of  despotic  power  was  seconded  by  a  decree  of  the 
present  diet,  (which  was  either  awed  by  the  boldness  of  the 
emperor,  or  cajoled  by  the  arts  of  the  papal  legates,)  pro- 
hibiting the  reformers  from  making  any  further  innovations, 
and  especially  from  abolishing  the  mass,  before  the  meeting 
of  a  general  council. 

Against  a  decree  so  subversive  of  religious  liberty,  and 
so  hostile  to  the  diffusion  of  truth,  six  sovereign  princes  of 
Germany  and  fourteen  free  cities  were  found  faithful  and 
brave  enough  to  record  a  solemn  protest.  "  We  protest 
before  God,"  was  their  noble  and  truly  Christian  language, 
"that  we,  for  ourselves  and  our  people,  neither  consent 
nor  adhere,  in  any  manner  whatsoever,  to  the  proposed  de- 
cree, in  anything  that  is  contrary  to  God,  to  his  holy  word, 
to  our  riofht  conscience,  and  to  the  salvation  of  the  soul." 

Thenceforth  the  reformers  of  all  shades  were  known  as 
Protestants,  and  the  Reformation  had  received  a  name. 

The  alliance  between  the  emperor  and  the  Pope  was  rati- 
fied in  the  year  1530,  when  the  former  was  paying  a  visit 
to  his  Italian  subjects.  Charles  was  received  in  Italy  with 
great  apprehension  and  distrust.  His  name  had  been  con- 
nected in  the  minds  of  the  Italians  only  with  oppression, 
persecution,  and  cruelty,  and  they  naturally  dreaded  the 
approach  of  such  a  master  to  their  shores.  But  Charles 
carefully  acted  his  part,  and,  anxious  to  conciliate,  charmed 
his  new  subjects  by  his  graceful  carriage  and  his  generous 
behavior. 

Proceedinor  from  Genoa  to  Bolog^na  at  the  head  of 
twenty-five  thousand  men,  the  emperor  was  there  greeted 
by  the  Pope,  who  received  in  return  the  most  humble  salu- 
tations  from  the    conquering   chief.     Charles   kissed   the 


PONTIFICATE   OF  CLEMENT  VII.  359 

Pontiflf's  foot,  and  was  then  conducted  to  a  palace  adjoin- 
ing that  of  Clement.  A  door-way  was  opened  in  the  wall 
w^hich  divided  the  two  palaces,  and  the  intercourse  of  the 
sovereigns  was  soon  established  on  a  friendly  and  familiar 
footing.  In  compliance  with  Clement's  earnest  request,  the 
power  of  the  Medici  was  now  forcibly  reestablished  in 
Florence ;  and  the  Pope's  fondest  desires  were  all  satisfied, 
except  in  the  case  of  Ferrara.  This  duchy  the  emperor 
steadily  refused  to  transfer  from  the  duke,  its  rightful 
owner ;  a  refusal  which  Clement  could  neither  forgive  nor 
forget.  The  Pontiff,  however,  efifectually  succeeded  in  prej- 
udicing the  young  emperor's  mind  against  the  Protestant 
cause ;  and  when  Charles  had  received  the  ancient  honor 
of  coronation  amid  general  rejoicings  and  festivities,  he  left 
Italy  for  Germany,  with  the  firm  resolution  of  putting 
down,  at  all  risks,  the  dangerous  innovations  in  religion 
which  the  reformers  had  introduced. 

It  is  beside  our  purpose  to  give  a  particular  account  of 
the  celebrated  Diet  of  Augsburg,  which  immediately  took 
place,  as  the  Pontifi"  was  only  represented  there  in  the  per- 
son of  his  legate  ;  but  the  events  of  that  diet,  altogether  so 
memorable,  and  so  influential  on  the  destinies  of  the  pope- 
dom, must  not  be  wholly  overlooked.  Nor  can  the  public 
acts  of  the  legate  Campeggio  be  regarded  in  any  other 
light  than  as  the  pubhc  acts  of  Pope  Clement  VII.  himself. 

Both  Reformers  and  Romanists  had  anxiously  expected 
the  meeting  of  this  assembly,  the  former  hoping  to  have 
liberty  of  conscience  guaranteed,  the  latter  to  see  it  anni- 
hilated forever.  In  the  midst  of  a  magnificent  court,  with 
such  pomp  and  splendor  as  had  never  before  been  witnessed 
in  Germany,*  Charles  seated  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
diet,  and  reluctantly  prepared  himself  to  listen  to  dry 
theological  discussions.  Much  to  the  annoyance  of  the 
Romanists,  the  Reformers  were  allowed,  after  a  sort,  to 

*•"*  The  imperial  robes  alone,  all  blazing  with  diamonds  and  pearls, 
were  said  to  be  worth  20,000  ducats !— about  $200,000. 


360  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

plead  their  own  cause.  An  elaborate  exposition  of  their 
doctrines,  since  known  as  the  "  Confession  of  Augsburg," 
had  been  drawn  up  by  Melancthon,  and  was  now  read  in 
the  audience  of  the  emperor  and  all  the  chief  princes  and 
prelates  of  the  empire. 

This  "  Confession"  was  swiftly  transmitted  to  Rome,  and 
in  sixteen  days  a  message  came  from  the  Pope,  earnestly 
insisting  that  there  should  be  no  discussion,  that  the  decrees 
of  the  Diet  of  Worms  should  be  fully  carried  out,  and  those 
of  the  more  recent  Diet  of  Spires  as  absolutely  revoked. 

The  emperor,  nevertheless,  commanded  the  Romanist 
doctors  to  prepare  a  refutation  of  the  Confession ;  for  if  its 
doctrines  should  remain  undisputed,  how,  with  any  decency, 
could  its  framers  and  abettors  be  punished  ?  The  refuta- 
tion was  accordingly  drawn  up — "  a  feeble  production,"  we 
are  told  by  a  candid  writer — and  was  also  publicly  read. 
And  thus  ended  the  farce  of  discussion. 

The  legate  Campeggio  now  whispered  in  the  emperor's 
ear  the  steps  that  were  necessary  for  the  suppression  of 
heresy  and  the  due  protection  of  the  Church.  His  sugges- 
tions were  truly  popish;  they  breathed  nothing  but  ven- 
geance and  cruelty.  "Let  the  emperor  and  the  well- 
afFected  princes,"  said  the  legate,  "form  a  league.  Let 
promises  and  threats  be  unsparingly  used.  If  threatenings 
should  fail,  proceed  to  confiscate  the  property  of  all  Prot- 
estants, from  the  elector  down  to  the  burgess.  The  mas- 
tery once  obtained,  let  inquisitors  be  sent,  who  shall  punish 
heretics  without  mercy,  shall  burn  all  their  books,  and  shall 
send  back  to  their  convents  all  monks  who  have  escaped, 
there  to  be  treated  according  to  the  rules  of  their  order. 
And  if  any  should  still  obstinately  persist  in  this  diabolical 
way,  let  his  majesty  put  hand  to  fire  and  sword,  and  destroy 
to  the  very  roots  the  cursed  and  poisonous  plant." 

To  these  fierce  suggestions  from  the  Pope's  ambassador 
the  emperor  was  unable,  and  perhaps  unwilling,  to  give 
effect.     But  the  final  decree  of  this  imperial  diet  was  quite 


PONTIFICATE   OF   CLEMENT  VII.  361 

severe  enough  to  alarm  and  exasperate  tlie  Protestant  party. 
It  forbade  them  to  preach,  print,  or  in  any  way  pubhsh 
their  doctrines ;  and,  while  holding  out  the  hope  that  a 
general  council  would  shortly  be  called  to  settle  all  religious 
disputes,  commanded  them  before  next  spring  to  come  to 
accommodation  with  the  Catholic  Church. 

Next  spring !  The  spring  was  the  time  for  bringing 
armies  into  the  field  and  commencing  campaigns.  It  was 
plainly  the  emperor's  intention  to  decide  this  question  of 
religious  faith  and  a  free  conscience  by  the  sword.  The 
Protestants,  however,  continued  firm.  "  We  deny,"  they 
courageously  said,  "  the  emperor's  power  to  command  in 
matters  of  faith."  And  so  these  conflicting  parties  sepa- 
rated, to  meet  again  upon  a  very  different  field,  a  field  of 
carnage  and  blood.     But  this  was  not  to  be  just  yet. 

While  the  Protestant  confederates  were  concerting  their 
measures  at  Smalcald,  the  Pope  was  engaged  in  a  business 
which  threatened  to  raise  up  other,  and  perhaps  more  pow- 
erful enemies  to  the  papal  domination.  Henry  VIII.  of 
England  had  been  desirous  ever  since  1527  to  be  divorced 
from  his  queen,  Catherine  of  Aragon,  who  was  aunt  to 
the  emperor.  As  long  as  the  success  of  Charles  in  his 
Italian  wars  was  at  all  doubtful,  the  Pope  had  feigned  per- 
fect willingness  to  comply,  but  nevertheless  sent  his  confi- 
dential legate  Campeggio  to  England  to  delay  the  matter 
until  his  true  position  should  be  ascertained.  The  successes 
of  the  emperor  had  now  bound  Clement  to  him  hand  and 
foot,  and  he  therefore  issued  a  brief,  forbidding  Henry  to 
divorce  Catherine  upon  pain  of  excommunication  from  the 
bosom  of  the  Church.  The  duplicity  of  Clement's  charac- 
ter, combined  with  the  real  perplexities  of  his  position, 
caused  this  affair  to  be  protracted  through  several  years ; 
and  innumerable  messages  and  messengers  passed  to  and 
fro  between  the  Roman  and  English  courts,  without  any 
satisfactory  conclusion  being  reached. 

The  Pope,  however,  inwardly  groaned  at  his  irksome  and 

16 


362  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

degrading  bondage  to  Charles.  He  bitterly  resented  tlie 
separation  of  Ferrara  from  the  states  of  the  Church,  and 
chafed  whenever  he  thought  of  the  general  council  which 
the  emperor  had  promised  to  the  Protestants.  When 
Charles,  too,  on  revisiting  Italy  in  1532,  after  his  conquest 
of  the  Turks,  besought  Clement  to  delay  no  longer  a  meas- 
ure so  needful  for  the  peace  of  the  empire,  his  patience  was 
quite  exhausted,  and,  though  he  still  counterfeited  friend- 
ship, he  secretly  meditated  revenge. 

Charles  had  no  sooner  left  Italy  than  the  Pope  entered 
into  communication  with  the  king  of  France,  and  acquainted 
him  with  his  feeling^s.  Francis  was  delia;hted  to  see  that  at 
length  there  was  some  prospect  of  dissolving  that  alliance 
between  the  Pope  and  the  emperor,  which  alone  had  pre- 
vented him  from  holding  possession  of  Milan;  and  he 
eagerly  invited  the  Pontiff  to  a  personal  meeting,  when 
their  measures  could  be  carefully  and  conjointly  laid.  Clem- 
ent, equally  ardent,  actually  ventured  on  a  voyage  by  sea 
for  the  purpose,  and,  in  the  autumn  of  1533,  met  Francis 
at  Marseilles.  It  was  then  agreed  that  Francis  should  use 
all  his  influence  with  the  Protestant  party,  and,  by  offering 
to  furnish  the  supplies  of  money,  should  induce  them  to 
attack  the  emperor  on  the  side  of  Austria.  This  extraordi- 
nary compact  was  then  sealed  by  the  marriage  of  the  king's 
second  son,  Henry,  to  Catherine  de'  Medici,  daughter  to  a 
cousin  of  the  Pope. 

In  this  alliance  we  may  see  the  strange  embairassment 
into  which  the  Pontiff  was  brought  by  holding  under  one 
crown  both  spiritual  and  temporal  jurisdiction.  His  relig- 
ious ties  and  animosities  would  have  leagued  him  with  the 
emperor  against  the  Protestants ;  his  political  exigencies 
brouofht  him  into  alliance  with  Francis  and  the  Protestants 
against  the  emperor.  Stimulated  by  the  French  king, 
Philip  of  Hesse,  the  most  warlike  of  the  Protestant  princes, 
commenced  a  war  with  Austria,  in  which  his  success  was 
beyond  his  most  sanguine  hopes.     It  was  attended,  too. 


PONTIFICATE  OF  CLEMENT  VII.  363 

by  the  most  important  religious  results.  Thus  the  immedi- 
ate consequence  of  the  Pope's  political  ambition  was  the 
rapid  spread  of  the  reformed  opinions ;  so  that  Wirtemberg, 
the  Palatinate,  and  several  other  German  States,  now  fol- 
lowed the  example  of  Saxony,  and  "  in  a  few  years  the 
Reformation  of  the  Church  extended  through  the  whole  of 
Lower  Germany,  and  had  permanently  established  its  seat 
in  Upper  Germany." — Ranke,  Book  I.,  chap.  iii. 

Yet  at  the  very  time  that  Clement  was  thus  indirectly 
waging  war  with  the  emperor,  he  openly  professed  to  be 
his  ally.  In  the  question  of  Henry  VIII. 's  divorce,  he  suf- 
fered himself  to  be  wholly  guided  by  the  will  of  Charles, 
and,  in  1533,  published  the  bull  which  excommunicated 
the  English  king.  In  the  spring  of  1534  the  English  par- 
liament enacted  that  papal  supremacy  should  cease  to  be 
acknowledged  in  the  British  Isles  ;  and  thus,  the  same  year 
which  saw  Germany  promoting  and  establishing  the  Ref- 
ormation, witnessed  also  the  final  separation  of  England 
f]*om  the  dominion  of  the  Pope. 

This  calamitous  year  for  the  papacy  was  also  the  year 
of  Clement's  death,  Clement  has  been  pronounced  by 
Ranke,  not  without  reason,  "  the  most  ill-fated  Pontiff  that 
ever  sat  upon  the  papal  throne."  His  misfortunes  arose 
chiefly,  no  doubt,  from  the  violent  commotions  of  the  age ; 
but  it  is  also  manifest  that  they  were  often  occasioned 
by  his  own  utter  destitution  of  principle  and  honor.  He 
entered  into  the  most  solemn  treaties  without  the  intention 
of  keeping  them,  and  violated  the  most  sacred  promises 
and  oaths  without  hesitation.  Of  his  thorough  truthlessness 
a  striking  proof  is  given  by  the  gossiping  Cellini,  who, 
from  his  artistic  skill,  was  a  great  favorite  with  the  Pope. 
Cellini  had  been  commissioned  by  Clement  to  design  and 
execute  a  magnificent  golden  chalice  to  hold  the  sacramental 
wine  in  the  pontifical  processions.  His  progress  was  some- 
what slow,  and  the  Pope,  who,  like  all  the  Medici,  was  pas- 
sionately fond  of  the  arts,  began  to  grow  impatient  to  see 


364  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

the  chalice.  He  ordered  it  to  be  sent  for  his  inspection ; 
but  Celhni,  who  was  well  acquainted  with  Clement's  char- 
acter, refused  to  part  with  it  until  he  had  been  paid.  Per- 
suasion and  menaces  proved  equally  unavailing,  and  at  last 
Clement  sent  the  governor  of  the  exchequer  to  say,  that  if 
the  work  were  put  in  a  box  and  carried  to  the  palace,  he 
would  engage  upon  his  ivord  to  return  it  without  even 
opening  the  box ;  but  that  he  desired  this  because  his  honor 
was  at  stake,  as  he  had  so  often  expressed  a  resolution  to 
get  possession  of  the  chalice.  "To  these  words,"  says 
Benvenuto,  *'  I  answered,  smiling,  that  I  would  very  readily 
put  my  work  into  his  hands  in  the  manner  he  required,  be- 
cause I  was  desirous  to  know  Avhat  dependence  could  be 
placed  on  the  word  of  a  Pope.  I  therefore  gave  it  to  the 
governor  sealed  up  in  the  manner  required.  The  governor 
having  carried  the  box  to  his  holiness  sealed  up  as  above, 
the  Pope,  after  turning  it  over  several  times,  as  I  was  after- 
ward informed  by  the  governor,  asked  the  latter  if  he  had 
seen  the  work.  He  answered  that  he  had,  and  it  had  been 
sealed  up  in  his  presence,  adding  that  it  appeared  to  him 
a  very  extraordinary  performance.  Upon  which  the  Pope 
said :  *  You  may  tell  Benvenuto  that  Roman  pontiflPs  have 
authority  to  loose  and  bind  things  of  much  greater  import- 
ance than  this ;'  and,  while  uttering  these  words,  he,  with 
an  angry  look,  opened  the  box,  taking  off  the  cord  and 
seal."  Benvenuto  adds  that,  when  the  chalice  was  returned 
to  him  for  completion,  and  the  Pope's  message  had  been 
delivered,  he  loudly  exclaimed :  "  I  thank  Heaven  that  I 
am  now  able  to  set  a  just  value  on  the  word  of  God's  vice- 
gerent." 

Who  can  wonder  that  Clement  VH.  was  mistrusted  by 
all  the  monarchs  of  his  age,  or  that  the  papacy  itself  should 
have  fallen  into  such  deep  contempt,  when  profanity  and 
falsehood  were  thus  shamelessly  indulged  in  by  a  Pontiff 
on  an  occasion  so  pitifully  frivolous  ? 


PONTIFICATE   OF   PAUL  III.  365 


CHAPTER  XII. 

PONTIFICATE   OF    PAUL    III.,  TO    THE    ESTABLISHMENT    OF    THE 
JESUITS   AND  THE   INQUISITION. A.   D.  1534-1543. 

The  Cardinal  Farnese  was  the  next  successful  candidate  for 
the  chair  of  St.  Peter,  and  on  commencing  his  pontificate 
assumed  the  title  of  Paul  III.  His  moral  character  was 
very  similar  to  that  of  his  immediate  predecessors,  and  was 
marked  by  most  of  the  faults  which  distinguished  Italian 
society  at  that  period.  His  early  hfe  had  been  passed  in 
voluptuous  pleasures,  mingled  with  the  cultivation  of  a 
taste  for  refined  and  intellectual  pursuits.  In  the  gardens 
and  museums  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  he  had  learned  by  the 
side  of  Leo  X.  to  appreciate  the  relics  of  ancient  genius  and 
art.  He  had  both  the  vices  and  the  virtues,  if  we  can  so 
term  them,  of  that  demoralized  and  sensual,  but  pohshed 
circle  of  men  who  were  entertained  in  the  palaces  of  Lo- 
renzo the  Mao^nificent. 

The  claims  of  Paul  to  the  popedom  were  based  rather 
on  the  nobility  of  his  blood  than  on  any  real  qualification 
for  the  conduct  of  affairs  at  so  critical  a  time.  He  had  felt 
keen  disappointment  when  Adrian  lY.,  and  still  more  when 
Clement  YII.  was  elected  to  the  papal  chair.  He  thought 
he  had  at  least  a  better  title  to  the  honor  than  a  second  scion 
of  the  Medician  stock.  But  notwithstanding  his  chagrin, 
he  had  conducted  himself  so  prudently  that  he  offended  no 
party,  and  even  in  that  age  of  fierce  partisanship  in  both 
politics  and  religion,  it  would  have  been  hard  to  tell,  when 
Paul  III.  ascended  the  papal  throne,  to  what  side  in  any 
controversy  his  temper  was  likely  to  incline. 

This  extreme  cautiousness,  which  was,  indeed,  the  most 
remarkable  feature  in  his  character,  still  made  itself  promi- 
nent after  his  elevation.  He  carefully  examined  his  position 
before  ever  proceeding  to  act,  and  thoughtfully  weighed 


366  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

every  word  before  pronouncing  a  decision.  Thus  Paul  III. 
skillfully  steered  his  course  between  the  Spanish  rocks  and 
the  French  quicksands,  between  heretical  Protestant  eddies 
and  orthodox  Romish  shallows,  and  continued,  notwith- 
standing all  difficulties,  to  accumulate  honors  and  wealth 
for  the  Farnese  family. 

Although  destitute  of  religious  principle  himself,  Paul's 
sagacity  had  not  failed  to  perceive  that  the  tendency  of  the 
age  was  decidedly  against  that  languid  indiflferency  which 
had  prevailed  for  centuries  past,  and  he  anxiously  watched 
for  opportunities  of  enlisting  the  spirit  of  religious  earnest- 
ness in  the  service  of  the  papal  see.  The  reformed  opin- 
ions had  made  considerable  progress  even  in  Italy ;  and  in 
every  city  and  town,  in  the  universities  and  monasteries, 
among  the  nobility  and  prelacy,  there  were  many  to  be 
found  who  held  some  of  the  truths  developed  by  the  Ger- 
man reformers.  But  in  Italy  all  men  shuddered  at  the  bare 
idea  of  a  revolt  against  the  papacy,  and  the  utmost  that 
even  the  enlightened  Itahans  either  hoped  for  or  desired  was 
the  prevalence  of  a  somewhat  purer  gospel  in  the  pulpit, 
and  the  removal  of  all  flagrant  and  palpable  abuses  in  the 
discipline  of  the  clergy. 

The  desire,  however,  to  give  greater  vitality  and  energy 
to  their  degenerate  Church  became  a  bond  of  sympathy 
and  union  between  some  of  the  most  illustrious  Italians  of 
that  period.  Hence  had  arisen  the  "  Oratory  of  Divine 
Love,"  an  association  of  learned  men,  who  met  for  prayer 
and  mutual  edification.  A  little  later,  the  Order  of  the 
Theatines  was  instituted  by  the  same  class  of  men,  for  the 
purpose  of  giving  more  public  expression  to  their  sentiments 
and  views.  They  took  a  rigorous  vow  of  poverty ;  they 
visited  the  sick  in  the  hospitals;  they  preached  in  all 
churches  with  an  unwonted  fervor ;  and  they  undertook  to 
train  the  rising  priesthood  to  severer  habits  of  morality  and 
self-denial.  United,  however,  as  they  were  in  these  pur- 
suits, there  was   a  wide  difference  of  character  between 


PONTIFICATE   OF  PAUL   III.  36*7 

them  ;  some  burning  with  zeal  for  the  exaltation  of  the  pa- 
pacy and  the  suppression  of  heretics,  others  strongly  in- 
clining to  Protestant  doctrines  and  usages. 

It  was  this  class  of  men  that  the  new  Pontiff  desired  to 
engage  in  his  service,  and  one  of  his  earliest  and  best  meas- 
ures was  to  strengthen  the  papacy  by  adding  to  the  con- 
clave a  few  of  these  ardent  spirits.  Gaspar  Contarini,  an 
aristocratic  Venetian,  was  the  first  to  receive  the  honor,  and 
none  could  be  more  astonished  than  himself  when  the  news 
was  conveyed  to  him.  He  was  wholly  devoid  of  personal 
ambition,  and  was  desirous  rather  of  privately  spreading 
ti-uth  than  of  encountering  the  difficulties  and  temptations 
which  beset  a  public  and  exalted  station.  At  his  sugges- 
tion, the  cai'dinal's  hat  was  afterward  conferred  upon  the 
fiery-spirited  Caraffa,  the  elegant  Sadolet,  Pole,  the  associ- 
ate of  Wolsey  in  the  legatine  judgment  on  Henry  VIII. 's 
divorce,  and  some  others  equally  eminent  for  their  abilities 
and  zeal. 

But  neither  Paul's  circumstances  nor  his  disposition  per- 
mitted him  to  proceed  hastily  with  any  reform  of  the 
Church.  He  was  naturally  too  cautious  to  take  ill-advised 
steps,  and  at  present  the  political  condition  of  Italy  de- 
manded his  chief  care.  For  a  time,  all  plans  of  ecclesiastical 
reforms  were  placed  in  total  abeyance. 

It  was  the  continual  rivalry  of  the  emperor  and  Francis 
that  chiefly  absorbed  the  attention  of  the  Pope.  The  rest- 
less king  of  France  had  again  entered  Italy  at  the  head  of 
a  large  army,  and  on  his  route  to  Milan  had  laid  waste  the 
territories  of  the  duke  of  Savoy,  who  was  related  to  the 
emperor  by  marriage.  Eagerness  to  retain  Milan  in  his 
own  power,  vanity  at  his  recent  exploits  among  the  pirati- 
cal states  of  Africa,  and  perhaps  resentment  at  the  treat- 
ment his  relative  had  received,  determined  Charles  to 
oppose  Francis  in  person,  and  in  1536  he  passed  through 
Rome  for  that  purpose.  Halting  for  a  few  days  in  the  pa- 
pal city,  he  called  together  the  consistory,  and  harangued 


368  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

the  Pope  and  his  clergy  on  the  indignities  he  had  sustained 
from  the  ambition  and  faithlessness  of  Francis.  Growing 
warm  in  his  invectives,  he  at  last  challenged  the  French  king 
to  a  single  combat,  by  which  all  their  quarrels  should  be 
decided.  "Let  us  contend,"  he  shouted,  "man  to  man, 
with  what  arms  he  pleases  to  choose,  in  our  shirts,  on  an 
island,  a  bridge,  or  aboard  a  galley  moored  in  a  river.  Let 
the  duchy  of  Burgundy  be  his  stake,  and  that  of  Milan  be 
mine ;  and  when  this  struggle  is  ended,  let  the  united 
forces  of  Germany,  Spain,  and  France,  be  employed  to 
humble  the  power  of  the  Turks,  and  to  extirpate  heresy 
out  of  Christendom." 

The  emperor,  despite  his  anger,  had  skillfully  touched  a 
tender  string  in  the  pontifical  breast.  It  was  indeed  Paul's 
most  ardent  wish  to  see  these  quarrels  terminated  between 
potentates  who  might  then  become  dutiful  and  devoted 
sons  of  the  Church.  He  recommended  peace,  and  offered 
his  services  to  procure  it ;  but  Charles  was  too  much  in- 
flamed by  ambition  and  revenge  to  listen  to  such  proposals 
at  present. 

The  war  therefore  continued  to  rage,  and  for  a  whole 
year  Italy  and  the  south  of  France  were  convulsed  by  the 
alarms  and  ciiielties  ever  attendant  on  the  steps  of  this 
dread  persecutor  of  the  human  race.  But  by  the  end  of 
that  time  Charles's  finances  were  exhausted,  without  any 
decided  or  signal  success  ha^nng  been  gained,  and  he  was 
not  unwilling  to  accept  the  Pope's  mediation  in  proposing 
and  arranging  the  articles  of  a  peace. 

The  three  potentates,  Charles,  Francis,  and  the  Pope, 
proceeded  to  Nice  for  the  purpose  of  conference  ;  but  on 
their  arrival  there  the  two  disputants  refused  to  see  each 
other,  and  it  seemed  certain  that  they  would  never  come  to 
terms.  Paul,  however,  was  so  zealous  in  the  afi'air  that  his 
energy  at  length  gained  a  complete  triumph,  though  not 
until  he  had  threatened  to  leave  Nice  if  some  arrangement 
were  not  effected.     A  truce  of  ten  years  was  agreed  upon ; 


PONTIFICATE   OF  PAUL  III.  369 

and  although  the  monarchs  would  not  meet  to  sign  the 
treaty,  yet  a  short  time  afterward,  when  Charles  was  driven 
by  stress  of  weather  into  a  French  port,  Francis  received 
him  with  all  possible  gallantry  and  politeness,  and  the  em- 
peror accepted  his  hospitality  with  every  appearance  of 
sincerity  and  good-will. 

Paul  did  not  forget  his  own  interest  in  thus  securing  the 
peace  of  Christendom.  The  emperor  engaged  to  marry  his 
natural  daughter,  Margaret  of  Austria,  to  Ottavio  Farnese,  the 
Pope's  grandson,  and  transferred  to  his  son,  Pier  Luigi,  the 
entire  government  of  the  tenitory  of  No  vara.  Francis,  not 
to  be  behindhand,  promised  to  give  the  duke  of  Vendome, 
a  prince  of  royal  blood,  in  marriage  to  Vittoria,  the  Pontiff's 
granddaughter ;  so  that  the  house  of  Farnese  now  bid  fair 
to  rival  in  wealth  and  influence  that  of  the  Medici. 

But  while  these  momentous  events  were  agitating  the 
pohtical  world,  the  men  who  were  more  mindful  of  religion 
than  of  politics,  and  who  cared  more  for  the  Church  than 
for  the  State,  had  industriously  sought  to  promote  the  ec- 
clesiastical changes  which  they  thought  needful  for  the  wel- 
fare of  the  Chm-ch.  The  Theatines  were  becoming  daily 
more  active,  and  on  every  occasion  were  urging  the  Pope 
to  the  adoption  of  measures  which  should  give  their  views 
a  practical  and  complete  expression. 

Since,  however,  the  Theatines  themselves  were  divided 
into  two  parties,  the  one  inclined  to  Protestant  opinions, 
and  the  other  chiefly  solicitous  to  strengthen  the  hierarchy, 
and,  like  their  prototypes  in  the  days  of  Gregory  VII.,  ex- 
pecting to  effect  this  by  conceding  in  the  first  place  certain 
articles  of  reform,  we  need  not  be  surprised  that  from  the 
same  body  two  opposite  movements  should  arise.  Of  the 
former  class  the  chief  representative  was  Gaspar  Contarini, 
and  Giovanni  Caraffa  was  the  most  prominent  leader  of  the 
latter. 

Ever  since  his  elevation  to  the  conclave,  Contarini  had 
made  it  his  labor  to  seek  a  real  reform  of  the  prevalent 

16* 


3*70  LIVES   OF  THE  TOPES. 

abuses,  both  in  discipline  and  doctrine.  He  had  composed 
various  treatises  on  the  subject,  and  had  submitted  them  to 
the  Pope ;  but  the  wary  temper  of  Paul,  allowing  him  to  do 
nothing  from  principle,  but  consenting  to  whatever  seemed 
most  expedient,  had  almost  extinguished  the  hopes  of  the 
zealous  reformer.  At  last  Paul  affected  to  think  that  the 
happy  moment  had  arrived. 

On  a  bright  cheerful  day  in  November,  1538,  Contarini 
journeyed,  he  tells  us,  with  the  Pontiff  to  Ostia.  "  On  the 
way  thither,  this  our  good  old  man  made  me  sit  beside  him, 
and  talked  with  me  alone  about  our  projected  reforms.  He 
told  me  that  he  had  by  him  the  little  treatise  I  had  written 
on  the  subject,  and  that  he  had  read  it  in  his  morning  hours. 
I  had  already  given  up  all  hope,  but  he  now  spoke  to  me 
with  such  Christian  feeling  that  my  hopes  have  been 
wakened  anew.  I  now  believe  that  God  will  do  some  great 
thing,  and  not  permit  the  gates  of  hell  to  prevail  against 
his  Holy  Spirit." 

But  Contarini  was  again  doomed  to  disappointment.  A 
few  petty  reforms  in  the  details  of  administration  were 
effected,  and  there  the  matter  ended.  The  doctrine  and 
discipline,  the  essential  corruptions  of  Rome,  continued  un- 
altered ;  and,  although  there  were  some  at  Rome  who, 
fretted  with  perpetual  strife,  were  willing  to  concede  much 
to  the  Protestants  for  the  sake  of  healing  the  unsightly 
breach  in  the  Church,  (and  for  this  purpose  Contarini  was 
actually  appointed  by  Paul  as  his  legate  in  a  conference 
held  at  Ratisbon  between  the  contending  parties,)  yet, 
when  their  differences  came  to  be  discussed,  it  was  soon 
manifest  that  the  time  for  reconciliation  had  quite  gone  by. 
The  reformers  of  Rome  were  a  very  small  minority,  and 
neither  the  Pope  nor  the  conclave  would  assent  to  the 
Protestant  demands.  With  the  most  eager  desire,  for  the 
Church's  own  sake,  to  succeed,  Contarini  was  obliged  to 
desist,  and  it  became  daily  more  evident  that  it  was  not 
from  his  branch  of  the  Theatine  order  that  the  Romish 


P02JTIFICATE   OF   PAUL  III.  37 1 

Church    was    destined    to    receive    an    infusion    of    new 
strength. 

Among  the  Theatines  of  Venice,  in  the  year  1538,  was  a 
man  of  extraordinary  character.  He  was  a  Spaniard  of 
noble  descent,  and  had  formerly  served  in  the  Spanish  army 
during  the  wars  of  Charles  V.  As  a  soldier,  none  could 
surpass  him  for  courage  and  gallantry ;  his  ardor  had  more 
of  the  spirit  of  chivalry  than  of  ordinary  military  life.  Burn- 
ing for  fame,  he  emulated  the  daring  exploits  ascribed  by 
the  writers  of  romance  to  their  favorite  heroes,  and  his  chief 
model  and  pattern  among  them  was  the  renowned  Amadis 
of  Gaul. 

Cut  short  in  his  warlike  career  by  incurable  wounds  re- 
ceived at  the  siege  of  Pampeluna,  Ignatius  Loyola  (for  it  is 
of  him  we  speak)  revolved  projects  for  achieving  a  splendid 
fame  in  far  different  pursuits.  From  boyhood,  a  sort  of 
religious  enthusiasm  had  mingled  itself  with  his  zeal  for  a 
soldier's  life,  and  now  he  fancied  that  he  had  been  arrested 
by  Providence  in  his  worldly  course,  to  win  a  loftier  re- 
nown in  the  field  of  spiritual  warfare.  He  conceived  of 
Christ  as  a  king  who  had  resolved  to  subjugate  all  unbe- 
lievers, and  whose  camp,  pitched  at  Jerusalem,  was  op- 
posed to  that  of  Satan,  whose  headquarters  were  at  Baby- 
lon. He  imagined  that  whosoever  would  fight  beneath 
the  banners  of  Christ  must  be  fed  with  the  same  food, 
must  be  clad  in  similar  attire,  must  endure  the  same  hard- 
ships and  vigils,  and,  according  to  the  measure  of  his 
deeds,  would  be  admitted  to  share  in  the  victory  and  the 
reward. 

In  conformity  with  this  notion  of  spiritual  knighthood, 
Loyola  devoted  himself  to  the  service  of  Christ,  after  the 
manner  in  which  knights-errant  commenced  their  perilous 
career.  All  night  he  watched  before  a  picture  of  the  virgin, 
kneeling  or  standing,  and  reciting  prayers,  with  a  pilgrim's 
staff  in  his  hands,  and  while  his  rehnquished  weapons  and 
armor  were  suspended  on  the  walls.     Next  day  he  gave 


3*72  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

away  his  knightly  dress,  and  assuming  the  coarse  garb  of  a 
hermit,  set  off  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem. 

We  shall  not  follow  him  in  all  his  wanderings.  We  find 
him  ere  long  at  Paris,  studying  theology  ;  practicing  austere 
penances  to  manifest  the  entire  and  absolute  devotion  of  his 
body  and  soul  to  the  service  of  Christ ;  and  drawing  under 
his  influence,  as  a  strong  and  enthusiastic  will  often  does, 
minds  that  were  otherwise  far  superior  to  his  own.  Of 
these  companions  the  most  remarkable  were  Francis  Xavier, 
afterward  the  missionary  to  India,  and  Lainez,  the  chief 
organizer  of  the  system  to  which  Loyola  had  given  birth. 
With  these,  and  a  few  others,  Ignatius  formed  a  solemn 
league,  vowing  to  live  in  poverty,  and  to  devote  their  days 
to  what  seemed  the  most  arduous  and  dangerous  of  all  re- 
ligious undertakings — the  conversion  of  the  Saracens. 

It  was  on  this  very  enterprise  that  Loyola  and  his  friends 
had  proceeded  as  far  as  Venice,  when  the  Theatines  of  that 
city  attracted  their  attention,  and  made  them  hesitate  in 
their  course.  In  this  order,  Loyola  saw  that  zeal  and  self- 
denial  were  combined  with  that  complete  devotion  to  supe- 
rior authority  which  he,  bred  in  camps,  regarded  as  the 
first  of  all  virtues.  Becoming  intimate  with  Caraff'a,  Igna- 
tius took  up  his  abode  in  the  convent,  and  served  in  the 
hospitals  which  Caraffa  superintended.  He  now  perceived 
that  as  eastern  adventures  were  made  impossible  for  him 
by  a  variety  of  circumstances,  his  proper  course  would  be 
to  adopt  the  rules  of  the  Theatines  for  himself  and  his  com- 
pany, with  such  modifications  as  his  own  judgment  might 
direct. 

*'In  pursuit  of  this  conviction,"  says  Ranke,  "he  took 
priest's  orders,  with  all  his  companions  ;  and  after  forty 
days  of  prayer  he  began  to  preach  in  Vicenza,  together 
with  three  others  of  his  society.  On  the  same  day,  and  at 
the  same  hour,  they  appeared  in  different  streets,  mounted 
on  stones,  waved  their  hats,  and  with  loud  cries  exhorted 
the  people  to  repentance." 


PONHFICATii    OF  PAUL  111.  373 

In  the  year  1540  Loyola  and  his  associates  visited  Rome. 
On  leaving  Venice,  they  determined  to  journey  by  different 
roads,  and  in  prospect  of  their  separation,  they  established 
rules  for  a  fixed  conformity  of  life  even  when  apart.  As 
strangers  might  possibly  inquire  their  profession,  they  re- 
solved, as  a  company  of  soldiers  takes  the  name  of  its  cap- 
tain, to  call  themselves  the  Company  of  Jesus,  in  accord- 
ance with  their  leader's  old  military  propensities,  and  in 
token  of  its  being  their  intention  to  make  war  as  soldiers 
against  the  legions  of  Satan. 

On  arriving  in  Rome,  Ignatius  presented  himself  to  the 
Pope,  and  fully  described  to  him  the  objects  embraced  by 
the  society  he  had  formed.  Although  the  extreme  caution 
of  Paul  made  him  suspicious  at  first,  he  soon  found  that  he 
had  here  such  materials  of  usefulness  to  the  papacy  as  were 
seldom  to  be  met  with.  Elsewhere  there  were  heresy  and 
insubordination ;  here  there  was  blind  devotion  to  papal  in- 
terests, for  obedience  was  with  Loyola  a  cardinal  virtue,  and 
formed  the  basis  of  his  entire  system.  On  all  sides  the 
Pontiff  saw  a  selfish  worldliness  which  constantly  led  to 
divisions  and  desertion ;  here  there  was  self-denying  energy, 
willing  to  dedicate  itself  without  reserve  to  papal  authority, 
and  swearing  to  perform  whatever  the  reigning  Pontiff 
should  command — "  to  go  forth  into  all  lands,  among 
Turks,  heathen,  or  heretics,  wherever  he  might  please  to 
direct,  without  hesitation  or  delay,  without  question,  con- 
dition, or  reward."  By  such  flattering  terms  Paul  was 
quickly  won ;  and  though  at  first  he  gave  his  sanction  to 
their  institute  with  certain  restrictions,  in  the  course  of 
three  years  the  Society  of  Jesus  was  absolutely  and  un- 
conditionally established  as  a  branch  of  the  papal  system. 

Nor  was  Paul  III.  willing  to  wait  until  the  aid  of  these 
new  allies  could  be  effectually  rendered,  before  taking  active 
steps  for  the  suppression  of  heresy,  at  least  in  the  papal 
States.  Conversing  one  day  with  the  Cardinal  Caraffa,  he 
inquired,  '*  What  remedy  could  be  devised  for  the  schis- 


3*74  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

matic  propensities  that  were  becoming  so  alarmingly  prev- 
alent ?"  The  cardinal  replied,  that  "  the  only  certain  cure 
was  a  thoroughly  searching  Inquisition.^' 

The  ancient  Inquisition,  instituted  as  we  have  seen  in  the 
days  of  Innocent  III.  by  the  fierce  and  fanatical  Dominic, 
had  long  since  fallen  to  decay.  It  was  the  restoration  of 
this  terrible  engine  that  Caraffa  now  urgently  counseled. 
"As  St.  Peter,"  exclaimed  he,  ''subdued  the  heresiarchs 
in  no  other  place  but  Rome,  so  must  the  successors  of  Peter 
destroy  all  the  heresies  of  the  whole  world  in  Rome." 
The  proposal  of  CarafFa  was  strenuously  supported  by 
Loyola,  and  the  Pope  gave  directions  forthwith  for  the  re- 
vival of  the  Inquisition. 

And  what  were  the  faults  which  this  terrible  instrument 
was  designed  to  extirpate  or  punish  ?  Not  crimes  against 
humanity  and  morals,  but  presumed  errors  in  judgment, 
and  avowed  differences  in  faith !  The  papal  metropolis 
was  at  this  time  a  foul  sink  of  all  species  of  immorality.  Mm*- 
der  was  committed  in  broad  day ;  bravoes  were  hired  for 
trifling  sums  to  put  to  death  unhappy  offenders  against  the 
dignity  or  the  caprice  of  a  cardinal  or  a  bishop.  The  Pope's 
own  illegitimate  son,  Pier  Luigi,  was  one  of  the  most  law- 
less and  abandoned  in  a  lawless  and  abandoned  State. 
From  the  sovereign  Pontiff  to  the  meanest  citizen,  all  were 
depraved  and  vicious,  and  scarcely  thought  it  needful  to 
preserve  even  the  forms  of  decorum  in  the  resolute  pursuit 
of  their  ends.  Thus  the  murderer  and  the  adulterer,  the 
cheat  and  the  slanderer,  were  suffered  to  sin  on  with  impu- 
nity ;  but  should  any  thoughtful  and  sincere  man  presume 
to  question  the  infallibility  of  the  Pope  in  matters  of  relig- 
ious faith,  or  openly  to  censure  the  flagrant  vices  of  the 
priesthood,  the  Inquisition  straightway  seized  him,  and,  what- 
ever his  character  or  rank,  threw  him  into  prison,  confiscated 
liis  estates,  and  finally  took  away  his  life. 

So  eager  was  Caraffa  to  carry  into  effect  the  new  powers 
intrusted  to  his  care,   that  he  caused  his  own  house  to  be 


PONTIFICATE   OF  PAUL  III.  875 

fitted  up  with  rooms  for  the  officers,  and  prisons  for  the  ac- 
cused. Dungeons,  chains,  bolts,  locks,  blocks,  and  thumb- 
screws, were  quickly  heaped  together.  In  a  short  time  the 
agents  of  the  Inquisition  were  in  every  Italian  city ;  and  so 
rigorous  were  their  proceedings,  that  a  cotemporary  writer 
exclaims  in  despair :  "  Scarcely  is  it  possible  to  be  a  Chris- 
tian and  die  quietly  in  one's  bed."  Colleges  were  broken 
up  ;  convents  were  strictly  searched ;  literary  men  were 
carefully  watched ;  booksellers  were  prohibited  from  sell- 
ing books  that  had  not  been  previously  examined  ;  and  an 
index  was  now  first  made  out  of  heretical  books,  which  the 
deluded  people  were  enjoined  neither  to  purchase  nor  to 
read.  Yery  soon  the  work  of  bloodshed  began  in  good 
earnest.  In  Rome,  the  auto-da-fe  blazed  at  regular  inter- 
vals before  the  church  of  Santa  Maria  della  Minerva.  In 
Venice,  the  heretic  was  carried  beyond  the  lagoons  in  a 
boat  which  was  always  attended  by  a  second.  On  amving 
in  the  open  sea,  a  plank  was  laid  between  the  boats,  and 
the  condemned  man  being  placed  on  it,  the  rowers  pulled 
in  opposite  directions,  and  the  waves  closed  over  their  vic- 
tim forever. 

Thus  the  first  utterances  of  sincere  faith  in  this  age  of 
hollow  pretensions  to  rehgion  were  gagged  by  the  strong 
arm  of  the  Pope,  and  persecution  and  dismay  boldly  as- 
serted their  dominion  wherever  his  influence  could  send 
them.  It  were  only  an  insult  to  the  reader  to  point  out 
the  discrepancy  between  a  Chmxh  so  governed  and  the 
Church  of  Jesus  Christ. 


376  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

PONTIFICATE    OF    PAUL    III.    AFTER    THE    ESTABLISHMENT    OF 
THE   JESUITS. A.    D.    1543-1 550. 

While  Paul  III.  was  thus  intent  on  strangling  the  Protest- 
antism of  Italy  in  its  cradle,  and  those  future  foes  of  the 
Reformation — the  Jesuits — were  steadily  maturing  their 
strength  and  preparing  for  a  deadly  conflict,  the  Protestants 
of  Germany  were  rapidly  gaining  accessions  to  their  cause, 
and  were  not  a  little  aided  in  this  by  political  events.  Those 
ambitious  rivals,  Francis  I.  and  Charles  V.,  could  not  long 
maintain  the  concord  which  seemed  so  happily  commenced 
at  Nice,  and  in  less  than  four  years  all  Europe  was  once 
more  ringing  with  the  harsh  din  of  war.  Christendom  was 
scandalized  at  the  sight  of  a  professedly  Christian  monarch, 
the  French  king,  entering  into  alliance  with  that  inveterate 
enemy  of  the  faith,  the  Sultan  of  Turkey.  Francis  ap- 
peared indeed  to  have  no  alternative,  for  his  ambition  and 
waywardness  had  ahenated  from  him  all  the  princes  to 
whom  he  might  else  have  appealed  for  help.  He  therefore 
prepared  to  invade  the  Milanese  possessions  of  the  emperor 
on  the  side  of  Piedmont,  while  Sultan  Solyman  marched  a 
vast  army  into  Hungary,  with  which  he  hoped  to  reach 
Italy,  and  perhaps  even  Rome. 

To  withstand  so  formidable  a.  league,  Charles  saw  that  it 
was  needful  to  consolidate  without  delay  all  the  force  of 
the  empire  ;  and  as  religion  was  always  with  him  the  mere 
instrument  of  policy,  he  determined  on  gaining  over  the 
Protestant  princes,  although  he  was  certain  of  incurring 
thereby  the  severest  displeasure  of  the  Pope. 

At  the  Diet  of  Spires,  held  in  1544,  the  emperor  accord- 
ingly agreed  that  no  further  proceedings  should  be  taken 
against  the  Protestant  party,  that  they  should  be  allowed 


PONTIFICATE   OF   PAUL  III.  3*77 

the  free  exercise  of  their  religion,  and  that  a  general  coun- 
cil should  be  speedily  summoned  to  reestablish  if  possible 
the  broken  peace  of  the  Church.  The  Protestant  princes 
were  so  gratified  with  these  remarkable  concessions  that 
they  took  the  field  with  a  numerous  army,  resolved  on  up- 
holding the  integrity  of  the  empire  against  the  united  power 
of  Francis  and  the  Grand  Turk. 

The  hostilities  which  ensued  produced  no  further  eflfects 
than  those  of  devastating  some  of  the  fairest  provinces  of 
Italy  and  France,  and  impoverishing  the  imperial  treasury. 
Both  parties  were  at  length  wearied*  with  the  struggle,  and 
toward  the  close  of  the  year  Charles  and  Francis  con- 
cluded a  peace,  the  conditions  of  which  seemed  to  promise 
a  permanent  alliance  between  these  powerful  monarchs. 
The  duke  of  Orleans  was  to  marry  the  emperor's  daughter 
or  niece,  Francis  was  to  renounce  forever  his  designs  against 
Milan,  and  both  sovereigns  were  to  join  in  making  war 
against  the  common  enemy,  the  Turk. 

And  now  the  time  drew  near  for  a  more  systematic  and 
desperate  onset  against  the  transalpine  reformation.  Re- 
peatedly urged  by  the  emperor,  and  himself  alarmed  at  the 
rapid  growth  of  the  schism  in  the  Church,  the  Pope  could 
at  last  do  no  other,  however  reluctantly,  than  summon  the 
general  council  which  had  so  long  been  demanded  in  vain. 
Innumerable  objections  had  been  made,  and  obstacles 
thrown  in  the  way,  both  by  Clement  YII.  and  by  Paul  III. ; 
and  so  long  as  half  Europe  was  distracted  by  war  it  was 
not  possible  to  convene  a  large  number  of  the  clergy.  Now, 
however,  the  council  was  actually  summoned ;  the  bishops 
of  the  empire  received  Charles's  peremptory  orders  to  at- 
tend it;  and  in  December,  1545,  the  famous  Council  of 
Trent,  the  last  council  of  the  Romish  Church,  commenced 
those  deliberations  which  were  destined  to  so  many  years' 
wearisome  protractions,  and  afterward  to  influence  so  largely 
the  history  and  character  of  the  papacy  for  successive  ages. 

No  delegates  whatever  were  sent  by  the  Protestants  to 


378  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

this  council.  They  probably  felt,  as  they  justly  might, 
that  there  was  no  room  to  hope  for  a  reconciliation  between 
themselves  and  the  hierarchy  of  Rome.  But  the  excuse 
which  they  gave  to  the  emperor  was,  that  they  could  not 
admit  the  Pope's  authority  to  call  a  council  of  the  whole 
Church,  in  which  he  was  only  one  among  a  multitude  of 
bishops  ;  and  that  no  fairness  could  be  expected  from  an 
assembly  convened  under  papal  influence,  presided  over  by 
papal  legates,  and  held  in  a  city  closely  bordering  on  the 
papal  dominions.  The  decisions  of  the  Council  of  Trent 
were,  therefore,  wholly  uninfluenced  by  the  arguments  of 
Protestant  theologians. 

The  emperor  had  urged  that  the  subject  of  reform  in 
discipline  should  be  considered  first  of  all,  as  it  was  obvi- 
ously needful  to  convince  the  w^orld  that  so  august  an  as- 
sembly would  by  no  means  connive  at  the  crying  abuses  of 
the  Church.  But  this  was  altogether  opposed  to  the  views 
of  the  Pope,  who  was  only  desirous  of  applying  a  check  to 
the  spread  of  sentiments  that  menaced  his  supremacy,  and 
dreaded  beyond  all  things  a  searching  inquiry  into  the 
abuses  on  which  the  papacy  fattened  and  throve.  The 
council,  therefore,  decided  that  the  two  subjects,  discipline 
and  doctrine,  should  be  considered  side  by  side,  and  took 
such  good  care  to  give  the  latter  precedence,  that  in  effect 
the  former  was  wholly  neglected. 

In  settling  the  rule  of  faith,  which  was  the  first  subject 
of  discussion,  the  council  agreed  that  the  traditions  of  the 
Church  were  to  be  resfarded  with  all  the  reverence  due  to 
Holy  Scripture  itself;  thus  overturning  at  a  stroke  the 
foundation  of  all  the  Protestant  doctrines,  and  we  may  add 
the  foundation  of  all  consistent  and  truthful  theology. 
After  this,  it  was  easy  to  decide  that  the  sinner  is  not  justi- 
fied through  faith  in  the  atonement  of  Christ  alone ;  and 
the  gate  was  thrown  wide  open  for  the  undue  elevation  of 
the  sacraments  recognized  in  Scripture,  the  introduction  of 
others  unwarranted  by  the  word  of  God,  and  the  triumph- 


PONTIFICATE   OF   PAUL   III.  3*79 

ant  reestablishment  of  a  dominant  and  tyrannizing  priest- 
hood. 

While  the  council  was  thus  busily  regulating  the  creed 
of  future  generations,  the  emperor  and  the  Pope  were  re- 
volving new  political  schemes.  Never  was  the  crafty  dis- 
simulation of  Charles  V.,  or  the  unscrupulous  worldliness 
of  Paul  III.,  more  thoroughly  discovered  than  in  the  meas- 
ures they  now  adopted.  Pretending  only  friendship  and 
amity,  the  emperor  was  growing  daily  more  jealous  of  the 
increasing  strength  of  the  Protestants,  and  was  secretly  de- 
vising means  for  their  overthrow.  At  length  he  boldly 
threw  oflf  the  mask,  and  openly  declared  war  against  the 
confederacy  of  Smalcald.  In  this  enterprise  he  was  warmly 
assisted  by  the  Pope,  who  furnished  his  full  proportion 
both  of  troops  and  money. 

The  success  of  these  warlike  operations  exceeded  the 
most  sanguine  expectations  of  the  allied  potentates.  Ger- 
many was  quickly  reduced  to  submission;  the  elector  of 
Saxony  and  the  landgrave  of  Hesse  were  taken  captive  by 
the  imperial  forces ;  and  Charles  found  himself  in  a  position 
to  dictate  what  terms  he  pleased  to  the  Protestant  party. 

But  now  the  Pontiff  became  alarmed  at  the  advancing 
power  of  the  emperor.  Germany  once  at  his  feet,  the 
States  of  Italy  would  soon  have  no  independence  remain- 
ing, and  the  Church,  that  is  to  say,  her  territorial  posses- 
sions, would  be  wholly  at  the  mercy  of  a  secular  prince. 
Dismayed  at  this  prospect  more  than  at  the  most  Avoful 
schisms  or  heresies,  Paul  withdrew  all  his  forces  from  the 
emperor's  army,  and  at  the  same  time  removed  the  council 
from  Trent  to  Bologna,  that  no  steps  might  be  taken  in  the 
direction  of  weakening  the  papal  pi-erogative.  He  further 
wrote  to  Francis  I.,  exhorting  him  to  "succor  those  who 
were  still  holding  out  against  the  emperor,  and  were  not 
yet  overborne."  Once  more  the  Pope  felt  that  his  cause 
was  one  with  that  of  the  Protestants,  and  for  the  moment 
he  heartily  wished  them  success.     So  completely  did  polit- 


380  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

ical  considerations  overbalance  the  most  serious  questions 
of  religion  with  the  pontiffs  of  that  age  ! 

The  Pope's  animosity  toward  the  emperor  was  fully  par- 
ticipated in  and  more  recklessly  displayed  by  the  Pontiff's 
favorite  son.  Pier  Luigi  Farnese.  That  lawless  and  dissi- 
pated man  had  long  aimed  at  making  himself  sole  master  of 
Parma  and  Placentia,  a  project  which  the  emperor  stoutly 
opposed  as  a  gross  alienation  of  Church  property  for  the 
aggrandizement  of  the  Farnese,  and  not  less  as  tending  to 
diminish  his  own  influence  in  Italy  by  multiplying  the  num- 
ber of  her  independent  princes.  Enraged  at  the  emperor's 
opposition,  Pier  Luigi  urged  all  the  Italian  powers  to  com- 
mence hostihties  against  Charles,  and  carried  his  enmity  to 
such  a  pitch  as  to  excite  against  himself  the  personal  hatred 
of  all  who  espoused  the  emperor's  cause.  Five  nobles  of 
Placentia  at  last  entered  into  a  secret  league  to  rid  their 
city  by  one  blow  of  an  usurper's  tyranny,  and  so  to  recom- 
mend themselves  to  Charles's  favor.  Their  plot  succeeded. 
They  murdered  the  depraved  Farnese  in  his  own  palace, 
and  then  made  themselves  masters  of  the  city. 

Incensed  at  the  emperor's  estrangement,  mortified  at  his 
own  loss  of  power,  and  stung  to  madness  by  the  death  of 
his  favorite  son,  there  was  no  act  of  hostility  which  Paul 
would  not  gladly  have  undertaken,  had  not  dread  of  the 
imperial  vengeance  restrained  him.  But  Paul's  was  a  na- 
ture, as  Ranke  justly  observes,  "  that  great  reverses  render 
spiritless,  feeble,  and  vacillating." 

His  cup  of  bitterness  was  not  yet  full.  Despairing  of 
keeping  the  duchy  of  Placentia  for  his  own  house,  Paul 
now  resolved  on  restoring  it  to  the  Church,  and  so  at  least 
wrenching  it  from  the  grasp  of  the  emperor.  But  here  he 
met  with  opposition  where  he  least  expected  it — from  his 
own  grandsons.  These  young  men  had  long  cherished  the 
hope,  indeed  the  expectation,  of  making  that  duchy  their 
own,  and  they  now  resolutely  opposed  its  restoration  to  the 
Church.     Paul  was  astounded  at  meeting  with  resistance 


JULIUS  III.  AND  MARCELLUS  II.  381 

from  those  who,  while  he  sought  their  advancement,  had 
always  professed  implicit  submission  to  his  will.  His  only 
consolation  in  this  new  misfortune  was  the  thought  that  at 
least  Alexander  Farnese  remained  faithful  to  him,  and  would 
not  despise  his  authority.  But  when  at  length  the  unhappy 
old  man  discovered  that  Alexander  also  was  privy  to  their 
design,  and  had  aided  them  in  their  plot,  his  heart  was  com- 
pletely broken,  and  he  refused  all  sympathy  and  comfort. 
Summoning  the  Cardinal  Alexander  to  his  presence,  he  vio- 
lently rated  him  for  his  ungrateful  conduct ;  and,  becoming 
more  enraged  as  he  spoke,  he  tore  his  nephew's  cap  from 
his  hand,  and  dashed  it  to  the  ground.  So  vehement  an 
agitation  of  mind  was  more  than  his  feeble  and  tottering 
frame  could  bear.  He  was  eighty-three  years  of  age,  and 
nature  reeling  under  the  rude  shock  she  had  received,  he 
fell  dangerously  ill,  and  expired  in  a  few  days. 

Most  pitiable  old  man !  Who  would  envy  him  his  power 
or  the  splendor  of  his  state,  coupled  with  a  life  v»'hich  had 
been,  not  a  blessing,  but  a  curse  to  the  world — a  remorse- 
ful conscience,  a  rebellious  progeny — and  must  it  not  be 
feared,  the  tremendous  consummation  of  a  soul  unsaved  ? 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

PONTIFICATES   OF   JULIUS   III.  AND   MARCELLUS  II. 
A.  D.  1550-1555. 

The  influence  of  the  deceased  Pope  was  still  felt  in  the  con- 
clave. The  cardinals  whom  he  had  raised  to  the  purple 
were  naturally  devoted  to  his  interests,  and  his  grandson 
Ottavio  Farnese  now  leagued  these  together  to  secure  the 
election  of  one  who  should  still  favoi*  the  views  of  the  Far- 
nese house.  The  Cardinal  de  Monte  was  the  successful 
candidate,  and  it  is  said  that  he  himself  decided  the  waver- 
ing minds  of  his  partisans  by  promising  to  make  them  all 


382  LIVES  OF  THE   POPES. 

his  confidants  and  friends.  He  assumed  the  title  of  Julius 
in  remembrance  of  Julius  II.,  of  whose  court  he  had  been 
the  chamberlain. 

Julius  III.  was  already  nearly  seventy  years  of  age,  yet 
by  no  means  weary  of  the  pleasures  and  dissipations  then 
prevalent  in  Rome.  He  immediately  conciliated  the  Far- 
nese  by  conceding  to  Ottavio  the  duchy  of  Parma,  and  then, 
announced  his  determination  to  keep  up  a  firm  alliance  with 
the  emperor  through  the  whole  of  his  popedom.  In  pur- 
suance of  this  resolution,  he  gave  orders  for  the  general 
council  to  be  reassembled  at  Trent;  and  the  German  bishops, 
now  hopeful  of  some  kind  of  reform,  attended  in  considera- 
ble numbers.  The  Protestants,  also,  made  some  attempt  to 
unite  with  it ;  but  finding  all  just  and  equitable  terms  sternly 
refused  them,  they  at  length  finally  withdrew,  and  the  coun- 
cil proceeded  to  build  on  the  foundation  which  they  had 
laid  in  the  former  pontificate.  They  now  determined  that 
the  real  preseyice  of  Christ  in  the  sacramental  bread  and 
wine  was  the  true  doctrine  of  the  Church ;  that  the  host 
ought,  therefore,  to  be  adored ;  and  that  auricular  con- 
fession was  an  indispensable  prerequisite  for  communion. 
Left  wholly  to  themselves,  the  anti-Protestant  party  had 
now  a  clear  course,  (for  the  German  bishops  who  wished 
for  reform  proved  a  small  minority  of  the  whole,)  and  could 
at  pleasure  give  the  sanction  of  a  formal  decree  to  doctrines 
and  practices  which  had  hitherto  been  rather  sufiered  than 
ordained.  But  they  were  soon  again  interrupted  in  their 
labors. 

Ottavio  Farnese,  dissatisfied  that  Placentia  was  not  joined 
with  Parma  under  his  rule,  and  eager  to  abridge  the  im- 
perial power  in  Italy,  had  solicited  the  aid  of  Henry  II., 
Francis's  successor  on  the  throne  of  France.  French  troops 
soon  appeared  in  Parma  and  Mirandola,  and  the  ancient 
feuds  were  renewed  with  all  the  more  visfor  because  of  the 
repose  which  had  been  allowed  them.  The  Pope  united 
his  forces  with  those  of  the  emperor,  while  Henry  II.  sought 


JULIUS   III.   AND   MARCELLUS   II.  383 

the  help  of  the  German  Protestants.  So  formidable  did 
this  league  between  France  and  Germany  appear  to  both 
the  emperor  and  the  Pope,  that  while  Julias  gave  instant 
orders  for  the  suspension  of  the  council,  lest  the  reforming 
bishops  should  seize  the  opportunity  to  urge  their  plans, 
exclaiming,  as  he  did  so,  "  Never  could  we  have  believed 
that  God  would  so  visit  us  !"  Charles  was  glad  to  purchase 
a  peace  by  giving  liberty  to  the  princes  whom  he  had  lately 
led  about  captive  in  triumph,  and  by  making  large  promises 
of  religious  freedom  and  peace  to  the  Protestant  party. 

Always  more  given,  as  we  are  assured  by  his  cotempo- 
raries,  to  enjoy  himself  than  to  govern  his  States,  Julius 
passed  the  remainder  of  his  days  in  those  inglorious  pleas- 
ures which  had  now  become  characteristic  of  the*  papal 
court.  Possessing  a  considerable  share  of  that  eleefant  taste 
which  the  Medici  and  other  noble  families  had  so  assidu- 
ously cultivated,  Julius  busied  himself  in  erecting  a  palace, 
which  yet  stands  at  the  Porta  del  Popolo,  and  is  known  as 
the  villa  of  Paipa  Giulio.  The  designing  and  building  of 
this  edifice,  with  the  laying  out  of  its  spacious  gardens, 
were  his  most  serious  avocations.  His  amusements  resem- 
bled those  of  his  namesake  and  favorite  exemplar,  Julius  II., 
and  mingled  gross  coarseness  and  sometimes  blasphemy 
with  a  boisterous  levity.  After  spending  a  few  years  in 
this  vain  and  disreputable  manner,  Julius  III.  died  in  1555. 

The  party  which  we  have  hitherto  seen  identified  with 
the  Theatines  and  the  Jesuits  had  now  gathered  considera- 
ble strength  within  the  conclave  itself.  In  distinction 
from  the  worldly  party,  which  was  exactly  represented  by 
Juhus  II.,  Leo  X.,  and  Clement  VII.,  this  might  be  called 
the  Church  party,  because  of  their  more  devoted  zeal  to 
the  interests  of  the  Church,  and  the  vigorous  line  of  action 
they  adopted.  At  their  head  stood  Cardinal  CarafFa,  whom 
we  have  already  seen  originating  the  Inquisition,  and  vehe- 
mently opposing  any  attempts  to  conciliate  the  Protestants. 
By  his  influence  one  of  the  same  party,  Marcello  Cervini, 


384  LIVES    OF  THE   POPES. 

was  now  promoted  to  tlie  papal  throne ;  and  lie,  like  Ad- 
rian VL,  preferred  to  retain  his  original  name. 

Marcellus  II.  assumed  the  tiara  amid  the  approbation 
of  the  whole  Catholic  world,  and  the  most  sanguine  hopes  of 
his  own  party.  "  If  ever  it  be  possible,"  said  an  observer, 
**  for  the  Church  to  extinguish  heresy,  to  reform  abuses,  to 
compel  purity  of  life,  to  heal  its  divisions,  and  once  again 
be  united,  it  is  by  Marcellus  that  this  will  be  brought  about." 

Vain  hope !  Had  Marcellus  been  spared  for  years  he 
would  have  found  all  this  beyond  his  power.  It  must  be 
admitted,  however,  that  the  few  days  of  life  allowed  him 
were  diligently  improved,  and  in  such  a  way  as  to  answer 
the  sanguine  expectations  of  his  friends.  In  his  disinter- 
ested z^eal  for  the  Church,  and  his  abhorrence  of  the  selfish 
policy  of  his  predecessors,  he  forbade  any  of  his  kindred  to 
approach  the  capital.  He  vigorously  retrenched  the  expen- 
diture of  the  court,  and  devised  measures  for  repressing  many 
ecclesiastical  abuses.  His  first  public  act  was  to  enforce  the 
solemn  observance  of  the  rites  of  worship,  which  it  had  hither- 
to been  the  custom  to  hurry  over  with  the  most  indecent  haste. 

But  in  the  midst  of  these  contemplated  alterations,  which 
would  doubtless  have  greatly  promoted  the  real  strength 
of  the  Roman  Church,  and  have  been  eventually  directed 
in  full  force  against  so-called  Protestant  heresies,  Marcellus 
was  suddenly  taken  off  by  the  hand  of  death.  He  died  on 
the  twenty-second  day  of  his  pontificate. 

It  has  been  the  fashion  with  those  who  desire  a  reputa- 
tion for  candor  to  lavish  high  praises  on  Marcellus.  Ranke 
joins  in  the  anthem,  but  does  not  cite  a  particle  of  evidence 
to  prove  that  the  Pope  was  a  truly  pious  man.  That  he 
was  a  zealous  supporter  of  the  papal  system  there  can  be 
no  doubt ;  but  of  the  wide  difference  between  this  and  be- 
ing a  Christian  the  present  work  has  afforded  but  too  many 
illustrations.  The  popedom  of  Marcellus,  also,  was  too 
brief  to  permit  us  to  form  any  accurate  judgment  of  his 
character  from  his  deeds. 


PONTIFICATE   OF  PAUL  IV.  385 


CHAPTER  XV. 

PONTIFICATE  OF  PAUL  IV.  TO  THE  BATTLE  OF  ST.  QUINTIN. 
A.  D.  1555-1557. 

For  centuries  the  policy  of  the  popes  and  of  the  whole 
Roman  court  had  been  that  of  expediency,  worldliness,  and 
self-indulgence.  The  tide  had  now  fairly  turned,  and  a  re- 
action had  set  in.  Under  the  former  regime,  the  spiritual 
influence  of  the  Church  had  rapidly  dwindled  away ;  but 
a  party  had  now  arisen  that  undertook  to  restore  it  —  a 
party  called  into  existence  by  the  just  clamors  of  the  world, 
and  by  the  dangerous  rivalry  of  a  Protestant  Church. 
Under  Paul  III.  this  party  had  matured  its  plans,  and  col- 
lected its  munitions  of  war,  its  Jesuits,  and  its  Inquisition. 
In  raising  Marcellus  to  the  popedom  they  discovered  their 
readiness  to  assume  the  reins  of  power,  and  they  now  pre- 
pared to  launch  the  thunders  they  had  so  silently  and  se- 
cretly forged.  The  hand,  also,  that  had  raised  Marcellus 
to  the  throne  now  grasped  the  tiara  for  itself,  and  Giovanni 
Piero  Caraffa  came  forth  from  the  conclave  bearing  the 
title  of  Paul  IV. 

To  a  pontiff  of  High-Church  propensities,  the  rival,  and 
sometimes  conflicting  claims,  of  his  secular  and  his  spiritual 
offices  must  have  often  proved  bewildering.  Desirous  of 
being  a  potent  sovereign  in  the  councils  of  Europe,  and 
also  of  increasing  the  influence  of  the  Romish  Church  in 
every  land,  he  would  often  find  it  vexatiously  embarrassing 
to  keep  both  ends  in  view.  On  Paul  IV.  these  difficulties 
produced  a  very  striking  effect.  His  ascension  to  the  throne 
was  hailed  by  the  Church  party  with  acclamations  of  un- 
feigned joy,  for  they  reasonably  thought  that  a  Churchman 
so  zealous,  a  cardinal  so  austerely  devout,  would  most  effi- 
ciently work  out  their  scheme  of  papal  aggrandizement. 
But  so  entirely  was  the  balance  of  Caraffa's  mind  upset  by 

17 


3S6  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

the  novel  circumstances  of  his  position,  that  for  a  long  time 
he  almost  lost  sio^ht  of  those  defects  which  he  had  been  ac- 
customed  all  his  life  to  bemoan,  in  his  eagerness  to  extend 
the  temporal  domains  of  the  Church,  A  worldly  spirit 
quite  overcame  the  superstitious  and  bigoted  spirit  which 
usually  governed  him. 

"  How  would  your  hohness  wish  to  be  served  ?"  was  the 
question  addressed  to  him  by  his  chamberlain.  "  As  becomes 
a  great  prince  !"  was  the  haughty  reply.  And  in  this  mood 
did  Paul  continue  throughout  the  first  half  of  his  pontificate. 
His  coronation  was  celebrated  with  unusual  pomp,  and  to* 
the  foreiofn  ambassadors  who  came  to  cono^ratulate  him  on 
his  accession  he  behaved  with  supercilious  hauteur,  "  thun- 
dering in  their  ears  that  he  was  superior  to  all  princes,  that 
he  would  admit  none  of  them  on  a  footing  of  famiharity, 
and  that  he  had  ample  power  either  to  bestow  kingdoms  or 
to  take  them  away.'* 

These  sublime  pretensions,  worthy  of  Hildebrand  him- 
self, Paul  soon  set  himself  to  enforce.  Although  nearly 
eighty  years  old,  his  deep-set  eyes  still  retained  all  the  fire 
of  his  youth,  his  tall  spare  form  seemed  instinct  with  en» 
ergy,  and  his  walk  was  yet  firm  and  quick.  He  was  one 
of  those  men  who  are  born  to  command,  and  whose  impe- 
rious will,  when  once  opposed,  must  either  break  forth  in 
vengeful  fury  on  the  adversary,  or  roll  back  its  burning 
tide  on  its  unhappy  possessor. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Paul  sincerely  intended  on 
his  accession  to  commence  a  reformation  of  the  Church,  ac- 
cording to  his  poor  notions  of  what  reformation  was.  As 
for  doctrine,  he  wished  for  none  other  than  that  already 
taught ;  but  he  desired  that  a  far  difibrent  manner  of  life 
should  be  adopted  by  the  clergy,  so  that  their  influence 
over  the  laity  might  be  maintained  and  increased.  In  his 
first  bull  he  vowed  that  he  would  make  it  his  "  first  care 
that  the  reform  of  the  universal  Church  and  of  the  Roman 
court  be  at  once  entered  on."     He  appointed  also  a  con- 


PONTIFICATE   OF  PAUL  IV-  387 

gregation  for  the  promotion  of  reforms,  and  sent  two  monks 
into  Spain,  with  full  powers  to  reestablish  good  discipline 
in  all  the  convents  of  that  kingdom.  Especially  did  he 
breathe  veno-eance  as^ainst  heretics,  whether  Protestant  or 
others.  The  Inquisition,  which  he  had  been  the  means  of 
reconstructing  under  Paul  III.,  was  now  set  upon  a  broader 
and  firmer  basis ;  and  so  zealous  was  the  Pontiff  for  its 
success,  that  whatever  other  business  he  neglected,  and  al- 
though he  often  forgot  the  meetings  of  the  consistory,  he 
never  throughout  his  reign  once  missed  attending  the  Thurs- 
day meetings  of  the  holy  office. 

But  a  surprising  change  came  over  the  new  Pontiff's 
mind  as  soon  as  his  attention  was  turned  to  political  ques- 
tions. Like  Julius  II.,  Paul  was  a  patriotic  Italian,  and  he 
had  always  viewed  with  jealousy  the  growing  power  of  the 
emperor  in  Naples  and  Milan.  He  was  old  enough  to  re- 
member the  independence  of  Italy,  prior  to  the  invasion  of 
Charles  VIII.  **  Then,'^  he  would  say,  "  our  country  was 
a  well-tuned  instrument ;  Naples  and  Milan,  Venice  and  the 
States  of  the  Church  were  strings  of  delightful  accord  ;  but 
now  that  harmony  is  broken,  and  all  through  the  base 
machinations  of  those  lost  and  accursed  spuits,  Alfonso  of 
Aragon  and  Ludovico  Sforza  of  Milan." 

To  this  dislike  of  all  foreign  interference  in  Italian  affairs, 
was  joined  in  the  mind  of  Paul  a  fierce  personal  hatred  to 
the  emperor.  Charles  knew  well  the  character  of  the 
proud  Caraffa.  He  had  once  expelled  him  from  the  Council 
of  Naples,  and  had  decreed  that  he  should  never  hold  office 
in  that  kingdom.  He  had  now  openly  complained  that  a 
cardinal  so  hostile  to  himself  had  been  raised  to  the  pope- 
dom. And  the  imperialists  in  Italy,  aware  of  their  royal 
master's  indignation,  began  immediately  to  plot  and  cabal, 
and  even  dared  to  begin  hostihties,  by  carrying  off  from  the 
harbor  of  Civita  Vecchia  some  ships  which  they  claimed  as 
their  own. 

An  outrage  like  this  was  all  that  was  needed  to  kindle  to 


388  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

a  flame  the  fire  which  was  ah-eady  smouldering  in  the 
bosom  of  Paul.  Always  intemperate  of  speech,  he  gave  the 
most  vehement  expression  to  his  wrath.  Sitting  at  table 
"he  would  drmk  much  more  than  he  would  eat,  his  beverage 
being  a  strong,  brisk,  black  wine,  "  so  thick  that  one  might 
almost  cut  it,"  called  mangiaguerra,  or  champ-the-war. 
Then,  heated  with  his  fiery  potations,  he  would  continue 
for  hours  declaiming  against  the  emperor,  and  declaring 
that  "  Charles  wanted  to  finish  him  by  a  kind  of  mental 
fever,  but  that  he  would  nevertheless  contend  with  him  in 
open  fight,  and  with  the  help  of  France  would  yet  free 
Italy  from  the  tyranny  of  Spain.  French  princes  should 
ere  long  sit  on  the  thrones  of  Naples  and  Milan,  and  he 
would  sweep  away  from  the  Italian  soil  that  scum  of  the 
world,  that  evil  generation  of  Jews  and  Moors,  those  schis- 
matics and  heretics  accursed  of  God,  the  Spaniards.  The 
time  was  coming  for  the  emperor  Charles  and  his  son.  King 
Philip,  to  receive  the  punishment  of  their  crimes,  and  he 
himself  would  inflict  it.  God  would  support  him  in  this, 
and  the  promise  would  receive  its  fulfillment :  '  Thou  shalt 
tread  upon  the  lion  and  the  adder ;  the  young  lion  and  the 
dragon  shalt  thou  trample  under  foot.' " 

These  ravings,  wild  as  they  may  seem,  were  accompanied 
by  corresponding  deeds.  The  avowed  imperialists,  from 
the  cardinal  to  the  monk  or  serf,  were  all  put  under  arrest. 
If  they  fled,  their  property  was  seized  and  confiscated  to 
the  State.  The  Pope  next  entered  into  negotiation  with 
France,  and  secured  the  alliance  of  the  duke  of  Ferrara. 
In  a  formal  process  of  law,  he  roundly  threatened  both 
Charles  and  Philip  with  excommunication,  and  to  release 
their  subjects  from  their  oaths  of  allegiance.  All  necessary 
preparations  were  made  for  a  general  war,  and  Italy  seemed 
doomed  to  witness  new  scenes  of  carnasfe  and  ruin. 

But  this  absorption  of  the  Pontiff"  's  whole  soul  in  political 
affairs  led  to  other  actions  equally  at  variance  with  his  pro- 
fessed principles  and  the  tenor  of  his  foi-mer  life.     None 


PONTIFICATE  OF  PAUL  IV.  389 

among  the  cardinals  had  so  unsparingly  denounced  the  pon- 
tifical vice  of  nepotism  as  had  Cardinal  Caraffa.  Yet  even 
to  this  weakness  was  Paul  IV.  now  seen  to  abandon  him- 
self as  thoroughly  as  any  of  his  predecessors.  He  had  one 
nephew,  Carlo  Caraffa,  who  had  passed  all  his  days  amid 
the  excesses  and  vices  of  camps.  Paul  himself  had  often 
declared  of  him,  that  "  his  arm  was  dyed  in  blood  up  to 
the  elbow."  Yet  this  man  did  he  now  promote  to  the  rank 
of  cardinal,  and  to  the  responsible  position  of  chief  coun- 
selor and  confidant  in  all  his  political  intrigues.  "  Never," 
he  now  averred,  "  had  the  papal  seat  possessed  a  more  ef- 
ficient servant."  He  made  over  to  this  favorite  by  far  the 
greater  part  of  all  the  administration,  both  in  ecclesiastical 
and  civil  aflfairs. 

The  arts  by  which  Carlo  had  so  won  upon  the  esteem  of 
the  Pope  were  soon  adopted  by  the  rest  of  the  family. 
They,  like  their  worthy  pattern,  now  vowed  vengeance 
against  Spain  and  the  emperor,  and  put  on  the  grimaces  of 
a  devotion  which  in  their  hearts  they  derided  and  detested. 
Carlo  carried  his  hypocrisy  so  far  as  to  contrive  that  the 
Pope  should  sometimes  surprise  him  in  the  attitude  of 
prayer  before  a  crucifix,  and  apparently  overwhelmed  with 
agonies  of  penitent  grief. 

Deceived  by  such  pretenses,  the  aged  Pope  surrendered 
himself  almost  implicitly  to  the  guidance  of  his  nephews. 
Declaring  that  the  Colonnas  were  "  incorrigible  rebels 
against  God  and  the  Church,"  he  divided  among  his  family 
the  whole  possessions  of  that  noble  and  ancient  house, 
making  the  elder  of  his  nephews  duke  of  Palliano,  and  the 
younger  marquis  of  Montebello.  The  Caraflfas  now  in- 
dulged the  most  ambitious  hopes ;  they  thought  of  inter- 
marrying with  ducal  and  even  royal  houses ;  and  when  one 
of  them  uttered  some  jest  about  a  child's  jeweled  cap,  the 
mother  of  the  nephews  exclaimed  :  "  This  is  no  time  to  be 
talking  of  caps  but  of  crowns.^^ 

The  war  with  the  emperor  had  now  commenced  in  good 


390  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

earnest.  On  the  imperial  side  the  duke  of  Alva  com- 
manded, having  obtained,  beside  the  alliance  of  several 
Itahan  nobles,  the  valuable  services  of  Marc  Antonio  Col- 
onna,  one  of  the  best  soldiers  of  his  age,  and  whose  ani- 
mosities were  now  passionately  directed  against  the  Pope, 
because  of  the  late  aggressions  on  his  house. 

Paul  also  sought  to  strengthen  himself  by  alliances.  The 
French  king  sent  him  ten  thousand  foot,  with  a  less  numer- 
ous but  very  brilliant  body  of  cavalry.  The  most  efficient, 
however,  of  all  the  soldiers  in  the  PontiflF's  army  were 
Germans  and  Protestants !  It  is  even  said  that  Carlo  Ca- 
raffa  established  a  very  close  intimacy  with  that  great 
Protestant  leader,  the  Margrave  Albert  of  Brandenburg. 
Nay,  Paul  went  further,  and  solicited  the  aid  of  the  sultan 
himself,  imploring  him  to  throw  his  troops  in  full  force 
upon  the  Two  Sicilies  while  this  war  was  going  forward. 
So  little  did  the  religious  scruples  of  even  a  bigoted  and  so- 
called  reforming  Pontiff  interfere  with  the  prosecution  of 
his  worldly  designs  !  So  ready  was  even  a  Paul  IV.  to 
sacrifice  his  spiritual  duties  to  his  temporal  ambition  ! 

No  great  decisive  battle  was  fought  on  Italian  ground 
throughout  the  whole  of  this  contest.  The  duke  of  Alva 
stood  mostly  on  the  defensive,  for  he  well  knew  that  the 
Neapolitans  would  not  revolt  so  long  as  he  could  retain  the 
attachment  of  the  leading  barons ;  and  this  he  secured  by 
favors,  bribes,  and  promises.  He  had  ample  resources  for 
all  this  ;  and  beside  foreign  contributions,  he  seized  all 
the  ecclesiastical  revenues  on  their  passage  to  Rome,  and 
poured  them  right  gleefully  into  his  military  chest.  Even 
the  gold  and  silver  of  the  churches,  and  the  consecrated 
bells  of  the  city  of  Benevento,  did  this  devout  Catholic  de- 
vote to  the  purposes  of  war.  He  quickly  invested  all  the 
country  round  about  Rome,  and  it  would  have  been  easy 
for  him,  if  so  minded,  to  have  speedily  terminated  the 
struggle. 

But  it  was  on  the  frontiers  of  France  and  the  Nether- 


PO^fTIFICATE  OF   PAUL  IV.  891 

lands  that  this  conflict  was  to  be  decided.  Charles  knew 
that  the  Pontiff  had  no  power  but  such  as  he  borrowed 
from  his  alUes,  and  it  was  therefore  against  France,  the 
chief  of  these  aUies,  that  he  once  more  directed  his  arms. 
The  battle  of  St.  Quintfn,  fought  on  St.  Lawrence's  day, 
1557,  gave  a  complete  voctory  to  the  imperial  banner.  The 
French  army  was  so  utterly  routed,  and  the  havoc  so  ruin- 
ous to  France,  that  the  battle  of  St.  Quintin  has  been 
classed  with  those  of  Cressy  and  Agincourt.  While  only 
eighty  men  fell  on  the  imperial  side,  the  French  lost  four 
thousand,  including  their  best  generals  and  the  flower  of 
their  nobility.  Exultation  was  as  clamorous  on  the  one 
side,  as  the  wailing  of  woe  and  despair  upon  the  other. 
Philip  of  Spain,  in  an  ecstasy  of  joy,  vowed  to  build,  in 
honor  of  St.  Lawrence,  a  monastery,  a  church,  and  a  pal- 
ace ;  all  which  he  soon  afterward  combined  in  one  plan, 
designing  the  great  palace  of  the  Escurial,  still  the  most 
magnificent  in  Europe,  in  the  form  of  a  gridiron,  in  memory 
of  its  patron  saint;  (St.  Lawrence  is  said  to  have  been 
roasted  to  death  on  a  gridiron.)  The  French  monarch, 
Henry  II.,  shut  himself  up  in  Paris ;  and  all  France  trem- 
bled lest  the  enemy  should  immediately  march  upon  that 
capital,  which  was  just  then  so  ill -fortified  and  defenseless, 
that  it  must  have  fallen  an  easy  prey. 

In  this  emergency  the  French  troops  were  hastily  with- 
drawn from  Italy.  The  duke  of  Guise,  who  commanded 
them,  declared  that  "  no  chains  would  now  avail  to  keep 
him  there,"  and  hurried  with  all  his  forces  to  the  aid  of  his 
embarrassed  sovereign,  leaving  the  Pontiff  to  fight  his  own 
battles. 

All  Rome  was  now  in  alarm.  The  imperialist  forces 
were  rapidly  approaching  the  walls,  and  the  citizens  were 
once  more  threatened  with  conquest  and  plunder.  Lights 
were  kept  burning  in  the  windows  and  streets  for  many 
successive  nights  with  the  absurd  notion  of  scaring  away 
the  invaders ;  and  the  people,  heartily  wishing  the  Pope  in 


392  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

Ms  grave,  besieged  him  with  entreaties  and  demands  that 
the  Spanish  army  should  be  forthwith  admitted,  that  they 
might  escape  the  horrors  of  a  siege. 

Not  till  the  last  moment  did  Paul  relent  from  his  mortal 
hostihty  to  the  Spaniards.  But  when  he  did  consent  to  en- 
ter into  treaty  with  the  conqueror,  he  received  far  more  fa- 
vorable terms  than  he  had  any  right  to  expect.  All  that 
had  been  taken  from  the  Church  was  readily  restored,  and 
the  duke  of  Alva,  coming  to  Rome,  kissed  with  profound 
reverence  the  foot  of  his  conquered  foe,  saying  that  he  had 
never  feared  the  face  of  man  so  much  as  he  did  that  of  the 
PontiflP. 

Thus  the  vehement  resentments  and  determined  hostility 
of  Paul  IV.  were  all  thrown  away.  Baffled  in  every  effort, 
he  henceforth  abandoned  the  struggle,  and  cared  little  for 
political  affairs  during  the  remainder  of  his  life. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

PONTIFICATE  OF  PAUL  IV. DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  REACTION. 

A.  D.  1557-1559. 

But  the  remainder  of  Paul's  life  was  not  inactively  spent. 
Finding  it  was  useless  to  think  of  ejecting  the  imperial 
power  from  Italy,  he  turned  again  to  his  original  designs 
for  reforming  the  clergy,  extirpating  heresy,  and  by  every 
means  strengthening  the  papal  rule  over  the  consciences  of 
men. 

To  the  accomplishment  of  these  objects  he  found,  how- 
ever, a  great  obstacle  where  he  least  expected  it,  and  the 
manner  of  his  removing  that  out  of  his  path  was  highly 
characteristic  of  this  energetic  and  resolute  old  man.  As  long 
as  his  whole  mind  was  occupied  with  political  and  military 
matters,  he  had  found  his  nephews,  and  especially  Cardinal 
Caraffa,  so  useful,  indeed  so  essential,  to  his  schemes,  that 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  REACTION.  393 

he  could  only  think  of  them  with  the  highest  regard.  In 
his  view  they  were  the  very  choicest  and  most  dutiful  sons 
of  the  Church.  But  now,  on  turning  his  attention  to  re- 
forms of  the  Church  and  to  its  general  condition,  his  ears 
were  saluted  with  loud  murmurs  respecting  the  conduct  of 
these  nephews,  who  were,  in  truth,  leading  most  abandoned 
lives,  and  deceiving  the  aged  Pope  with  the  grossest  arti- 
fices of  hypocrisy.  Entering  one  day  very  suddenly  the 
apartments  of  the  cardinal,  who  professed  to  be  ill,  Paul 
found  him  conversing  with  some  people  of  the  worst  char- 
acter, and  in  a  moment  perceived  the  whole  meaning  of  the 
rumors  he  had  heard.  *'  I  there  saw  things,"  he  afterward 
said,  "  that  opened  a  wide  field  before  me." 

A  searching  investigation  followed,  which  disclosed  enor- 
mities that  were  hardly  credible  to  the  Pontiff's  ears. 
Agitated  with  vexation  and  rage,  the  old  man  shut  himself 
up  in  his  chamber,  refused  all  food,  and  was  unable  to 
sleep ;  a  fever  almost  consumed  him.  But  at  length  he 
resolved  that  the  reforms  he  had  contemplated  when  he 
ascended  the  throne  should  immediately  commence,  and 
should  begin  with  his  own  kindred.  He  deprived  his  neph- 
ews of  all  their  offices,  and  condemned  them  with  their 
families  to  perpetual  exile.  The  mother  of  the  nephews, 
now  seventy  years  of  age,  fell  at  the  PontiflF's  feet  as  he 
entered  his  palace  entreating  for  them,  but  he  rudely  re- 
pulsed her.  The  young  wife  of  one  of  them  hastened  to 
Rome,  hoping  to  prevail  with  the  Pope  although  others  had 
failed ;  but  on  reaching  the  city  she  found  her  own  palace 
closed  against  her,  and  that  orders  had  been  given  to  all 
innkeepers  to  refuse  her  admission.  The  night  was  rainy 
and  cold,  but  none  dared  give  her  shelter,  and  she  wan- 
dered through  the  streets  in  distress,  till  an  innkeeper,  in  an 
obscure  quarter  which  the  Pope's  orders  had  not  reached, 
permitted  her  to  lodge  beneath  his  roof. 

From  this  time  the  Pontiff  would  hold  no  intercourse  with 
any  of  his  kindred.     Their  very  names  were  forbidden  to  be 

17* 


394  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

mentioned  in  his  presence.  Paul  seemed  to  forget  that  he 
had  connections  of  any  kind  in  the  world,  and,  old  as  he 
was,  devoted  himself  with  untiring  energy  to  the  task  he 
had  set  himself  to  perform. 

Having  thus  commenced  the  reform  in  the  highest  places, 
he  carried  it  out  consistently  to  the  very  lowest.  All  secu- 
lar offices  whatsoever  were  transferred  to  other  hands,  for 
it  was  taken  for  granted  that  the  administrators  of  them 
had  hitherto  been  corrupt.  No  excuses  and  no  delays  were 
allowed.  If  the  new  governor  of  a  town  arrived  at  mid- 
night, he  instantly  summoned  the  officers,  and  arrested  his 
predecessor.  Not  only  were  officers  changed ;  alterations 
of  the  utmost  importance  were  made  in  the  system  of  con- 
ducting affairs.  Economy,  punctuality,  and  dispatch,  were 
required  of  all,  and  the  Pope  endeavored  to  acquire  for 
himself  a  high  reputation  for  justice  by  establishing  a  chest, 
the  key  of  which  he  only  kept,  and  in  which  all  complaints 
that  the  people  desired  to  make  might  be  deposited  for  his 
private  perusal. 

With  equal  rigor  a  similar  reform  was  extended  to  all 
ecclesiastical  posts.  Service  was  ordered  to  be  performed 
with  more  care  in  all  churches.  Pomp  was  added  to  the 
ceremonial,  and  magnificence  to  the  edifices  of  worship. 
"■  To  Paul  IV.,"  says  Ranke,  "  we  are  indebted  for  the  rich 
ornaments  of  the  Sistine  Chapel,  and  for  the  solemn  repre- 
sentation of  the  Holy  Sepulcher."  Protestant  readers  will 
hardly  recognize  the  obligation,  and  will  not  think  much 
more  highly  of  Paul,  because  he  strove  to  attain  that  "  ideal 
of  the  Catholic  service  of  the  altar,  full  of  dignit}'-,  devotion, 
and  splendor,  which  ever  floated  before  his  eyes."  To  a 
simple  and  Scriptural  faith  such  vain  pomps  are  rather  hin- 
drances than  aids  to  devotion. 

Among  the  monks,  also,  a  more  strict  discipline  was  now 
introduced,  and  those  especially  who,  like  Luther,  had 
deserted  their  monasteries,  were  hunted  out  and  expelled 
from  the  papal  states.     To  the  priesthood  all  begging  and 


DEVELOi'MENT  OF  THE  REACTION.  395 

coUectinsf  of  alms  for  masses  was  forbidden,  and  Paul  had 
a  medal  struck  in  his  own  honor,  representing  Christ  driving 
the  mone3'^-changers  out  of  the  temple.  His  efforts  to 
strengthen  the  hold  which  the  Church  still  possessed  on 
the  superstitions  of  the  people  were  unremitting,  and  he 
boasted  that  there  was  no  longer  any  need  of  a  council,  as 
he  allowed  no  day  to  pass  by  without  the  promulgation  of 
some  edict  for  the  purifying  of  the  Church.  But  what  a 
miserable  purity  was  that  which  cared  not  how  unregener- 
ate  and  depraved  the  heart  might  be,  provided  the  forms 
of  the  ritual  were  decently  observed !  Yet  this  is  the  high- 
est form  of  purity  ever  aspired  to  by  Rome. 

Above  all  things  the  Inquisition  occupied  the  anxious 
thoughts  of  the  PontiflF.  It  was  Caraffa,  it  will  be  borne 
in  mind,  who  urged  Paul  III.  to  revive  this  cruel  institu- 
tion, and  he  now  followed  up  his  original  designs  with  all 
the  energy  and  fierceness  of  his  nature.  He  subjected  new 
classes  of  offense  to  its  jurisdiction,  and  barbarously  author- 
ized the  employment  of  torture  for  the  detection  of  accom- 
plices. "The  Inquisition,"  said  Paul,  "is  the  only  means 
of  destroying  heresy,  and  the  only  fort  of  the  apostolic  see." 
In  that  he  spoke  the  truth,  and  weak  indeed  must  be  the 
cause  that  needs  such  defenses  ! 

How  terrible,  too,  were  the  munitions  and  machinery  of 
this  infamous  "fort!"  The  first  proceeding  was  to  seize 
the  suspected  man  without  notice,  and  often  in  the  dead  of 
night.  Hurried  away  from  the  embraces  of  his  family, 
who  felt  that  they  were  bidding  him  a  final  farewell,  he 
was  immersed  in  a  dark  cell,  sometimes  under  the  bed  of  a 
river,  at  others  beneath  the  sujBfocating  roof  of  a  garret,  and 
where  the  furniture  consisted  of  but  two  pots  of  water,  one 
for  washing,  and  the  other  to  allay  his  feverish  thirst.  On 
being  summoned  to  trial,  the  prisoner  was  conducted,  bare- 
headed, and  with  naked  legs  and  feet,  to  a  large  subterra- 
neous chamber,  far  out  of  hearing  from  all  inhabited  apart- 
ments, and  there  confronted  with  his  judges,  tormentors. 


396  LIVES    OF  THE  POPES. 

and  executioners.  At  the  upper  end  he  saw  a  huge  crucifix, 
beneath  which  sat  the  grand  inquisitor,  at  the  head  of  the 
table,  surrounded  by  his  assistants.  He  then  underwent  a 
searching  examination  as  to  his  birth,  education,  and  man- 
ner of  hfe,  and  if  he  persisted  in  asserting  his  innocence  of 
the  crimes  alleged  against  him,  he  was  handed  over  to  the 
executioner.  This  officer,  dressed  in  a  black  gown  and 
cowl,  which  entirely  enveloped  his  features,  except  where 
his  eyes  glared  through  two  holes  cut  for  the  purpose,  si- 
lently took  charge  of  the  prisoner,  and  calmly  proceeded  to 
his  task  of  cruelty  and  blood. 

Three  kinds  of  torture  were  employed — the  pulley,  the 
rack,  and  the  fire.  By  the  pulley,  the  sufferer  was  raised 
some  yards  from  the  ground,  his  feet  being  shackled  and 
loaded  with  great  weights.  While  suspended  in  the  air, 
stripes  were  inflicted,  and  the  pulley  being  suddenly  slipped, 
the  wretched  man  swiftly  descended,  and  was  often  made 
insensible  by  the  violence  of  the  shock.  In  torture  by  the 
racTc  the  victim  was  stretched  on  his  back  in  a  wooden 
trough,  having  a  bar  across  the  middle  upon  which  the 
back  of  his  body  was  laid.  His  arms  and  legs  were  then 
tightly  bound  with  cords,  which  were  drawn  tighter  by 
screws  till  they  cut  the  sufferer  to  the  very  bone.  Beside 
this,  a  thin  cloth  was  often  placed  over  his  face,  and  water 
was  dropped  from  a  height  into  his  mouth,  so  that  the 
cloth  gradually  sank  down  to  the  throat,  and  produced  the 
very  agonies  of  a  suffocating  death.  To  these  refined  de- 
vices of  cruelty  was  yet  added  another,  if  the  man  continued 
obdurate — ^the  torture  by  fire.  Here  the  feet  were  slowly 
roasted,  and  when  the  cries  of  the  poor  victim  rose  highest, 
a  screen  was  interposed  for  a  moment,  but  only  that  the 
pain  might  be  increased  when  the  screen  should  be  again 
withdrawn. 

When  all  torture  was  in  vain,  and  to  extort  a  confession 
seemed  impossible,  the  obstinate  offender  was  handed  over 
to  the  managers  of  the  auto-da-fe.     Of  the  extreme  publicity 


I 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  REACTION.  397 

and  pomp,  the  cruelty  and  blasphemy  connected  with  these 
horrid  executions,  it  is  unnecessary  to  speak  here;  nor 
would  the  doleful  tragedies  of  the  Inquisition  have  been  at 
all  alluded  to,  but  that  no  account  of  Paul  the  Fourth's 
pontificate  could  be  complete  without  it.  To  such  inhu- 
manities, masked  under  the  fair  guise  of  rehgion,  he  now 
devoted  his  days ;  and  a  more  melancholy  spectacle  it  is 
surely  impossible  to  contemplate  than  that  of  an  old  man, 
bending  under  the  weight  of  more  than  eighty  years,  dis- 
tracting: his  brains  to  find  new  modes  of  torturing  his  fel- 
low-creatures,  or  fiendishly  gloating  over  the  horrors  of  an 
auto-da-fe  ;  and  all  this  in  the  name  of  that  Saviour  whose 
gospel  is  so  utterly  opposed  to  violence  as  a  means  of  dis- 
seminating its  truths. 

Absorbed  in  these  pursuits,  Paul  forgot  all  his  schemes 
of  political  ambition.  His  sole  object  now  was  to  dififuse  a 
rigid  austerity  among  the  clergy,  in  which  he  was  powerfully 
aided  by  the  ardent  zeal  and  subtile  labors  of  the  Jesuits ; 
and  to  root  out  every  weed  of  heresy,  for  which  purpose  he 
organized  and  matured  the  system  of  the  Inquisition.  At 
length,  in  1559,  he  was  laid  prostrate  by  disease.  Calling 
his  cardinals  around  his  bed,  he  bade  them  pray  for  his 
soul,  and  take  earnest  heed  of  the  holy  see  and  of  the  In- 
quisition. With  these  admonitions  on  his  lips,  the  proud 
and  implacable  Pontiff  breathed  his  last. 

Notwithstanding  the  zealous  exertions  of  Paul  IV.  in 
behalf  of  the  Church,  the  papal  influence  suffered  enormous 
losses  during  his  reign.  His  haughty  behavior  had  quite 
alienated  the  English  nation ;  and  his  animosity  against  the 
emperor's  son,  Philip  II.  of  Spain,  who,  by  virtue  of  his 
marriage  with  Queen  Mary,  was  also  king  of  England,  had 
brought  the  royal  family  and  the  aristocracy  to  sympathize 
with  the  movement  that  had  long  been  going  forward  among 
the  people.  "  At  the  close  of  Paul's  pontificate,"  observes 
Ranke,  "  Great  Britain,  Norway,  Sweden,  and  Denmark, 
had  wholly  forsaken  the  Roman  See ;  Germany  was  almost 


398  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

entirely  Protestant ;  Poland  and  Hungary  were  in  a  fierce 
tumult  of  opinion  ;  Geneva  was  as  important  a  center  for 
the  schismatics  of  Latin  descent  as  Wittenberg  was  for 
those  of  the  German  race;  while  numbers  were  already 
gathering  beneath  the  banners  of  Protestantism  in  the 
Netherlands  and  France."  And  not  the  least  instructive 
lesson  connected  with  this  is  the  obvious  fact  that  all  the 
injuries  thus  sustained  by  the  popedom  were  mainly  pro- 
duced by  its  own  blind  and  obstinate  persistence  in  its  un- 
righteous and  truth-destroying  policy.  So  God  in  his  good 
providence  had  graciously  arranged  it. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  were  now  within  the  papacy 
indubitable  signs  of  returning  strength.  Paul  had  infused 
more  decency  and  more  ^^gor  into  all  administrations,  both 
ecclesiastical  and  secular.  There  was  much  less  to  shock 
the  moral  sense  of  mankind  in  the  new  deportment  of  the 
Roman  priesthood ;  and  helped  by  the  stealthy  Jesuits,  who 
were  daily  increasing,  and  by  the  strong  arm  of  the  In- 
quisition, it  was  yet  possible  for  the  papacy  to  maintain  its 
position,  if  not  to  retrieve  its  losses. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

PONTIFICATE   OF  PIUS   IV. THE   COUNCIL  OF  TRENT. 

A.  D.  1559-1565. 

The  successor  of  Paul  IV.  was  a  man  of  so  opposite  a 
character  that  it  seemed  for  a  time  doubtful  whether  the 
course  of  events  would  continue  in  the  same  channel.  But 
it  seldom  happens  that  a  single  individual,  however  exalted 
his  position,  can  materially  affect,  much  less  withstand  or 
alter,  the  prevalent  spirit  of  his  age ;  and  the  new  Pope 
was  no  exception  to  the  rule. 

Plus  IV.  could  not  boast  of  noble  descent.     Althoug-h 
a  Medici  by  name,  he  had  no  connection  with  the  illustrious 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.  399 

Florentine  house  that  had  already  placed  two  of  its  mem- 
bers on  the  papal  throne.  His  father  was  a  tax-gatherer  at 
Milan,  whose  resources  were  so  small  that  he  was  scarcely- 
able  to  educate  his  sons.  The  elder  of  these,  by  his  reck- 
less daring,  and  a  conscience  that  shrank  not  at  any  crime, 
(for  he  was  in  truth  a  mere  bravo,)  had  gained  the  friend- 
ship of  the  notorious  Pier  Luigi  Farnese,  and  by  marrying 
that  prince's  wife's  sister,  was  enabled  to  advance  his 
brother  Giovanni,  hitherto  a  practitioner  of  the  law,  to  the 
high  rank  of  cardinal. 

By  Paul  IV.  the  Cardinal  Medici  had  been  held  in  ex- 
treme dishke.  His  low  birth,  his  love  of  sensual  indulgence, 
his  aversion  to  all  harshness  and  cruelty,  aroused  the  spleen 
of  the  vehement  and  zealous  Paul ;  but  perhaps  it  was  the 
possession  of  these  very  quahties,  combined  with  his  liberal 
promises,  that  secured  him  the  favor  of  the  conclave,  as 
they  had  already  made  him  the  idol  of  the  people,  who 
called  him  "  The  Father  of  the  Poor." 

Animated  by  these  dispositions,  Pius,  on  ascending  the 
tlirone,  resolved  that  his  reign  should  not  be  disgraced  by 
the  strifes  and  agitations  which  had  marked  that  of  his  pre- 
decessor. He  was  bent  on  having,  if  possible,  an  easy  and 
pleasant  life ;  and  observing  that  the  ambition  of  former 
popes  had  thrown  them  upon  seas  of  trouble,  ahenating 
from  the  Church  those  princes  who  were  naturally  disposed 
to  give  it  their  strongest  support,  he  deteimined  that  no  such 
ambition  should  tempt  him  to  forsake  a  policy  of  peace  and 
conciliation.  It  had  been  the  full  conviction  of  Paul  IV. 
that  a  pope  was  created  for  the  subjugation  of  emperors 
and  kings  ;  and  it  was  thus  that  he  plunged  himself  and  the 
Church  into  so  many  wars  and  calamities.  "Thereby," 
would  Pius  IV.  often  say,  "  did  we  lose  England — England, 
that  might  have  been  retained  with  perfect  ease.  Thus, 
too,  has  Scotland  been  torn  from  us ;  and  during  the  wars 
excited  by  Paul's  severities  the  doctrines  of  Germany  made 
their  way  into  France." 


400  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

If  he  had  been  left  wholly  to  himself,  therefore,  the  new 
Pontiff  would  probably  have  led  a  life  like  that  of  Leo  X. 
He  would  have  interfered  as  Httle  as  possible  with  others, 
and  would  only  have  demanded  to  be  allowed  to  enjoy 
himself  without  interruption.  But  the  current  of  opinion 
had  now  fully  set  in  for  reforming  (after  the  Roman  fashion) 
and  invigorating  the  Church,  and  especially  defending  it 
against  heretical  assaults.  Moreover,  one  of  the  Pope's 
own  nephews.  Carlo  Borromeo,  to  whom  he  intrusted  the 
chief  conduct  of  affairs,  was  strongly  tinctured  with  the 
prevailing  views.  Of  this  man  his  contemporaries — not 
perhaps  the  best  judges  of  morality  or  of  religion — speak 
in  the  highest  language  of  applause.  "  In  so  far  as  we 
know,"  says  one,  *'  he  is  without  spot  or  blemish.  So  re- 
ligious a  life,  and  so  pure  an  example,  leave  the  most  exact- 
ing nothing  to  demand.  It  is  greatly  to  his  praise,  that  in 
the  bloom  of  youth,  nephew  to  a  pope  whose  favor  he 
entirely  possesses,  and  living  in  a  court  where  every  kind 
of  pleasure  invites  him  to  its  enjoyment,  he  yet  leads  so 
exemplary  a  life."  Of  any  praise  justly  due  to  him  we 
have  no  right  and  no  wish  to  defraud  him ;  but  one  thing 
is  certain,  that  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  would  never 
have  canonized  this  Borromeo  for  purity  and  piety,  if  he 
had  not  been  equally  distinguished  for  zeal  in  defense  of 
her  forms,  her  supremacy,  and  even  her  vices. 

Under  the  guidance  of  this  man,  the  public  policy  of 
Pius  IV.  very  nearly  resembled  that  of  his  forerunner.  In- 
deed, his  first  act  was  one  of  severe  justice  toward  the 
the  nephews  of  Paul.  Although  that  Pope  had  banished 
them  from  Rome,  they  had  still  continued  their  criminal 
practices  in  other  parts  of  Italy,  and  on  the  death  of  their 
uncle  they  had  returned  to  Rome,  hoping  that  their  past 
misconduct  would  be  either  forgotten  or  overlooked.  But 
a  strict  investigation  was  now  set  afoot.  They  were  accused 
of  the  most  detestable  crimes — robberies^  forgeries,  and 
assassinations.     At  the  close  of  a  long  day's  trial,  the  Pon- 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.  401 

tiff  condemned  both  the  duke  and  the  cardmal,  and  the  sen- 
tence of  death  was  immediately  put  in  execution. 

There  was  now  a  general  outcry  that  the  sittings  of  the 
council  at  Trent  ought  to  be  speedily  resumed.  The  French 
were  even  threatening  to  convoke  a  national  council,  which 
might  possibly  have  led  to  a  schism.  Averse  as  the  popes 
always  were  to  the  intrusion  of  inferior  prelates  on  what 
they  regarded  as  their  own  exclusive  province,  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  whole  Church,  Pius  found  it  was  absolutely 
necessary  to  convene  such  a  council  at  the  present  time. 
He  had  no  decent  pretext  for  refusing  it ;  and  so,  put- 
ting a  good  face  on  the  matter,  he  declared,  "We  de- 
sire this  council ;  we  wish  it  earnestly,  and  we  would  have 
it  to  be  universal.  Let  what  requires  reformation  be  re- 
formed, even  though  it  be  our  own  person,  or  our  own 
affairs." 

In  the  year  1562  the  Council  of  Trent  did,  therefore,  re- 
sume its  sittings.  It  was  fully  seventeen  years  since  the 
assembly  had  been  first  convened,  and  how  altered  was  now 
the  state  of  the  world,  as  well  as  that  of  the  Romish  Church ! 
There  could  now  be  no  more  any  hope  of  a  universal  coun- 
cil, not  even  of  the  western  Churches.  The  Protestants 
were  irrecoverably  gone.  All  that  could  be  hoped  for  was 
to  reconcile  those  prelates,  who,  without  seceding,  had  yet 
exhibited  much  dissatisfaction  with  the  papal  see ;  to  bind 
in  a  closer  league  the  forces  that  were  yet  left ;  and  to  as- 
sume an  attitude  of  hostility  and  aggression  toward  heresy 
of  every  kind.  All  this  the  council  still  might,  and  in  fact 
did  accomplish. 

But  it  was  no  easy  task.  There  were  points  on  which  a 
union  seemed  impossible.  The  German  bishops  wanted  a 
reform  of  the  Pope's  own  deportment,  and  in  the  manage- 
ment of  his  court.  They  demanded  that  the  choice  of  the 
Pontiff  should  not  rest  so  exclusively  with  the  conclave. 
"  How  is  it  possible,"  they  very  justly  and  forcibly  urged, 
"  that  the  cardinals  should  elect  a  good  pope,  seeing  that 


402  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

they  themselves  are  not  good  ?"  The  French  required  that 
the  cup  should  be  given  to  the  laity,  that  the  communion 
services  should  be  translated  into  the  spoken  tongue,  and 
that  there  should  be  both  preaching  and  singing  in  the 
French  language — all  Lutheran  and  therefore  heretical  in- 
novations in  the  eyes  of  Rome.  Some  contended  for  the 
marriage  of  the  clergy,  and  others  maintained  that  every 
bishop  derived  his  authority  directly  from  God,  and  that  it 
was  not  merely  dependent  upon  the  will  of  the  Pope. 

Thus  a  council  from  which  heretics  were  rigorously  ex- 
cluded was  still  far  from  being  in  perfect  harmony.  The 
strife  ran  higher  from  day  to  day.  One  party  flung  the 
charge  of  heresy  in  the  face  of  another,  and  received  it  back 
again  with  double  force.  Even  out  of  the  assembly  the 
contest  was  carried  on,  sometimes  producing  actual  blows 
and  shedding  of  blood.  The  cries  of  "  Italy  !  Italy !  Spain ! 
Spain !"  were  the  party  watch-words,  which  echoed  inces- 
santly through  the  streets  of  Trent.  The  Pope  declared 
that  it  was  high  time  to  terminate  such  scandalous  quarrel- 
ing, and  such  fruitless  discussion,  and  resolved  to  effect  his 
purpose  by  secretly  treating  with  the  sovereigns  of  these 
refractory  bishops,  rather  than  with  the  council  itself.  So 
completely  had  religion  now  become  the  instrument  of  State 
polic}^  that  the  Pope  knew  he  should  most  effectually  influ- 
ence the  council,  and  so,  forsooth,  decide  what  should  be 
the  creed  of  the  Church,  by  appealing  to  the  emperor  of 
Germany  and  the  kings  of  France  and  Spain !  Cardinal 
Morone  was  appointed  by  Pius  to  discharge  this  difficult 
mission,  which  required  neither  theological  knowledge  nor 
eminent  piety,  but  extraordinary  address  and  diplomatic 
skill — qualities  with  which  Morone  appears  to  have  been  sin- 
gularly endowed. 

Proceeding  first  to  the  court  of  the  emperor,  now  Ferdi- 
nand I.,  the  cardinal  exerted  all  his  skill  to  soothe  the  irri- 
tation of  that  sovereign,  and  to  convince  him  of  the  Pontiff's 
willingness  to  do  all  that  was  requisite  for  the  good  of  the 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.  403 

Church.  In  short,  Morone  succeeded  with  all  the  sover- 
eigns, who  forthwith  sent  instructions  to  their  bishops  and 
other  servants  in  the  council  to  maintain  a  good  under- 
standing with  the  papal  legates.  Obstacles  having  been 
thus  removed,  the  council  very  rapidly  disposed  of  its  busi- 
ness. Articles  on  which  there  was  still  a  difference  were 
purposely  expressed  with  ambiguity ;  the  privileges  of  the 
clergy  were  confirmed ;  some  partial  attempts  were  made 
at  reform  ;  a  stricter  discipline  was  established  ;  laws  against 
heretics  were  renewed  with  greater  severity  than  ever ;  care 
was  taken  that  the  rising  priesthood  should  be  suitably 
trained,  and  especially  inured  to  habits  of  implicit  obedience 
and  austere  self-command.  But  no  steps  whatever  were 
taken  to  promote  the  study  of  the  Scriptures,  or  the  preach- 
ing of  a  purer  doctrine. 

The  council  did  not  separate  until  the  prelates  had  all 
bound  themselves  by  a  solemn  confession  of  faith,  to  "  ac- 
knowledge the  Roman  Church  as  mother  and  mistress  of 
all  Churches,"  to  "  obey  faithfully  the  Roman  bishop,  the 
successor  of  St.  Peter  and  ^^car  of  Jesus  Christ,"  and  to 
receive  and  to  anathematize  all  things  as  they  are  received 
and  anathematized  by  the  Council  of  Trent.*  And  thus  an 
assembly,  which  met  for  the  express  purpose  of  limiting 
and  restraining  the  papal  power,  had  actually  confirmed  and 
extended  it,  and  placed  it  on  a  firmer  basis  than  before. 

Beside  these  advantages,  another  equally  important  had 
been  gained.  The  papacy  was  no  longer  in  direct  opposi- 
tion to  the  sovereiomties  of  the  world.  It  now  claimed  them 
as  allies,  and  could  henceforth  reckon  upon  their  assistance 
in  all  its  struggles  and  ambitious  aims.  Thus  Romanism 
was  once  more  assuming  a  bold  and  domineering  attitude, 
and  the  Pope  of  Rome  concentrated  in  himself  all  the  powers 
and  energies  of  the  Church. 

Pius  IV.  felt  that  the  great  task  of  his  life  was  accom- 

''  Vide  Pope  Pius's  Creed — Le  Plat's  Decreta  et  Canones,  Appen- 
dix, p.  22, 


404  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

plished  when  the  Council  of  Trent  was  thus  successfully- 
brought  to  a  close.  If,  before  that  time,  he  had  been  dis- 
posed to  self-indulgence,  he  now  became  more  voluptuous 
than  ever.  He  neglected  religious  service,  and  addicted 
himself  excessively  to  the  pleasures  of  the  table.  He  in- 
creased the  splendor  of  his  court,  gave  sumptuous  enter- 
tainments, and  erected  magnificent  buildings.  Strict  Church- 
men were  much  scandalized  at  the  gayety  of  the  Pope ; 
some  of  the  more  fanatical  even  plotted  against  his  life ; 
and  the  whole  reforming  party  rejoiced  when,  in  1565,  his 
death  delivered  them  from  what  they  felt  as  a  hbel  on  their 
reputation,  and  an  insurmountable  check  to  all  their  efforts. 


CHAPTER  XVin. 

PONTIFICATE   OF  PIUS  V. PROGRESS   OP  THE  REACTION. 

A.  D.  1565-1572. 

The  strength  of  the  High-Church  party  was  now  sufficiently 
matured  to  enable  them  to  select  a  pope  from  among  them- 
selves. Their  leader.  Carlo  Borromeo,  advocated  the  claims 
of  Michele  Ghisleri,  Cardinal  of  Alessandria,  whose  fitness 
for  the  office,  he  said,  was  proclaimed  by  his  "  piety,  irre- 
proachable life,  and  devout  spirit."  This  choice  was  ap- 
proved by  the  whole  party ;  and  they  who,  during  the 
reign  of  Pius  IV.,  had  maintained  a  sullen  silence,  were  now 
filled  with  the  highest  hope.  "  To  Rome — to  Rome !" 
wrote  one  of  them;  "  God  has  wakened  up  for  us  our  fourth 
Paul  again." 

Pius  V.  was  really  a  man  of  very  similar  character  to 
Paul  IV.  From  his  youth  he  had  displayed  a  marvelous 
zeal  in  behalf  of  the  papal  authority  and  against  all  so- 
called  heresy.  Invested  with  the  office  of  inquisitor,  he 
exercised  his  functions  so  rigorously  that  even  sincere  Ro- 
manists hated  his  name.     He  was  more  than  once  assailed 


PONTIFICATE   OF  PIUS  V,  405 

by  the  peasantry  with  volleys  of  stones,  and  was  often 
obliged  to  steal  secretly  from  the  neighborhoods  in  which 
his  tyrannies  had  been  committed. 

In  his  private  life  Ghisleri  was  self-denying,  abstemious, 
and  austere.  On  becoming  a  cardinal  he  had  told  his  do- 
mestics that  they  must  fancy  themselves  in  a  monastery ; 
and  on  rising  to  the  popedom  he  relaxed  nothing  of  his  mo- 
nastic severity,  continued  his  fasts  as  exactly  as  ever,  and 
still  retained  the  coarse  shirt  which  he  had  worn  when  only 
a  monk.  We  are  not  disposed  to  doubt  such  a  man's  sin- 
cerity in  the  opinions  and  views  he  advanced,  but  we  may 
justly  censure  the  opinions  themselves,  and  the  means  he 
adopted  to  give  them  effect. 

The  reformation  of  the  papal  court  was  now  commenced 
in  good  earnest.  The  expenditure  was  the  first  thing  to  be 
reduced.  Pius  V.  wanted  little  for  himself,  and,  although 
he  made  his  nephew  Bonelli  a  cardinal,  he  allowed  him  a 
very  moderate  stipend,  and  would  not  allow  him  to  be  vis- 
ited even  by  his  own  father.  All  bishops  and  archbishops 
were  stiictly  prohibited  from  leaving  their  dioceses,  and 
parish  priests  were  enjoined,  under  the  heaviest  penalties, 
both  to  remain  at  home  and  to  be  diligent  in  discharging 
their  duties.  The  regulations  for  monks  and  nuns  were 
equally  stringent.  Fifty  thousand  of  them  are  said  to  have 
been  absent  from  their  monasteries,  wandering  about  Italy. 
They  were  commanded  to  return  instantly,  and  the  rules 
prescribed  for  their  daily  life  were  so  much  more  rigid  than 
before  that  "  some  fell  into  a  sort  of  desperation,  and  others 
fled  the  cloisters  altogether." 

The  laity  were  next  attended  to.  By  one  of  his  bulls 
Pius  forbade  any  physician  to  visit  any  patient  confined  to 
his  bed  more  than  three  days  without  receiving  a  certificate 
that  the  sick  man  had  confessed  his  sins  anew.  By  an- 
other, he  decreed  that  the  rich  should  be  punished  for  blas- 
phemy and  Sabbath-breaking  by  heavy  fines,  while  those 
who  had  no  property  to  mulct  were  punished  for  these 


406  LIVES  OF  THE  POrES. 

offenses  by  being  made  to  stand  at  the  church-door  a  whole 
day  with  the  hands  tied  behind  the  back ;  if  guilty  of  the 
offense  a  second  time,  they  were  whipped  through  the  city  ; 
and  if  a  third  time  they  offended,  they  had  their  tongue 
bored  through  and  were  sent  to  the  galleys. 

That  such  laws  should  produce  a  change  in  men's  man- 
ner of  life  was  to  be  expected,  but  it  is  equally  obvious  that 
such  a  change  could  have  nothing  sincere  or  durable  about 
it.  In  a  short  time  there  was  a  wonderful  reform  of  exter- 
nal life  in  Rome ;  but  the  hollowness  of  such  a  reformation 
did  not  escape  the  thoughtful  and  discerning.  "  In  Rome," 
said  one  observer  of  these  events,  "matters  proceed  in  a 
fashion  very  unlike  what  we  have  hitherto  seen.  Men  have 
become  a  great  deal  better,  or  at  least  they  have  put  on  the 
appearance  of  being  so^ 

The  extirpation  of  what  he  deemed  heresy  was  a  darling 
pursuit  of  Pius  V.  His  treaties  with  the  various  States  of 
Italy  were  almost  exclusively  occupied  with  this  topic. 
Duke  Cosmo, -of  Florence,  gave  up  to  him  without  hesita- 
tion all  who  had  been  condemned  by  the  Inquisition.  Car- 
nesecchi  was  one  of  the  most  eminent  of  those  men  of 
letters  who  had  embraced  Protestant  views  ;  and,  although 
of  noble  blood,  and  connected  with  the  reigning  house,  he 
was  surrendered  to  the  Roman  inquisitors,  and  suffered 
death  at  the  stake.  For  such  ready  devotion  to  papal  in- 
terests Cosmo  was  not  unrewarded,  and  Pius  V.,  overlook- 
ing his  gross  immorality,  and  wholly  disregarding  the  rights 
of  the  people,  crowned  him  grand  duke  of  Tuscany,  in  re- 
turn for  that  species  of  piety  which  in  the  eyes  of  the  Pope 
infinitely  outweighed  every  other  order  of  merit. 

But  it  was  Milan  that  beyond  all  other  Italian  States  ex- 
hibited a  strict  conformity  to  the  new  ecclesiastical  spirit. 
The  archbishop  of  this  see  was  Carlo  Borromeo,  who,  having 
now  retired  from  Rome,  devoted  himself  so  zealously  to  the 
duties  of  his  bishopric,  that  he  was  cited  as  a  pattern  of 
episcopal  virtue,  and  ultimately  attained  to  a  place  in  the 


PONTIFICATE  OF  PIUS  V.  407 

calendar  itself.  He  was  incessantly  occupied  in  the  visita- 
tion of  his  diocese,  traversing  it  in  every  direction.  The 
remotest  villages,  the  highest  mountains,  the  most  secluded 
valleys,  wherever  inhabitants  were  found,  were  all  alike 
known  and  cared  for.  "  Yet,"  says  one  of  his  encomiasts, 
"  the  most  efficient  result  of  his  labors  was  perhaps  the  se- 
verity of  discipline  to  which  he  held  his  clergy,  and  which 
they  in  their  turn  enforced  upon  the  people." 

It  was  by  no  means  enough,  however,  for  Pope  Pius  V. 
that  Italy  was  once  more  restored  to  the  papacy  ;  he  sought 
triumphs  abroad  as  well  as  at  home.  In  Portugal  he  was 
secure  of  victor}'-  through  the  influence  of  the  Jesuits,  who 
had  so  surprisingly  increased  as  to  be  able  now  to  control 
all  the  policy  of  the  government.  In  Spain  the  same  end 
was  effected  by  the  aid  of  King  PhiUp,  and  the  bigoted  res- 
olution with  which  he  supported  the  tyranny  of  the  Inqui- 
sition. "  One  auto-da-fe  followed  another  till  every  germ 
of  the  hated  belief  was  extirpated."  In  France,  also,  Pius 
did  his  utmost,  and  letters  still  extant,  which  he  wrote  on 
the  subject,  give  painful  evidence  of  the  raahgnity  with 
which  he  regarded  every  form  of  the  so-called  heretical 
faith. 

France  was  just  then  the  battle-field  of  the  hostile  creeds. 
The  Protestants  had  greatly  increased  through  the  preach- 
ing of  Calvin  and  Beza,  and  under  the  fostering  care  of 
Margaret  of  Valois,  Q.ueen  of  Navarre.  Although  perse- 
cuted as  in  other  countries,  often  dispersed  when  assembled 
for  worship,  and  not  seldom  brought  to  torture  and  the 
stake,  their  numbers  still  multiplied  until  they  had  become 
a  very  formidable  party  in  the  State.  At  their  head  stood 
the  prince  of  Conde  and  Admiral  Coligny,  beside  many 
other  persons  high  in  rank  and  of  notable  worth. 

The  Catholic  party  was  led  by  the  Guises,  the  most 
powerful  family  in  France,  who  aimed  at  nothing  less  than 
governing  the  throne  itself.  But  in  this  object  they  found 
themselves  thwarted  by  the  crafty,  licersHons,  and  cruel 


408  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

Catharine  de'  Medici,  mother  of  the  king,  who,  as  Charles  IX. 
was  still  a  youth,  was  also  the  regent  of  France.  Catharine, 
resolving  in  any  case  to  hold  the  scepter  in  her  own  hands, 
leaned  sometimes  to  the  Guises  and  the  Catholics,  and  at 
other  times  to  the  Protestants  and  Conde.  But  the  repeated 
acts  of  violence  and  persecution  committed  by  the  former 
drove  the  Protestants  at  length  to  open  resentment,  and  the 
nation  was  soon  divided  into  two  hostile  camps,  from  which 
Catharine  could  no  longer  hold  aloof.  Thus  pressed,  she 
decided  for  the  Guises,  and  a  long  and  bloody  civil  war  en- 
sued, in  which  each  party  was  triumphant  in  turn.  Pope 
Pius  could  hardly  be  an  indiflferent  spectator  of  the  strife, 
and  we  find  him  both  aiding  the  Catholics  with  money,  and 
hounding  them  on  to  deeds  of  the  direst  cruelty. 

When  the  battle  of  Jarnac,  in  1569,  gave  the  Catholics 
triumphant  predominance,  and  power  to  do  as  they  listed, 
the  Pope  wrote  to  the  king,  saying :  "  You  ought  with  all 
diligence  and  care  to  take  advantage  of  the  opportunity 
which  this  victory  oflfers  you,  for  pursuing  and  destroying 
all  the  enemies  which  still  remain ;  for  tearing  up  entirely 
all  the  roots,  and  even  the  smallest  fibers  of  roots  of  so  ter- 
rible and  confirmed  an  evil.  For,  unless  radically  extir- 
pated, they  will  be  found  to  shoot  out  again,  and  the  mis- 
chief will  reappear  when  you  least  expect  it."  To  Catharine 
he  wrote  in  the  same  strain,  imploring  her  to  pursue  the 
enemies  of  the  Catholic  religion  "  until  they  are  all  massa- 
cred, for  it  is  only  by  the  entire  extermination  of  the  heretics 
that  the  Catholic  worship  can  be  restored." 

It  is  easy  to  see  from  these  letters  that  if  Pius  V.  was 
not  actually  privy  to  the  design  which  was  even  then  en- 
tertained by  the  infamous  Catharine  and  her  depraved  and 
besotted  son,  of  cutting  oflF  the  Protestants  at  one  blow, 
this  was  nevertheless  a  project  which  would  have  met  with 
his  hearty  concurrence  ;  and  it  is  hard  to  avoid  the  suspicion 
that  the  first  thought  of  so  terrible  a  "massacre"  as  that 
of  St.  Bartholomew  had  its  origin,  not  in  Paris,  but  in  Rome. 


GREGORY  XIII.  AND   SIXTUS  V.  409 

At  England  the  Pontiflf  could  only  shake  his  hand  in 
powerless  menaces.  Queen  Elizabeth  had  now  desisted 
from  that  weak  coquetting  with  Rome  which  disgraced  the 
the  early  part  of  her  reign,  and  was  employing  measures 
of  very  questionable  severity  against  those  who  adhered 
to  the  ancient  faith.  Pius  returned  her  hostilities  with  a 
bull  of  excommunication ;  and,  to  the  discredit  of  that  age 
it  must  be  recorded,  that  the  man  who  dared  to  give  it  pub- 
lication, by  affixing  it  to  the  Bishop  of  London's  palace 
gate,  was  first  tortured  at  the  rack  and  then  put  to  death. 

For  the  loss  of  England  Pius  breathed  his  last  sigh.  He 
never  ceased  grieving  over  it,  and  contriving  schemes  for  the 
recovery  of  the  treasure,  until  death  terminated  his  illusions 
in  1572. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

PONTIFICATES    OF    GREGORY    XIII.    AND    SIXTUS    V. SUCCESS 

OF  THE   REACTION. A.  D.   1572-1590. 

The  successor  of  Pius  was  a  man  who  would  gladly  have 
lived  an  easy,  jovial  kind  of  hfe,  if  the  spirit  of  the  times 
would  have  suffered  it.  But  under  the  jealous  eyes  of  in- 
quisitors and  Jesuits,  even  a  Pontifi"  was  not  master  of  his 
own  movements ;  so  that  Hugo  Boncompagno,  on  ascending 
the  papal  throne,  was  obliged  to  appear  circumspect  and 
grave,  and  even  to  counterfeit  sympathy  with  the  prevalent 
sentiments  of  the  age.  No  sooner  had  Gregory  XIII. 
assumed  the  tiara,  than  an  opportunity  was  taken  by  the 
leading  officers  of  the  court,  Jesuits  and  cardinals,  of  warn- 
ing him  not  to  deviate  from  the  track  marked  out  by  his  pre- 
decessors ;  and  so  completely  did  they  awe,  perhaps  pai-a- 
lyze  the  mind  of  the  old  man,  now  past  his  seventieth  year, 
that  he  dared  not  attempt  the  enriching  of  his  own  family, 
(although  he  had  a  son  on  whom  he  doted,)  nor  even  the 

18 


410  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

gratification  of  his  own  tastes.  Not  more  than  three  months 
of  Gregory's  popedom  had  elapsed  when  the  world  was 
startled  from  its  repose,  and  petrified  with  horror,  at  a 
tragedy  which  has  had  no  equal  in  ancient  and  modern 
times — a  tragedy  in  which  the  new  Pontiff  bore  no  unim- 
portant part.  When  Catharine  de'  Medici  and  the  impotent 
Charles  IX.  proposed  a  peace  to  the  Protestants,  or  Hu- 
guenots, of  France,  it  was  with  the  deliberate  design  to 
inveigle  them  into  their  power,  and  slaughter  them  at  will. 
For  this  purpose  they  feigned  a  wish  to  ratify  their  friend- 
ship by  a  marriage  between  the  king's  sister  and  the  young 
prince  of  Navarre.  An  ofier  so  advantageous,  and  promis- 
ing such  auspicious  results  to  religion,  completely  deluded 
the  leaders  of  the  Huguenot  party,  and  in  a  few  months  the 
king  and  queen  of  Navarre,  with  all  their  court,  the  Prince 
de  Conde,  and  Admiral  Coligny,  with  all  the  Huguenots 
of  distinction,  were  assembled  within  the  walls  of  the  French 
metropolis,  and  lodged  chiefly  in  the  palaces  of  the  royal 
family  itself. 

All  the  heads  of  the  Protestant  party  were  thus  gathered 
in  Paris  by  the  beginning  of  August,  1572,  and  the  24th 
of  that  month,  being  St.  Bartholomew's-day,  was  fixed  by 
the  royal  party  as  the  day  of  sacrifice,  when  a  hecatomb  of 
innocent  victims  should  be  ofiered  to  the  Moloch  of  re- 
vengeful bigotry.  With  the  particulars  of  that  awful 
massacre  we  need  not  stain  these  pages.  They  are  written 
in  dismal  characters  upon  the  annals  of  the  French  nation, 
and  in  the  history  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  And 
as  it  cannot  be  proved  that  the  pontiffs  had  any  direct  share 
in  it,  we  are  bound  to  throw  the  vail  of  charity  over  those 
parts  of  their  conduct  which  excite  our  suspicions.  But  if 
Charles  IX.  was  haunted  to  his  dying  day  by  the  blood- 
stained specters  of  those  he  had  so  ruthlessly  murdered,  so 
also  ought  Gregory  XIII.  to  have  been  stung  with  remorse  at 
the  remembrance  of  the  cruelties  which  were  prompted  by 
Roman  bigotry,  and  which  he  himself  had,  consciously  or 


GREGORY  XIII.   AND  SIXTUS  V.  411 

unconsciously,  helped  to  perpetrate.  The  slaughter  of 
seventy  thousand  unofiending  and  unresisting  victims,  some 
bent  with  age  and  venerable  with  hoary  locks,  others  too 
young  to  have  even  lisped  the  prayers  of  a  heretical  Church, 
ought  surely  to  have  weighed  heavy  on  his  conscience,  and 
might  well  have  driven  him  to  pass  the  remainder  of  his 
days  in  penitence  and  self-reproach. 

On  the  contrary,  however,  the  news  of  the  direful  mas- 
sacre which  dyed  the  rivers  of  France  with  blood,  and  filled 
the  world  with  fear,  was  received  at  Rome  with  loud  dem- 
onstrations of  joy.  Having  been  expected,  it  took  none 
of  the  papal  court  by  surprise.  "  The  king  of  France  has 
Icept  Ms  word,'''  said  the  Cardinal  Alessandrian ;  and  the 
cardinal  of  Lorraine,  the  eldest  of  the  Guises,  questioned 
the  messenger  for  further  particulars,  to  see  if  all  that  had 
been  intended  had  actually  taken  place.  Worst  of  all,  the 
Pope  decreed  that  there  should  be  public  rejoicings  to  cele- 
brate the  event ;  high-mass  was  performed  with  every  cir- 
cumstance of  pomp  and  splendor ;  and  ere  the  waihng  of 
the  widows  and  orphans  of  France,  crying  to  Heaven  for 
vengeance,  had  died  away,  the  solemn  strains  of  the  Te 
Deum  arose  from  the  choir  of  St.  Peter's,  thanking  God 
for  the  accomplishment  of  the  most  monstrous  crime  which 
history  records.  Nay,  so  unblushing  was  the  effronteiy  of 
the  Pope,  that  he  caused  a  medal  to  be  struck  in  memory 
of  the  deed,  bearing  on  one  side  the  likeness  of  his  own 
face,  and  on  the  other  an  effigy  of  the  destroying  angel, 
surmounted  by  the  inscription,  "  Huguenotorum  strages" — 
The  slaughter  of  the  Huguenots. 

A  reign  so  wickedly  begun  was  not  likely  to  proceed  in 
peace.  As  Gregory  pursued  throughout  a  policy  of  rigid 
persecution  and  insatiable  exaction,  so  he  reaped  the  fruits 
in  a  most  unquiet  and  agitated  reign.  It  was  his  exactions 
in  particular,  however,  which  brought  down  this  just  retri- 
bution. In  seeking  to  replenish  his  treasury,  which  the 
extravagance  and  dishonesty  of  most  of  his  predecessors 


412  LIVES  OF  THE   POPES. 

had  deeply  drained,  the  happy  thought  struck  Gregory 
that  many  of  the  feudal  estates  and  castles  held  by  the 
Italian  barons  must  ere  this  have  lapsed  to  the  sovereign, 
either  by  failure  in  the  line  of  inheritance  or  by  forfeiture  of 
the  tenure.  Lawyers  were  straightway  set  to  work ;  flaws 
in  the  deeds  of  possessions  were  diligently  searched  out ; 
and  a  system  of  wholesale  plunder  was  begun,  under  the 
venerable  names  of  equity  and  law.  Castle  after  castle, 
estate  after  estate,  were  wrested  from  families  which  had 
held  them  for  generations  and  even  centuries.  The  privileges 
and  charters  of  the  cities  were  with  equal  recklessness  taken 
away,  and  their  revenues  appropriated  by  the  Pope. 

Such  flagrant  and  daring  spoliation  could  only  set  society 
in  an  uproar.  *'The  Pope  is  a  thief!"  "To  arms! — to 
arms !"  were  the  cries  which  rang  through  the  land ;  and 
very  soon  the  whole  country  was  filled  with  armed  men, 
plundering  or  resisting  plunder.  The  old  factions  were  re- 
vived, and  the  forgotten  watch-words,  "  Guelph"  and  "  Ghib- 
beline,"  were  heard  again.  A  population  that  had  been 
industrious  and  prosperous  was  suddenly  transformed  into 
a  mass  of  roving  banditti ;  and  a  region  which  had  lately 
smiled  with  gardens,  vineyards,  and  happy  homes,  now 
assumed  the  grim  aspect  of  a  battle-field.  Atrocious  bar- 
barities soon  grew  out  of  such  vehement  party  strife,  and 
the  public  fountains  were  often  seen  garnished  with  the 
heads  of  those  who  had  been  taken  prisoners  and  afterward 
slain.  The  efibrts  of  Gregory  to  extinguish  the  flame  he  had 
lighted  proved  utterly  in  vain.  At  home,  his  resources  were 
exhausted ;  and  the  neighboring  states,  incensed  at  the 
exactions  he  had  also  laid  upon  them,  only  derided  his 
misfortunes.  Thus  did  he  wear  away  thirteen  weary  years, 
and  died  unlamented  in  1585. 

To  Gregory  succeeded  Pope  Sixtus  V.,  whose  bold 
character  and  distinguished  genius  have  given  him  a  prom- 
inent place  in  the  history  of  his  age.  By  his  talent  and 
industry  he  had  raised  himself  from  the  lowest  class  in 


GREGORY  XIII.   AND   SIXTUS  V.  413 

society  to  the  most  honorable  posts  in  the  Church.  His 
father,  Peretti,  was  only  a  gardener,  and  could  not  afford  to 
give  him  any  education;  but  when,  by  the  favor  of  an 
uncle,  the  young  Felix  Peretti  had  mastered  the  rudiments, 
he  was  quite  capable  of  achieving  all  the  rest  without  aid 
from  others.  When  only  a  monk,  he  had  attracted  the 
attention  of  Ghisleri,  afterward  Pius  V.,  and  through  that 
Pontiff's  patronage,  Peretti  attached  himself  zealously  to 
the  rigid  party  in  the  Church,  so  laboring  in  the  cause  that 
he  had  well  earned  before  he  obtained  it  the  hat  which  dis- 
tinguished him  as  Cardinal  Montalto. 

At  the  time  of  Pope  Gregory's  death,  Montalto  appeared 
to  have  but  little  chance  of  the  tiara.  Others  in  the  con- 
clave had  far  more  influence  than  he.  In  order  to  procure 
success,  he  has  been  accused  of  using  means  unworthy  of 
his  high  fame.  He  feigned,  say  his  enemies,  to  be  an  infirm 
and  prematurely  old  man,  tormented  with  a  consumptive 
cough ;  he  entreated  to  be  left  alone  in  his  cell  to  spend  his 
remaining  days  in  solitude  and  prayer,  and  affirmed  that  he 
had  lost  all  relish  for  the  world  or  worldly  honors.  But  if 
such  artifices  were  not  too  gross  to  deceive  the  astute  col- 
lege of  cardinals,  it  will  be  readily  admitted  by  every 
generous  mind  that  they  were  too  mean  and  contemptible 
to  be  practiced  by  the  haughty  and  daring  Montalto. 

Elevated  to  the  popedom,  Sixtus  resolved  that  it  should 
be  his  first  care  to  bring  back  peace  to  the  distracted  towns 
and  villages  of  Italy.  To  effect  this  he  determined  on 
striking  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the  evil-doers ;  and  four 
young  men  having  been  taken  with  rifles  in  their  hands  — 
an  offense  condemned  by  law  —  they  were  immediately 
sentenced  to  death.  The  next  day  was  the  day  of  the 
Pope's  coronation,  and  so  favorable  an  occasion  was  seized 
by  the  friends  of  the  young  men,  who  hoped  that  Six- 
tus would  pardon  them.  "While  I  live  every  criminal 
must  die,"  was  the  stern  reply;  and  the  bodies  of  the 
young  men,  suspended  on  a  gallows  at  the  bridge  of  St. 


414  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

Angelo,  saluted  the  eye  of  the  Pope  as  he  went  to  be 
crowned. 

Similar  instances  of  severity  followed,  and  the  terror  of 
the  Pope's  name  soon  spread  far  and  near.  On  decrees 
being  issued  that  all  barons  and  magistrates  should  clear 
their  castles  and  towns  of  banditti,  it  was  almost  universally 
done ;  and  when  it  was  further  ordained  that  the  price  set 
on  the  head  of  a  bandit  should  be  paid,  not  out  of  the  pub- 
lic funds,  but  by  the  outlaw's  relations,  the  whole  popula- 
tion felt  itself  enlisted  in  the  cause  of  order  and  peace.  No 
day  passed  without  an  execution ;  over  all  parts  of  the 
country,  in  field  and  wood,  stakes  were  erected,  on  each  of 
which  stood  the  head  of  an  outlaw.  No  governor  was  ac- 
ceptable to  Sixtus  who  did  not  supply  him  largely  with 
these  barbarous  trophies.  "His  demand  was  ever  for 
heads." 

Harsh  as  these  measures  were  they  proved  successful. 
In  the  year  1586  the  foreign  ambassadors  arriving  at  Rome 
delighted  the  Pope  by  assuring  him  **  that  in  every  part  of 
his  States  through  which  their  road  had  led  they  had  trav- 
eled in  perfect  peace  and  security."  Sixtus  was  greatly 
aided  in  these  successes  by  his  friendly  connections  with 
other  princes.  Gregory  XIII.  had  contrived  to  offend 
nearly  every  State  and  monarch  in  Italy,  and  their  territo- 
ries had  consequently  been  places  of  refuge  to  all  the  dis- 
turbers of  peace  who  were  driven  beyond  the  Roman  bor- 
ders. But  Sixtus  V.  assiduously  cultivated  the  good-will 
of  all  neighboring  potentates,  and  accordingly  received 
many  proofs  of  regard  from  the  Venetians,  the  Milanese, 
and  the  king  of  Naples. 

Successful  in  appeasing  domestic  feuds,  Sixtus  next  pro- 
ceeded to  seek  the  commercial  welfare  of  his  country.  He 
drained  several  of  the  marshes  at  the  foot  of  the  Apennines. 
The  Chiana  of  Orvieto  and  the  Pontine  marshes  were  par- 
ticularly improved  by  his  labors.  To  promote  an  Italian 
silk  manufacture,  the  Pontiff  decreed  that  mulberry- trees 


GREGORY  XIII.  AND  SIXTUS  V.  41^ 

should  be  planted  throughout  the  States  of  the  Church, 
five  on  every  rubbis  of  land  in  every  field  and  wood,  and 
on  all  hills,  and  in  every  valley.  Wherever  com  was  not 
growing  these  trees  were  to  find  a  place.  In  ecclesiastical 
matters  Sixtus  continued  the  policy  of  the  party  he  had 
joined,  although  his  natural  disposition  made  him  much 
more  of  a  sovereign  than  a  priest.  He  insisted,  how- 
ever, that  the  manners  of  the  clergy  should  be  gov- 
erned by  decorum ;  and  the  cardinals  who,  a  century 
before,  would  have  buckled  on  their  armor  for  the  field, 
now  led  a  comparatively  learned  life  in  the  seclusion  of  the 
cloister. 

Yet  with  all  this  change  in  manners  there  is  no  reason  to 
think  that  there  was  any  advance  in  piety  or  even  in  moral- 
ity. The  apjMarance  of  these  qualities  was  necessary  to 
success,  but  as  the  most  eager  struggle  after  worldly  great- 
ness was  mingled  everywhere  with  the  eflfbrt  to  promote 
them,  the  reality  of  either  was  almost  impossible.  The 
highest  offices  were  open  to  all,  and  the  path  by  which 
they  were  to  be  reached  was  that  of  dissimulation.  Pre- 
tended devotion  to  the  Church,  even  to  rank  bigotry,  vrith 
a  ready  blindness  to  all  immorality  that  was  not  scandalous, 
were  the  best  passports  to  favor  and  honor.  It  could  not 
but  ensue  that  there  should  be  hollowness,  hypocrisy, 
treachery,  ambition,  and  avarice,  flourishing  on  all  sides. 

The  clergy  still  found  it  to  their  interest  to  favor  the 
most  superstitious  errors  among  the  people,  for  superstition 
is  the  chain  with  which  priestcraft  binds  and  leads  captive 
the  souls  of  men.  Accordingly,  now  that  the  age  was  "  re- 
ligious," miracles  began  to  be  revived.  An  image  of  the 
Virgin  was  heard  to  speak  in  the  church  of  San  Silvestro, 
and  the  event  produced  so  powerful  an  impression  upon  the 
people  that  the  region  around  the  church,  hitherto  neg- 
lected and  desolate,  was  presently  covered  with  dwellings. 
In  the  Rione  de'  Monti  a  miraculous  image  of  the  Virgin 
appeared  in  a  haystack,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  neigh- 


416  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

borhood,  considering  it  a  special  token  of  divine  regard,  rose 
in  arms  to  prevent  its  removal.  This  passion  for  miracle- 
mongering  once  kindled  it  soon  spread  to  other  countries, 
and  the  world  was  again  filled  with  degrading  superstitions. 

As  the  "  religious  "  spirit  was  thus  communicated  to  all 
things  the  fine  arts  began  to  be  afibcted.  Tasso  wrote  his 
"Jerusalem  Delivered,"  for  no  classic  or  heathen  subject 
would  now  win  an  audience,  as  in  the  days  of  Leo  X.  The 
Caracci  and  other  painters  drew  ideals  of  Christ  and  of  the 
saints,  full  of  devout  and  pensive  feeling.  Music  received 
a  new  direction,  and  from  this  period  is  to  be  dated  that 
exquisite  adaptation  of  hannony  to  the  sense  of  words  pre- 
sented in  the  service  of  the  Romish  Church.  This  conquest 
of  the  arts,  and  rendering  them  tributary  to  Rome,  greatly 
aided  in  promoting  the  reaction  which  had  now  so  thor- 
oughly set  in  against  the  deep  tide  of  the  Reformation. 

The  finances  of  the  Church  were  from  the  first  an  object 
of  great  solicitude  with  Sixtus  V.  By  rigid  economy 
and  dexterous  management  he  accumulated  a  large  amount 
of  treasure,  (as  much,  say  some,  as  four  millions  and  a  half 
of  silver  scudi,)  which  he  carefully  preserved  in  the  castle 
of  San  Angelo.  This  treasure  was  only  to  be  touched  on 
special  emergencies.  It  might  be  used  for  a  war  against 
the  Turks,  for  the  conquest  of  the  Holy  Land,  for  recover- 
ing some  conquered  Catholic  province,  or  in  case  of  famine 
or  invasion. 

So  much  wealth,  however,  enable  Sixtus  V.  to  undertake 
many  useful  public  works,  and  he  spent  large  sums  in  im- 
proving or  beautifying  the  metropolitan  city.  The  want 
of  water  was  severely  felt  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  Quirinal 
and  Terminal  hills,  and  Sixtus  conferred  a  real  obligation 
on  the  city  when  he  constructed  the  Aqua  Felice,  an  aque- 
duct by  which  he  brought  water  from  a  distance  of  twenty- 
two  miles.  Sixtus  himself  greatly  exulted  in  this  achieve- 
ment, and  felt  a  just  and  worthy  flush  of  triumph  when  he 
saw  the  bright  stream  diffiising  its  wealth  through  his  own 


GREGORY  XIII.  AND  8IXTUS  V.  4l7 

gardens,  and  when  he  placed  by  the  side  of  the  fountain 
the  statue  of  Moses  fetching  water  from  the  rock  by  the 
potent  touch  of  his  staff. 

In  surveying  the  relations  of  Rome  with  foreign  States 
Sixtus  was  concerned,  like  his  predecessors,  to  see  so  fair 
a  province  as  England  wholly  severed  from  the  Roman 
Church.  He  fully  entered  into  the  crusading  spirit  of 
Pius  Y.,  and  was  overjoyed  when  at  last  he  succeeded  in 
rousing  Philip  of  Spain  to  undertake  an  aggressive  expedi- 
tion. It  was  in  158Y  that  this  armament,  styled  the  "In- 
vincible Armada,"  equipped  at  an  enormous  expense  and 
protected  by  a  Pope's  blessing,  set  sail  for  the  British  coast. 
Sixtus  had  promised  the  Spanish  king  a  million  of  his  silver 
scudi  as  soon  as  the  first  English  sea-port  was  taken.  Pru- 
dent Pontiff !  Yet  more  faith  in  his  own  benison,  and  less 
carefulness  for  his  purse,  would  have  better  comported  with 
his  profession.  The  result  of  that  expedition  is  well  known. 
God  himself  appeared  to  defend  the  last  asylum  of  the  re- 
formed faith.  Before  the  Armada  had  touched  the  land  a 
violent  storm  arose,  and  a  fleet  of  one  hundred  and  thirty 
ships  was  completely  broken  up,  most  of  the  vessels  either 
founderinof  at  sea  or  returninsf  home  in  a  shattered  and 
miserable  plight.  But  though  this  enterprise  wholly  failed, 
yet  Sixtus  V.  lived  to  see  the  entire  success  of  the  reaction 
commenced  under  Paul  IV.,  so  far  at  least  as  respected  the 
checking  the  further  progress  of  the  Reformation,  and  the 
restoring  of  a  large  part  of  the  alienated  countries  to  the 
bosom  of  the  Roman  Church. 

In  France  the  reformed  religion  had  received  a  great 
blow  by  the  Huguenot  massacre.  Still  the  Protestants 
were  powerful,  and  seemed  so  essential  to  the  preservation 
of  a  due  balance  of  interests  in  the  realm  that  Henry  III. 
often  favored  rather  than  oppressed  them.  This  soon  roused 
the  ire  of  the  priesthood  ;  a  spirit  of  disloyalty  was  encour- 
aged ;  and,  eventually,  a  fanatic  named  Clement  found  ac- 
cess to  the  king's  private  chamber  and  there  stabbed  him 

13* 


418  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

with  a  poniard.  Sixtus  did  not  conceal  his  delight  at  the 
perpetration  of  this  crime.  "  It  is  surely  the  hand  of  God," 
he  exclaimed,  "  who  thus  signifies  that  he  will  not  forsake 
either  France  or  his  own  Church !" 

In  Germany  the  Reformation  was,  perhaps,  more  com- 
plete than  anywhere  else ;  but  even  here  it  began  now  to 
meet  with  serious  disasters.  The  Roman  party  had  rallied ; 
the  increased  vigor  infused  into  the  hierarchy  had  inspired 
it  with  boldness.  And  although  the  Inquisition  could  find 
no  home  in  the  countries  watered  by  the  Rhine  and  Elbe, 
yet  the  Jesuits  could  do  the  work  of  proselytism  both  more 
surely  and  more  quietly.  Stealthily  they  crept  from  city 
to  city,  openly  avowing  their  mission  only  where  they  were 
sure  of  the  protection  of  a  Roman  Catholic  prince.  Their 
schools  were  acknowledged  to  be  the  best  for  the  training  of 
youth ;  and  while  their  skillful  address  gave  them  access  to 
innumerable  familieSjtheir  unscrupulous  consciences  permitted 
them  to  use  the  most  questionable  and  even  immoral  means 
to  reclaim  wanderers  to  the  fold  of  the  Pope.  Moreover, 
while  the  Protestants  were  divided  into  Lutherans  and  Cal- 
vinists,  the  Romanists  were  all  united,  and  thoroughly  intent 
on  the  work  of  reconversion.  Thus  we  find  at  this  period 
Roman  Catholic  bishops  in  Germany  pubhcly  reviving  cus- 
toms that  had  long  been  regarded  as  superstitious,  and  had 
sunk  into  contempt.  The  streets  were  again  filled  with 
processions ;  the  vesper  and  matin  bells  were  daily  rung ; 
relics  were  once  more  collected  and  laid  in  pompous  shrines; 
monasteries  were  reoccupied,  and  new  churches  for  Roman 
Catholic  worship  were  built.  One  bishop  alone  is  said  to 
have  founded  three  hundred,  which  the  traveler  may  still 
distinguish  by  their  tall  and  pointed  spires. 

But  although  Rome  had  been  compelled  to  tighten  her 
hold  on  her  remaining  possessions,  and  had  even  regained 
some  that  were  well-nigh  gone,  there  was  much,  as  we  have 
seen,  that  was  irrecoverably  lost.  Her  universal  empire 
was  no  more.     Her  dominion  over  the  souls  of  men  had 


FROM  SIXTUS  V.  TO   CLEMENT  VIII.  41f 

received  a  fatal  blow.  Doubtless  she  had  strength  enough 
to  rally  for  a  time,  but  though  her  decline  may  be  lingering, 
it  must  ever  be  dated  from  the  day  of  her  mortal  struggle 
with  Luther.  Action  and  reaction  appear  to  be  the  eternal 
law  of  progression.  And  thus  the  temporary  revival  of  the 
papal  power  can  only  be  another  step  to  its  ultimate  disso- 
lution. 

Pope  Sixtus  V.  died  in  1590.  The  successes  he  had  en- 
joyed had  induced  him  to  cherish  the  wildest  designs.  He 
would  unite  all  Christian  nations  to  conquer  the  Turks ;  he 
would  capture  the  Holy  Land ;  he  would  cut  through  the 
desert  that  divides  the  Mediterranean  from  the  Red  Sea, 
and  so  restore  the  commerce  of  ancient  times ;  or,  he  would 
hew  the  sepulcher  of  Christ  out  of  its  solid  rock,  and  care- 
fully wrapping  it  round,  would  bring  it  to  Italy.  Success 
had  intoxicated  his  mind. 

At  the  hour  of  his  death  an  awful  storm  burst  over  Rome, 
and  the  superstitious  people,  hating  the  Pope  for  his  heavy 
taxation,  and,  marveling  at  his  glory,  said  that  Sixtus  had 
made  a  contract  with  the  devil,  by  whose  aid  he  had  risen 
from  step  to  step,  and  that  the  stipulated  period  having 
expired,  his  soul  had  been  carried  away  in  a  tempest. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

FROM  SIXTUS  V.   TO   CLEMENT  VIII. THE  RECOVERY   OF 

FRANCE  TO   THE   PAPACY. A.  D.  1590-1605. 

The  policy  pursued  by  Sixtus  V.  toward  the  close  of  his 
life  had  rendered  him,  as  we  have  seen,  exceedingly  un- 
popular. This  unpopularity  had  extended  to  zealous  Ro- 
manists abroad  as  well  as  at  home.  At  a  period  when  the 
Romish  Church  was  putting  forth  every  energy  to  recover 
her  lost  possessions  and  destroy  the  work  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, the  supreme  Pontiff  seemed  chiefly  intent  on  schemes 


420  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

of  personal  aggrandizement,  or  at  best  on  projects  of  a  mere 
worldly  kind.  Instead  of  following  up  the  efforts  of  Greg- 
ory XIII.,  and  securing  the  great  advantages  which  the 
atrocious  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew  had  placed  within 
his  reach — instead  of  utterly  crushing,  as  he  might,  the 
Protestant  party  in  France,  or  at  least  lending  a  vigorous 
support  to  the  League  which  the  Guises  had  there  formed 
against  Henry  IV.,  Sixtus  had  manifestly  inclined  to  favor 
the  new  king,  whose  bravery  and  many  noble  qualities  ex- 
cited his  highest  admiration.  It  so  happened,  therefore, 
that  notwithstanding  the  earnest  solicitations  of  the  Jesuits, 
enforced  by  all  the  influence  and  authority  of  the  Spanish 
court,  Sixtus  had  always  wavered  between  conflicting  judg- 
ments, and  had  altogether  refrained  from  active  interference 
in  the  affairs  of  France  to  the  day  of  his  death. 

With  the  zealous  Church  party  it  consequently  became 
now  a  point  of  the  greatest  importance  to  choose  a  succes- 
sor whose  fidelity  to  the  Church  should  be  beyond  suspicion 
or  doubt;  and,  after  a  stormy  debate,  the  conclave  elected 
one  who  had  been  a  personal  antagonist  of  the  late  Pontiff, 
the  Cardinal  Giovanni  Castagna. 

Urban  VII.,  however,  as  Castagna  chose  to  be  called, 
did  not  live  long  enough  to  gratify  his  adherents  by  any 
signal  proof  of  his  attachment  to  the  Church.  He  died  in 
twelve  days'  time  after  his  election,  and  the  struggles  of 
the  conclave  recommenced.  But  a  second  time  the  contest 
issued  in  giving  the  tiara  to  a  member  of  the  Jesuit  party, 
the  strength  of  which  was  now  well-nigh  invincible. 

Gregory  XIV.,  the  successful  candidate,  lost  no  time  in 
justifying  the  reliance  which  had  been  placed  on  him. 
From  the  first  he  resolved  that  his  utmost  exertions  should 
be  employed  to  reestablish  the  papal  authority  in  France. 
Writing  to  the  princes  of  the  League,  he  said,  "  Continue  to 
persevere,  and  make  no  halt  until  you  have  attained  the  end 
of  your  course.  Inspired  by  God,  we  have  come  to  your 
assistance.     First,  we  send  you  money,  and  that  more  than 


FROM  SIXTUS  V.  TO   CLEMENT  VIII.  421 

we  can  afford ;  next,  we  dispatch  our  nuncio,  Landriano, 
whose  efforts  shall  bring  back  all  who  have  deserted  from 
your  banners ;  and,  lastly,  we  send  you  our  dear  son  and 
nephew,  Ercole  Sfondrato,  with  cavalry  and  mfantry  to  de- 
fend you  by  force  of  arms.  Should  you  yet  require  more, 
we  will  provide  you  with  that  also." 

In  fact,  the  new  Pontiff  was  heartily  bent  on  that  which 
now  seemed  of  paramount  importance  to  the  Jesuit  and 
High-Church  party — the  recovery  of  France  to  the  alle- 
giance of  the  Pope.  To  this  object,  which  he  regarded 
as  a  new  crusade,  and  one  of  the  greatest  exigency,  Greg- 
ory was  determined  to  apply  all  the  treasures,  if  they  were 
needed,  which  had  been  so  carefully  hoarded  by  Sixtus  V. 
For  several  months  in  succession  he  sent  fifteen  thousand 
scudi  each  month  to  support  the  army  of  the  League ;  and 
he  would  doubtless  have  exhausted  all  the  resources  of  his 
treasury  in  what  he  considered  so  holy  a  cause,  had  not 
death  unexpectedly  cut  short  his  bigoted  and  sanguinary 
career. 

Innocent  IX.,  who  succeeded  Gregory,  belonged  to  the 
same  party,  and  discovered  as  much  zeal  as  his  predeces- 
sor in  behalf  of  its  views ;  but  age  and  infirmity  unfitted  him 
for  his  office,  and  prevented  his  engaging  with  activity  in 
the  fierce  conflicts  then  disturbing  the  world.  Even  his 
audiences  were  held  as  he  reclined  upon  a  couch  ;  and  in 
less  than  two  months  he  left  the  toils  and  the  honors  of 
the  popedom  to  another. 

By  the  election  of  Clement  VIII.,  in  1592,  the  papal 
chair  received  an  occupant  of  longer  continuance,  the  Car- 
dinal Aldobandrino,  to  whom  the  possession  fell,  being  as 
yet  in  the  prime  of  life.  His  origin  was  comparatively  ob- 
scure, and  it  was  only  by  the  force  of  a  powerful  genius, 
and  by  the  most  diligent  industry,  that  he  had  risen  to  so 
exalted  a  post  in  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  On  becom- 
ing Pope  ne  retained  his  laborious  habits,  and  dispatched 
the  diversified  business  of  his  new  office  with  exemplary 


422  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

punctuality.  Early  in  the  morning  he  gave  directions  to 
his  ministers,  and  disposed  of  affairs  on  hand,  and  in  the  after- 
noon he  held  audiences  of  all  those  who  wished  for  his  aid. 
His  knowledge  of  the  details  of  business  was  so  large  and 
exact,  that  he  often  enlightened  his  ministers  themselves  in 
their  own  particular  departments.  So  active  and  industrious 
was  his  disposition,  that  when  asked,  "In  what  he  took 
most  pleasure,"  he  replied,  "  In  everything  or  nothing." 

ISTo  one  could  accuse  Clement  of  self-indulgence,  or  in- 
deed of  self-seeking  in  any  way.  It  is  true  that  this  was 
not  wholly  meritorious.  It  was  no  longer  possible  for  popes 
to  act  like  those  who  immediately  preceded  the  Reforma- 
tion. The  time  for  such  abuses  of  the  papal  office  had  gone 
by.  The  Pope  must  now  attend  to  all  the  onerous  duties 
of  his  two-fold  dignity,  as  the  sovereign  of  a  State,  and  the 
bishop  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  Gross  neglect  of 
these  duties  would  inevitably  have  been  punished  by  the 
total  abandonment  of  his  supporters,  of  the  laity  as  well  as 
the  priesthood — both  of  his  subjects  and  his  brethren.  So 
that  while  by  no  means  mattentive  to  the  multifarious  con- 
cerns of  the  popedom,  Clement  chose,  either  from  inchna- 
tion  or  from  pohcy,  to  be  punctiliously  observant  of  the 
rites  of  religion.  He  duly  confessed  and  celebrated  mass, 
and  in  every  way  labored  hard  for  at  least  the  reputation 
of  piety  and  virtue. 

Like  his  predecessors,  Clement  early  directed  his  atten- 
tion to  the  affairs  of  France,  where  Henry  IV.  was  still 
maintaining  a  severe  struggle  with  the  princes  of  the 
League,  and  was  scarcely  able,  in  face  of  so  powerful  a  con- 
federacy, to  maintain  his  sovereignty  intact.  Henry,  whose 
religion  was  wholly  of  a  political  nature — that  is,  was  ever 
made  by  him  the  instrument  of  political  ends — was  now 
strongly  inclined  to  conform  to  the  Romish  faith.  He 
hoped  in  this  way  to  conciliate  the  good-will  of  the  nation, 
which  was  still,  by  a  large  majority,  subject  to  Ihe  control 
of  the  priests.     Had  Henry  been  a  conscientious  Protestant 


I 


FROM  SIXTUS  V.  TO  CLEMENT  VIII.  423 

he  might,  perhaps,  have  effected  as  much  toward  Protest- 
antizing France,  as  had  already  been  accomphshed  in  En- 
gland. It  is  certain,  at  least,  that  a  powerful  and  numer- 
ous body  in  the  State  who  were  heartily  Protestant  looked 
up  to  him  as  their  leader;  and  how  much  could  be  per- 
formed under  such  circumstances,  in  those  days  of  despotic 
monarchy,  by  a  resolute  and  determined  prince,  we  see 
abundantly  demonstrated  in  the  history  of  our  own  Henry 
VIII.  Rut,  alas !  base  passions  are  too  frequently  a  stronger 
stimulus  than  any  sense  of  duty ;  and  thus  the  English 
monarch  succeeded  where  the  French  king  so  lamentably 
failed. 

During  the  popedom  of  Sixtus  Y.  Henry  IV.  had  shown 
symptoms  of  a  disposition  to  recant  his  Protestant  profes- 
sion ;  but  Sixtus  placed  so  little  faith  in  his  promises,  and 
was  so  apprehensive  of  his  insincerity,  that  he  gave  him 
very  little  encouragement  to  persevere.  Clement  VIII. 
also  felt  how  dangerous  it  would  be  to  the  welfare  of  Ro- 
manism in  France,  if,  after  being  admitted  to  the  bosom  of 
the  papal  Church,  Henry  should  in  a  few  months  return  to 
the  ranks  he  had  deserted.  Influenced  by  these  views,  the 
Pope  received  a  messenger  whom  Henry  had  sent  upon 
this  errand  in  a  very  guarded  manner  ;  and  it  was  not  until 
there  was  evidently  no  other  alternative  for  the  French 
monarch  but  that  of  becoming  a  Catholic  or  abdicating  his 
crown — not  until  the  Jesuits  in  France  had  done  their 
work  so  surely  that  there  was  a  moral  certainty  of  Henry's 
continuing  faithful  to  his  new  vows — that  Clement  would 
consent  to  receive  him  to  the  Romish  communion,  and  to 
give  him  absolution  for  all  his  past  heresies. 

In  process  of  time,  however,  these  conditions  were  ful- 
filled ;  for,  in  1593,  Henry  succeeded  in  winning  over  to  his 
cause  the  principal  leaders  of  the  League,  and  to  accom- 
plish this  did  not  hesitate  basely  to  sacrifice  his  party  and 
his  faith.  The  tide  of  fortune  immediately  turned  in  his 
favor ;  the  whole  nation  submitted  to  his  authority,  (for, 


424  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

bereft  of  their  political  leaders,  the  sincere  Protestants  were 
far  too  weak  to  continue  the  struggle,)  and,  in  1595,  the 
Pope's  acceptance  of  his  fealty,  and  the  ratification  of  his 
apostasy  from  the  reformed  faith,  were  celebrated  m  the 
cathedral  of  St.  Peter.  The  Pontiff  sat  upon  a  lofty  throne, 
surrounded  by  his  cardinals,  all  attired  in  their  most  splen- 
did robes.  Henry's  petition  was  then  read  aloud,  while  his 
representative,  a  French  nobleman,  threw  himself  at  the 
feet  of  the  Pope  in  a  posture  of  profound  humility.  Touch- 
mo-  him  with  a  light  wand,  Clement  pronounced  his  abso- 
lution, and  then  bade  him  arise. 

Thus  far  had  the  Jesuits  successfully  carried  their  enter- 
prise of  counteracting  the  effects  of  the  Reformation.  The 
recovery  of  France  was  the  greatest  of  their  triumphs.  To 
lose  France  would  have  been  the  severest  blow  possible  to 
the  papacy,  excepting,  perhaps,  the  loss  of  Spain.  These 
two  powers  had  ever  been  Rome's  firmest  and  most  im- 
portant aUies,  and  when  there  was  danger  of  both  of  them 
abandoning  the  Church,  the  Jesuits  alone  undertook  to  re- 
claim them.  They  had  accomplished  the  task  in  Spain  by 
the  terrible  Inquisition,  and  in  France  by  the  more  subtile 
means  of  State  intrigue  and  private  education.  Great  was 
the  glorying  of  the  order,  and  great  it  well  might  be,  over 
these  rich  trophies  of  their  sagacity,  their  courage,  and  their 
perseverance.  Would  that  such  noble  quahties  had  been 
devoted  to  a  holy  cause,  and  not  to  the  enslaving  of  the 
mind  and  the  eternal  perdition  of  the  soul ! 

France  being  safely  restored  to  allegiance,  the  Pontiff 
found  leisure  to  attend  to  the  secular  and  more  domestic 
affairs  of  the  popedom,  and,  in  the  course  he  adopted,  be- 
trayed that  unscrupulously  tyrannical  bias  which  has  so 
generally  characterized  the  popes,  and  which  disgraced 
Clement  as  much  as  any  of  his  predecessors. 

The  city  and  State  of  Ferrara  had  been  ruled  for  many 
generations  by  the  noble  family  of  Este ;  and  although  the 
pontiffs,  particularly   Julius  II.,  had  often   laid  claim   to 


PROM  8IXTUS  V.   TO   CLEMENT  YIII.  425 

their  possessions  as  an  ancient  fief  of  the  Church,  they  had 
been  able  notwithstanding  to  maintain  their  rights  until 
now.  Under  the  two  Alfonsos,  Ferrara  had  become  the 
resort  of  literature  and  science.  Ariosto,  Boiardo,  and 
Tasso,  have  all  sung  of  the  beauty,  the  gayety,  and  the  re- 
finement which  abounded  at  the  court  -of  Alfonso  I.,  and 
which  continued  in  almost  equal  measure  during  the  reign 
or  his  son  Alfonso  II.  At  the  death  of  the  latter,  in  1597, 
he  bequeathed  his  crown  to  Cesare  d'Este,  a  near  relative ; 
and  now  that  the  direct  line  of  succession  was  extinct,  the 
papal  court  resolved  on  renewing  its  claims  to  the  estate. 

Cesare  was  unhappily  in  no  position  to  make  effectual  re- 
sistance. His  rights  were  incontestable,  but  he  was  himself 
comparatively  unkfiown,  even  to  his  own  subjects,  and  the 
princes  who  might  have  aided  him  were  overawed  by  the 
menaces  of  the  Pope.  Driven  almost  to  despair,  the  new 
duke  appealed  at  length  to  Henry  IV.,  believing  that  if  he 
could  obtain  it,  the  support  of  so  renowned  a  warrior  would 
prove  of  greater  force  than  even  papal  denunciations,  and 
would  inspire  his  timid  friends  with  courage  to  undertake 
his  cause.  But  Henry  was  just  then  too  anxious  to  concil- 
iate the  court  of  Rome  to  interfere  in  the  matter,  and  the 
unhappy  Cesare  was  ultimately  glad  to  save  himself  from 
excommunication  and  the  spiritual  censures  of  the  Church 
by  surrendering  to  the  Pope  both  his  crown  and  his  private 
estates.  In  May,  1598,  Clement  entered  Ferrara  to  take 
possession  of  the  government,  and  Ferrara,  deprived  of  its 
court,  its  sovereign,  and  its  metropolitan  title,  was  reduced 
to  the  rank  of  a  provincial  town. 

The  popedom  of  Clement  was  not,  however,  destined  to 
enjoy  an  unruffled  course  of  prosperity.  Not  long  after  this 
important  accession  to  both  his  power  and  wealth,  his 
peace  was  disturbed  by  contentions  within  the  Church  it- 
self. A  fierce  theological  controversy  broke  out  between 
the  Jesuits  and  the  Dominicans,  into  which,  as  supreme 
Pontiff,  Clement  was  compelled  to  enter.     His  behavior  on 


42§  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

this  occasion  did  not,  as  we  shall  see,  redound  much  more 
to  his  honor  than  in  the  affair  of  Ferrara. 

At  the  commencement  of  their  existence  as  a  distinct 
order,  the  Jesuits  had  adopted  the  theological  doctrines  of 
Thomas  Aquinas,  who  is  known  in  the  Roman  Church  by  the 
name  of  the  "Ang.ehcal  Doctor."  Of  these  doctrinal  views 
the  Dominicans  had  always  been  regarded  as  the  author- 
ized expositors,  and  the  Jesuits  made  no  pretensions  at  first 
to  dispute  with  them  this  honorable  prerogative.  They 
were  not  then  so  intent  on  exalting  themselves  as  on  ser- 
ving the  papacy,  by  diflfusing  far  and  wide  whatever  was 
accepted  by  the  Church  as  the  orthodox  creed.  But  in 
the  marvelous  stride  made  by  the  new  order  to  the  chief 
seats  of  rank  and  riches,  a  spirit  of  haughty  impatience 
took  the  place  of  their  former  zealous  humility.  The  Jes- 
uits could  not  readily  brook  the  assumption  of  any  out  of 
their  own  order  to  be  their  teachers  and  guides.  They 
found,  moreover,  or  asserted  that  they  found,  the  Domini- 
can doctrines  a  great  hindrance  in  their  contests  with  Prot- 
estants ;  and  with  that  disregard  of  mere  truth  which  has 
made  them  odiously  proverbial,  they  determined  on  reject- 
ing doctrines  which,  whether  true  or  false,  impeded  their 
triumphant  march.  Aquinas  had  taught,  and  the  Domini- 
cans stoutly  maintained  the  very  doctrine  which  Calvin 
placed  in  the  forefront  of  his  creed,  "  that  some  are  pre- 
destined to  eternal  blessedness,  and  others  to  eternal  dam- 
nation." This  identity  of  view  between  a  portion  of  the 
Romanist  and  an  important  portion  of  the  Protestant 
Churches  greatly  interfered  with  those  indiscriminate  and 
fierce  assaults  which  the  Jesuits  were  wont  to  make  upon 
the  entire  Protestant  faith.  They  found  themselves  some- 
times in  an  unpleasantly  false  position,  as  antagonists  of  un- 
compromising hostility  to  Protestantism  in  every  shade  and 
form,  yet  pledged  to  the  support  of  some  of  the  very  doc- 
trines which  Protestants  themselves  maintained.  They  re- 
solved, therefore,  without  demur,  to  alter  their  creed ;  and 


FROM  SIXTUS  V.   TO   CLEMENT  VIII.  427 

forthwitli  adopting  the  doctrine  of  free-will,  they  urged 
this  with  all  their  accustomed  vehemence  and  boldness. 

But  sitfth  a  departure  from  ancient  precedent  and  from 
the  authority  of  the  Church,  inflamed  to  the  fiercest  ani- 
mosity that  spirit  of  jealousy  which  the  Dominicans  had 
already  begun  to  feel  toward  the  Jesuits.  A  controversy 
commenced  between  them,  which  was  ultimately  referred 
to  the  Pope,  who  held  no  fewer  than  sixty-five  meetings, 
and  was  present  at  thirty- seven  disputations,  in  the  vain 
hope  of  reconciling  the  bitter  disputants. 

Clement's  mind  was  secretly  inclined  to  the  ancient  and 
more  orthodox  opinions;  and  had  he  been  governed  by  no 
other  consideration  than  a  regard  for  what  he  held  to  be 
true,  his  decision  would  doubtless  have  been  clearly  given 
in  their  favor.  But  Clement  had  learned,  like  too  many  of 
the  popes,  the  art  of  dissembling,  and  expediency  was  the 
motive  which  mostly  directed  his  actions.  The  Jesuits  were 
now  the  spiritual  army  of  the  Church.  To  their  prowess 
was  she  indebted  for  recovering  her  lost  possessions,  and 
by  their  aid  alone  could  she  hope  to  extend  or  preserve  her 
authority.  Fearful  of  offending  so  powerful  a  body ;  over- 
awed also  by  the  threat  which  they  now  distinctly  uttered 
— a  threat  always  harsh  to  pontifical  ears — of  summoning  a 
general  council  of  the  Church,  Clement  silently  abandoned 
the  cause  which  his  judgment  approved,  and  on  various 
excuses  abstained  from  pronouncing  a  definitive  sentence. 
The  feebleness  and  vacillation  of  the  Pontiff,  produced  by 
advancing  age,  were  rapidly  bringing  on  disturbances,  both 
in  the  Church  and  the  State,  which  he  was  unable  to  con- 
trol, when  he  was  released  from  the  cares  of  his  office,  and 
called  to  his  final  account,  in  1605. 


The  century  through  which  we  have  just  passed  is  in 
some  respects  the  most  eventful  and  momentous  in  the 
annals  of  the  Romish  Church.     At  its  commencement,  she 


428  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

was  fast  declining  in  the  esteem  of  the  world,  because  of 
the  monstrous  depravity  of  her  clergy,  from  the  Pope  to 
the  priest.  When  Luther  and  the  first  reforml^s  openly 
denounced  her  corruptions  they  found  willing  and  attentive 
hearers.  The  doom  of  the  papacy  seemed  to  be  close  at 
hand.  It  is  not  the  express  object  of  this  work  to  exhibit 
all  the  causes  which  prevented  so  desirable  a  consummation, 
but  some  of  the  most  efl&cient  means  which  were  employed, 
the  labors  of  the  Jesuits  and  the  outward  reformation  of 
the  clergy,  have  come  within  its  scope,  and  have  passed 
before  the  reader's  review.  The  course  of  the  "  man  of  sin" 
was  not  yet  fully  run,  and  the  time  has  not  even  now  arrived 
for  the  perfect  understanding  of  that  "  mystery  of  iniquity." 
The  sixteenth  century  beheld  him  withered,  and  drooping, 
and  ready  to  die ;  it  also  witnessed  his  partial  restoration  to 
strength.  But  it  further  saw  a  large  portion  of  the  human 
family  emancipated  from  the  bondage  in  which  he  had  held 
them  for  ages,  and  manfully  asserting  their  right  to  search 
the  Scriptures  for  themselves.  Liberty  of  conscience,  and 
the  independency  of  private  judgment,  are  emphatically 
heir-looms  of  the  German  reformers,  which,  in  spite  of  their 
errors,  will  ever  endear  their  names  to  the  heart  of  the 
Christian.  Viewing  the  enslaving  system  in  which  they 
had  been  trained,  we  should  not  be  so  much  surprised  at 
the  defects  or  mistakes  with  which  they  may  be  chargeable, 
as  at  the  amount  of  Scriptural  and  essential  truth  which 
they  were  enabled  to  embrace  and  uphold.  It  must  ever 
be  remembered  that  it  was  out  of  the  Church  of  Rome  that 
these  venerated  teachers  of  our  faith  sprang.  So  from  dark 
caverns  do  clear  streams  of  water  leap  forth,  at  the  bidding 
of  the  Almighty,  to  refresh  and  enliven  the  earth. 


KXt    |0tttt|» 


FROAI  THE  ROXANIST  REACTION  TO  POPE  PIUS  THE  NINTH. 
A.  D.  1605-1853. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PONTIFICATES   OF  LEO  XI.   AND   PAUL  V. THE  JESUITS  IN 

VENICE. A.  D.  1605-1607. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  reaction  which  followed 
so  swiftly  on  the  great  Reformation,  the  character  of  the 
Roman  pontiffs  underwent  a  remarkable  change.  Men  of 
activity  and  energy,  not  mere  men  of  pleasure,  were  now 
chosen  to  steer  through  troubled  waters  the  "bark  of 
St.  Peter."  Attention  was  paid  not  only  to  the  personal 
influence,  but  also  the  personal  qualities  of  a  candidate  for 
the  tiara.  Hardly  would  a  Leo  X.,  much  less  an  Alexander 
VI.,  have  now  succeeded  in  winning  the  suffrages  of  the 
conclave. 

To  this  marked  alteration  in  the  character  of  the  popes 
may  in  a  great  degree  be  ascribed  the  success  of  the  re- 
action. The  world  was  by  no  means  prepared  for  so  vast 
a  revolution  as  that  of  throwino^  off  altogether  the  su- 
premacy  of  the  Pope.  Still  it  was  sufficiently  enlightened  to 
perceive  that  the  teachers  of  Christianity  ought  not  to  be 
the  foremost  in  breaking  its  precepts.  But,  thanks  to 
Luther,  this  fault  was  mended.  There  was  at  least  a  re- 
gard for  outward  propriety  among  those  who  claimed  to 
sit  in  the  seat  of  the  apostles.  The  name  of  priest  was  no 
longer,  as  it  had  been,  a  by-word  of  reproach  for  gross 
covetousness,  immorality,  and  irreligion.     At  least  the  sem- 


430  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

hlance  of  the  virtues  opposed  to  these  vices  was  a^umed ; 
nor  would  it  be  fair  to  deny  to  some  of  the  pontiffs  the 
meed  of  praise  for  self-denying  zeal  and  rigid  integrity, 
although  coupled,  for  the  most  part,  with  a  fierce  bigotry 
which  horribly  caricatured  the  fair  features  of  religion. 

With  the  Jesuits  in  her  van,  and  the  Inquisition  in  her 
rear,  the  Romish  Church  had  started  afresh  in  a  victorious 
career  of  delusion  and  priestcraft.  By  the  end  of  the 
sixteenth  century  much  territory  which  had  seemed  lost 
was  wholly  regained.  France,  with  some  of  the  German 
States,  had  returned  to  allegiance  to  the  Pope,  and  the 
march  of  Protestantism  was,  to  all  appearance,  triumphantly 
repressed — but  in  appearance  alone.  Who  can  effectually 
hinder  the  progress  of  truth  ?  If  aught  seems  to  hinder  it, 
is  not  the  hindrance  converted  by  the  infinite  wisdom  of  the 
Most  High  into  the  means  of  its  surer  and  wider  conquests  ? 
Although,  therefore,  the  downfall  of  Rome  was  arrested 
when  it  appeared  most  imminent,  it  was  only  deferred  in 
order  that  the  stupendous  power  of  that  superstition  which 
had  so  enslaved  men's  minds  might  be  the  better  under-^ 
stood,  that  we  might  not  be  tempted  to  underrate  the 
mischievous  potency  of  error,  that  yet  a  purer  form 
of  truth  might  be  arrayed  against  the  monster,  and  that  its 
ultimate  destruction  might  be  the  more  complete,  the 
more  instructive  to  the  world,  the  more  advantageous  to 
the  Church. 

For  a  while,  therefore,  we  shall  see  the  papacy  rearing  its 
head  like  some  tall  tree,  loftily  and  proudly  as  ever.  But  we 
may  also  perceive,  in  spite  of  its  flourishing  aspect,  indubitable 
marks  of  decay.  These  we  shall  find  widening  and  deepen- 
ing from  generation  to  generation,  growing  daily  more  appar- 
ent and  more  fatal,  until,  weakened  by  its  own  corrupt- 
ness, scathed  by  the  rough  hands  of  both  friends  and  foes, 
it  is  stripped  and  shattered  amid  the  storms  of  a  revolu- 
tionary age ;  and  if  left  still  standing,  left  only  a  headless 
trunk,  the  seared  and  blasted  relic  of  its  strength,  attesting 


PONTIFICATES   OF   LEO   XI.    AND   PAUL  V.  431 

indeed  its  ancient  grandeur,  but  likewise  publishing  the 
just  and  awful  retributions  of  an  almighty  and  holy  God. 

The  first  Pope  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  who,  in 
1605,  ascended  the  throne  left  vacant  by  the  death  of  Clem- 
ent VIII.,  held  his  honors  but  a  very  short  period.  Be- 
longing to  the  Medici  family,  he  very  naturally  assumed 
the  title  of  Leo  XL  ;  but  the  title  was  scarcely  adopted  be- 
fore death  discrowned  and  disrobed  its  owner.  After  a 
reign  of  only  twenty-six  days,  Leo  XL  died,  oppressed,  it 
was  said,  by  the  great  weight  of  responsibility  suddenly  im- 
posed upon  him. 

Party  spirit  ran  so  high  in  the  conclave  that  all  were 
prepared  to  contest  the  ensuing  election  with  the  utmost 
vehemence.  They  carried  the  struggle  to  such  a  pitch  that 
they  could  only  arrive  at  the  needful  degree  of  concord  by 
relinquishing  all  their  candidates,  and  choosing  a  man  who 
belonged  to  no  party,  and  to  whom,  therefore,  both  Span- 
iards and  Frenchmen  were  willing  to*  give  their  votes.  The 
object  of  their  choice  was  the  Cardinal  Borghese. 

Paul  Y.  had  raised  himself  from  a  very  humble  station 
by  his  ability  and  industry  as  an  ecclesiastical  lawyer.  The 
quiet  pursuit  of  his  occupation,  and  his  habit  of  remaining 
buried  among  books  and  papers,  had  secured  him  from 
the  enmity  of  those  who  might  otherwise  have  accounted 
him  a  rival.  That  he  should  be  chosen  to  the  highest  dig- 
nity of  the  Church  might  well  have  excited  his  own  aston- 
ishment, and  actually  led  him  to  imagine  that  he  owed  it  to 
the  special  favor  and  direct  interposition  of  the  Holy 
Spirit. 

Impressed  with  this  conviction,  his  whole  deportment  now 
underwent  a  sudden  and  striking  change.  He  resolved  on 
elevating  the  character  of  the  papacy  by  his  own  example, 
and  by  rigorously  enforcing  the  laws  of  the  Church.  Per- 
haps it  was  partly  a  fanatical  bent  of  mind,  and  partly  his 
former  studies  in  canonical  law,  that  induced  him  to  attach 
a  higher  value  to  the  papal  office  than  even  his  predeces- 


432  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

sors  had  done.  He  declared  that  as  he  had  been  raised  to 
this  post  not  by  men  but  by  the  will  of  God,  he  was  in 
duty  bound  to  guard  all  the  prerogatives  of  the  Church, 
and  that  he  would  rather  risk  his  life  than  be  found  unfaith- 
ful to  so  high  a  trust. 

To  uphold  these  prerogatives  in  foreign  States,  and  es- 
pecially where  they  were  in  danger  of  attack  from  the 
prevalence  of  Protestant  sentiments,  recent  popes  had  adopt- 
ed the  method  of  sending  agents  to  foreign  courts,  whom 
they  called  nuncios,  and  whose  duty  it  was  to  watch  over 
the  interests  of  the  papal  see.  Already  had  these  appoint- 
ments occasioned  jealousies  and  disputes  in  numerous 
States  ;  but,  on  the  accession  of  Paul  V.,  the  impertinences 
of  the  functionaries  in  question  were  intolerably  aggravated, 
as  the  high  pretensions  of  the  Pope  were  quickly  commu- 
nicated to  his  subordinates  in  office.  And  to  such  a  pitch 
were  these  petensions  pushed,  that  the  Pontiff  even  asserted 
that  none  but  himself  had  right  to  control  or  regulate  the 
intercourse  between  the  Catholics  and  Protestants  of  any 
nation  whatever. 

Although  these  extravagances  were  productive  of  much 
inconvenience  to  the  Italian  States,  they  were  hardly  thought 
of  sufficient  importance  to  justify  a  quarrel  with  the  Pope. 
But  in  Venice  the  interference  of  the  nuncio  proceeded  to 
such  lengths  as  to  rouse  the  indignation  of  the  republic,  and 
fierce  disputes  were  the  result.  First  of  all,  the  Venetians 
were  obstructed  in  their  commercial  pursuits ;  their  fisher- 
ies and  other  establishments  on  the  Po  were  rudely  dis- 
turbed, so  that  they  were  obliged  to  protect  them  with 
armed  vessels,  and  even  to  seize  on  certain  subjects  of  the 
Pope  by  way  of  reprisal.  Then  the  prosperity  of  the  Ve- 
netian press,  which  had  raised  itself  to  distinguished  emi- 
nence in  the  early  part  of  the  preceding  century,  was  sedu- 
lously diminished  by  incessant  prohibitions  of  books  at  the 
papal  court.  These  prohibitions  were  so  multiplied  as  both 
to  prove  very  vexatious  to  the  free  spirit  of  Venice,  and 


PONTIFICATES  OF  LEO   XL   AND   PAUL  V.  433 

very  injurious  to  her  trade.  All  Protestant  books,  all 
writings  that  reflected  on  the  clergy,  all  works  that  departed 
from  Rome's  standards  of  orthodoxy,  even  the  entire  pro- 
ductions of  any  author  who  had  once  incurred  censure, 
were  included  m  the  prohibited  list.  And  so  far  was  the 
mean  spirit  of  commercial  jealousy  indulged,  that  those 
richly  ornamented  missals  and  breviaries  for  which  Venice 
was  so  renowned,  were  put  out  of  request  by  the  alterations 
which  were  continually  and  purposely  made  at  Rome,  and 
with  which  only  the  Roman  booksellers  could  become  im- 
mediately conversant. 

The  Venetians  had  long  been  cherishing  on  these  ac- 
counts a  secret  disgust  at  the  much-abused  power  of  Rome. 
They  now  determined  to  retaliate  on  the  Pope  by  enacting 
severe  laws  for  the  control  of  the  clergy,  and  restraining 
the  erection  and  endowment  of  new  churches. 

Rome's  arrogant  priestly  spirit  promptly  took  the  alarm. 
The  pens  of  Bellarmine,  Baronius,  and  other  eminent  Jes- 
uits, were  put  in  instant  requisition  to  denounce  such  pro- 
fane usurpations,  and  never  were  papal  pretensions  swelled 
to  a  greater  height  than  by  these  men — the  very  men  who 
most  candidly  confess  and  strongly  deplore  the  vices  of  the 
papacy  in  her  former  days.  "  It  is  for  the  priest,"  said 
they,  "to  judge  the  emperor,  not  the  emperor  the  priest ; 
it  would  be  absurd  for  the  sheep  to  pretend  to  judge  the 
shepherd.  So  also  the  clergyman  is  exempt  from  all  bur- 
dens, whether  on  person  or  property ;  he  belongs  to  the 
family  of  Christ," 

Starting  from  so  false  a  conception  of  the  relations  ap- 
pointed in  Scripture  between  a  pastor  and  his  flock,  it  was 
easy  for  them  to  ariive  at  such  unscriptural  conclusions. 
If  they  had  recognized  the  truth  which  our  Saviour  so  dis- 
tinctly proclaimed  respecting  all  believers — "  All  ye  are 
brethren  ;"  if  they  had  not  been  seduced  by  a  selfish  regard 
for  their  caste  to  arrogate  exclusively  to  the  clergy  those 
titles  and  privileges  which  belong  to  all  believers  alike,  they 

19 


434  LIVES   OF   THE   TOPES. 

would   not  have  rushed  into  such  tyrannical  and   utterly- 
monstrous  doctrines  as  those  we  have  cited. 

Venice  also  had  learned  doctors,  and  she  opposed  to 
Baronius  and  Bellarmine  the  acute  Paolo  Sarpi.  The  view 
which  he  took,  though  not  altogether  Scriptural,  was  yet 
so  evidently  grounded  on  Scripture  that  his  enemies  stigma- 
tized him  as  a  Protestant  at  heart.  But  the  calumny  was 
unhappily  false.  Paolo  Sarpi  read  mass,  like  a  faithful 
papist,  every  day  of  his  life. 

In  conducting  this  controversy  Sarpi  drew  a  most  just  dis- 
tinction between  secular  and  spiritual  authority.  *'  Tempo- 
ral government,"  said  he,  "  belongs  to  the  prince ;  spirit- 
ual government  to  the  Pope.  The  prince  judges  every  man, 
and  may  demand  tribute  from  all.  In  all  things  the  clergy 
owe  him  an  equal  obedience  with  the  laity.  The  Pope's 
jurisdiction,  on  the  other  hand,  is  exclusively  spiritual.  Did 
Christ  exercise  a  temporal  jurisdiction  ?  Neither  to  St. 
Peter,  nor  to  his  successors,  could  he  have  transferred  M'hat 
he  did  not  claim  for  himself." 

While  theologians  were  carrying  on  this  polemical  war 
the  Venetians  elected  a  new  doge,  Leonardo  Donato,  who 
was  the  leader  of  the  party  most  opposed  to  Rome,  and 
whose  chief  advocate  was  Paolo  Sarpi.  Confident  that 
reconciliation  was  now  out  of  the  question,  Paul  V.  re- 
solved to  have  recourse  to  those  once  potent  weapons,  cen- 
sures and  excommunications.  In  April,  1606,  a  sentence 
of  excommunication  was  formally  pronounced  in  the  Vati- 
can upon  the  doge,  the  senate,  and  the  whole  government 
of  Venice.  That  it  might  lack  none  of  the  terrors  of  an- 
cient denunciations,  Paul  especially  referred  to  the  most 
omnipotent  of  his  predecessors,  particularly  Innocent  III. ; 
and  in  imitation  of  the  stern  promptitude  of  those  exem- 
plars, he  allowed  only  a  few  days'  interval  for  recantation 
and  submission,  after  the  lapse  of  which,  all  churches,  con- 
vents, and  chapels  in  the  Venetian  territory  were  to  be  laid 
under  interdict,  and  prohibited  from  performing  divine  ser? 


PONTIFICATES  OF  LEO   XI.   AND  PAUL  V.  435 

vice.  The  Venetian  clergy  were  ordered  to  announce  this 
decree  from  their  pulpits,  to  affix  a  copy  of  it  to  the 
church-doors,  and  to  execute  all  its  provisions  to  the  last 
tittle,  under  pain  of  the  heaviest  penalties,  both  divine  and 
human. 

But  though  the  papacy  thus  proved  that  it  had  lost  none 
of  its  resolution  or  arrogance,  it  found  to  its  sore  disappoint- 
ment that  times  had  vastly  changed.  The  clergy  of  Venice, 
almost  to  a  man,  resolved  on  obeying  the  doge  rather  than 
the  Pope.  The  foiiner  issued  a  short  proclamation,  calmly 
declaring  that  the  republic  would  maintain  her  soverign  au- 
thority, and  that  she  "  acknowledged  no  superior  in  worldly 
things  but  God  alone."  She  desired  her  faithful  clergy  to 
continue  in  the  discharge  of  their  functions,  and  all,  with 
the  insignificant  exception  of  the  Jesuits,  Theatines,  and 
Capuchins,  proceeded  just  as  before  in  the  daily  perform- 
ance of  the  rites  of  the  Church. 

The  Jesuits  were  strangely  perplexed.  They  begged 
advice  from  their  general,  but  he,  equally  astounded,  refer- 
red the  matter  to  the  Pope.  Paul  Y.  sternly  replied  that 
this  was  a  case  in  which  no  compromise,  no  "  mental  reser- 
vations," would  be  allowed.  They  must  either  comply 
with  the  interdict,  or,  shaking  the  dust  from  their  feet,  quit 
Venice  never  to  return.  They  promptly  obeyed  ;  and  em- 
barking in  their  boats,  took  refuge  in  the  papal  dominions. 

The  churches  thus  left  vacant  were  easily  supplied  with 
priests,  and  the  festival  of  Corpus  Christi  soon  occurring, 
it  was  solemnized  with  extraordinary  pomp,  and  a  more 
than  commonly  numerous  procession.  Venice  stoutly  main- 
tained her  independence  in  spite  of  the  Pontiflf. 

Paul  V.  was  absolutely  enraged  at  this  daring  resistance 
of  papal  authority,  but  he  knew  not  how  to  avenge  himself. 
Sometimes  he  thought  of  war,  and  these  thoughts  were  re- 
ciprocated by  the  republic.  The  latter  even  went  so  far  as 
to  sohcit  the  aid  of  Henry  IV.  of  France,  and  could  that 
have  been  obtained,  would  probably  have  been  the  first  to 


436  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

commence  hostilities.  The  Pope  also  applied  to  Philip  of 
Spain  for  help  ;  but  neither  Henry  nor  Philip  was  disposed 
to  draw  sword  in  a  quarrel  which  would  undoubtedly  have 
blazed  into  a  war  between  Protestants  and  Catholics  through- 
out the  world. 

Eventually  recourse  was  had  to  the  milder  arts  of  diplo- 
macy. Venice  received  the  legates  of  the  Pope,  and  Paul 
again  hoped  to  succeed  in  reestablishing  papal  authority 
in  that  State  without  any  diminution  of  its  ancient  vigor. 
And  virtually  they  did  succeed.  It  was  rather  pride  than 
principle  that  had  engaged  the  republic  in  the  quarrel. 
And  so  well  did  the  Pontiff  know  this,  that  although  the 
haughty  Venetians  would  only  consent  to  pass  a  vague  res- 
olution that  "the  republic  would  conduct  herself  hence- 
forth with  her  accustomed  piety,"  Paul  readily  accepted  it 
as  implying  a  promise,  that  assertions  would  no  more  be 
made  of  a  right  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  the  Church. 


CHAPTER  II. 

PONTIFICATE    OF    PAUL   V. JESUIT    SUCCESSES    AND    RISE    OP 

JANSENISM. A.  D.  1607-1621. 

From  her  recent  struggles,  the  papacy  had  doubtless  suf- 
fered a  severe  check  in  her  hasty  march  to  overtake  the 
power  she  had  formerly  enjoyed,  but  at  the  same  time  the 
value  of  her  best  servants,  the  Jesuits,  and  their  capacity 
for  yet  greater  achievements  had  been  rendered  more  appar- 
ent. The  popes  had  now  been  twice  brought  into  collision 
with  the  growing  spirit  of  independence  in  the  European  na- 
tions. In  the  first  instance,  she  waged  battle  with  the  na- 
tional spirit  of  France  under  Henry  IV.,  and  in  the  second, 
with  that  of  Venice  under  Leonardo  Donato  and  Paolo 
Sarpi.  The  Jesuits  were  the  authors  of  both  conflicts.  In 
the  former  they  triumphed,  and  were  themselves  received 


JESUIT  SUCCESSES   AND  RISE   OF  JANSENISM.  437 

into  special  favor  by  the  monarch  whom  they  had  subdued. 
In  the  latter  their  success  was  less  apparent,  for  they  them- 
selves were  banished ;  yet  they  succeeded  in  compelling 
even  haughty  Venice  to  retract  the  proud  assertion  of  her 
sovereign  rights  over  clergy  as  well  as  laity. 

Nor  was  this  only  in  southern  Europe  that  these  inde- 
fatigable servants  of  the  papacy  had  exercised  their  talents. 
In  Germany,  Sweden,  and  Poland,  they  had  made  vigorous 
attempts  to  regain  what  the  Reformation  had  taken  away, 
and  in  Russia  to  establish,  for  the  first  time,  the  spiritual  su- 
premacy of  the  Pope.  In  Sweden  and  Russia  they  failed ; 
but  in  Poland  the  spirit  of  religious  strife  was  thoroughly 
roused,  and  gross  cruelties  were  inflicted  on  the  Protestant 
party.  A  nobleman,  riding  in  his  carriage,  perceived  an 
aged  evangelical  minister,  named  Barkou,  approaching  from 
the  opposite  direction.  He  instantly  gave  orders  to  his. 
coachman  to  drive  over  the  venerable  man,  who  was  ac- 
cordingly struck  down,  and  died  of  the  injuries  he  received. 
This  is  only  a  solitary  example  of  the  persecution  which 
broke  out  in  Poland  at  Jesuit  instigation. 

In  some  of  the  German  States,  the  progress  of  the  Jesuits 
was  yet  more  remarkable.  Animated  by  a  zeal  worthy  of 
a  better  cause,  and  admirably  trained  to  the  task  of  beguil- 
ing the  simple-minded,  they  made  converts  on  every  side. 
Studying  the  art  of  oratory  with  diligence,  they  contrived 
to  fill  their  churches  with  eager  listeners,  while  those  of  the 
Protestants  were  comparatively  empty.  Their  skill  also  in 
controversy  usually  insured  them  the  victory  in  all  disputa- 
tions ;  and  if  they  ever  met  with  a  Protestant  given  to  ar- 
guing and  proud  of  his  Biblical  learning,  to  whose  judgment 
his  more  ignorant  neighbors  looked  up  with  respect,  the 
Jesuits  marked  him  for  their  prey,  and  by  their  superior 
talents  generally  insured  success.  The  converts  to  popery 
were  bound  by  the  most  sacred  vows  to  be  faithful  to  their 
profession,  and,  under  the  guidance,  of  the  Jesuits,  numbers 
now  went  on  pilgrimage,  or  joined  in  Catholic  processions, 


438  LIVES   OF  THE   TOPES. 

who  a  short  time  before  had  been  the  most  zealous  and 
talkative  Protestants. 

With  the  emperor  the  Protestants  of  Germany  were  still 
carrying  on  the  warfare  which  Luther  had  so  bravely  com- 
menced nearly  a  century  before.  The  empire  was  ruled 
nominally  by  the  aged  Rodolph  II.,  but  really  by  the  Arch- 
duke Ferdinand,  who  appeared  willing  and  even  desirous  to 
grant  some  concessions  to  the  Protestant  party.  But  the 
Jesuits,  fully  aware  of  the  importance  of  the  crisis,  dis- 
patched one  of  their  most  faithful  emissaries  to  the  impe- 
rial court,  to  plead  with  the  archduke  in  behalf  of  the 
Romish  Church.  He  used  language  so  strong  as  to  move, 
if  not  to  alarm,  the  superstitious  Ferdinand.  "Let  there 
be  no  alienation  of  Church  property,"  said  the  Jesuit ;  "  let 
there  be  no  imperial  confirmation  and  establishment  of  that 
devilish  sect  of  Luther,  or  of  that  still  worse  one  of  Calvin." 
Overawed,  if  not  convinced,  Ferdinand  hesitated  to  proceed 
in  the  path  he  had  taken,  and  at  the  following  diet  of  1608, 
the  dissatisfied  Protestants  withdrew  in  a  body,  and  the  in- 
tegrity and  unity  of  the  empire  seemed  destroyed  forever. 
Both  parties  began  to  marshal  their  forces,  and  it  was 
evident  that  the  quarrel  would  only  be  settled  by  a  war. 

Meanwhile  a  great  alteration  was  taking  place  in  the  relig- 
ious spirit  of  society  in  France.  The  decline  of  Protest- 
antism in  that  country  appears  to  have  been  the  birth -time 
of  a  new  form  of  Romanism,  which  has  not  inaptly  been 
styled  at  once  the  Calvinism  and  the  Methodism  of  the 
Romish  Church.  The  restoration  of  France  to  the  bosom 
of  the  papacy  had  not  wholly  extinguished  the  pure  light 
of  the  Huguenot  confession ;  and  when  Henry  IV.  had  ac- 
complished that  act,  he  still  secured  to  the  Protestants  the  full 
right  and  liberty  of  worship  by  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  Yet 
the  system  called  Jansenism  cannot  be  directly  traced  to 
Protestant  influence,  although  it  is  highly  probable  that  the 
one  owed  its  existence  to  the  other.  Like  Protestantism 
itself,   Jansenism   seems  to  have  dwelt  vaguely  in  many 


JESUIT  SUCCESSES   AND   KISE   OF  JANSENISM.  439 

minds  before  it  assumed  a  distinct  and  definite  form.  Among 
the  most  distinguished  of  its  first  teachei'S  were  Jansenius,bish- 
op  of  Ypres,  from  whom  it  derives  its  name  ;  M.  de  St.  Cyran, 
and  the  Mere  Angelique  Arnauld  of  the  convent  of  Port  Royal. 

So  early  as  the  last  years  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the 
two  friends,  then  quite  young,  Jansenius  and  St.  Cyran, 
were  pursuing  their  studies  together  at  the  University  of 
Louvain.  There  they  pondered  together  the  deep  truths 
revealed  in  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  deplored  the  corrupt 
condition  of  the  Church,  to  which,  nevertheless,  they  re- 
mained devotedly  attached.  The  influence  they  exerted 
on  society  was  wholly  of  a  private  nature  for  many  years. 
St.  Cyran  took  up  his  abode  at  Paris,  and  "  by  his  simple, 
mortified  air,  his  humble  garb,  the  holiness  of  his  demeanor, 
and  his  native  dignity  of  manner,"  struck  with  astonishment 
the  gay  courtiers  who  thronged  a  metropolis  which  was  re- 
garded, even  then,  as  the  most  profligate  in  Europe.  Jan- 
senius still  continued  his  studies  at  Louvain,  and  for  several 
years  the  world  knew  little  about  him  until  after  his  eleva- 
tion to  the  see  of  Ypres. 

The  abbey  of  Port  Royal  was  destined  to  become  the 
chief  citadel  of  the  new  and  more  evangelical  opinions 
taught  by  Jansenius  and  St.  Cyran.  Angelique  Ar- 
nauld, at  the  early,  but  not  then  uncommonly  early,  age  of 
ten  years,  had  been  appointed  superior  of  that  abbey, 
standing  in  a  richly  wooded  valley  at  about  twenty  miles 
distance  from  Paris.  Great  was  the  rejoicing  at  this  ap- 
pointment among  the  nuns  of  Port  Royal.  They  had  long 
been  accustomed  to  a  free  and  fashionable  life,  totally  un- 
observant of  the  rules  of  their  order ;  and  they  saw  in  the 
youthfulness  of  their  abbess  the  promise  of  a  long  term  of 
such  enjoyment  as  luxurious  banquets,  constant  visiting, 
and  public  masquerades  are  capable  of  affording.  Nor 
was  the  young  Angelique  at  all  averse  to  the  prospect  of 
spending  her  life  among  such  gay  companions,  and  in  a 
continual  round  of  worldly  pleasures. 


440  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

But  in  the  year  1608,  when  the  Mere  Angehque  was 
just  seventeen  years  of  age,  a  Capuchin  monk,  who  had 
learned  the  truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus,  and  was  just  then  about 
to  quit  the  Romish  communion,  passed  a  day  at  Port  Royal, 
and  was  permitted  to  preach.  His  sermon  was  of  the  most 
faithful  kind,  expatiating  on  the  exceeding  "  sinfulness  of 
sin,"  and  on  the  power  and  blessings  of  true  religion.  He 
did  not  omit,  also,  to  point  out  the  peculiar  advantage,  as 
he  considered,  of  a  conventual  life  for  enabling  females  to 
escape  from  the  perils  of  the  world,  and  to  devote  them- 
selves unreservedly  to  God. 

The  sermon  produced  a  powerful  effect  on  the  youthful 
abbess ;  and  in  an  illness  of  some  months'  duration,  which 
immediately  afterward  befell  her,  she  so  profited  by  reflec- 
tion and  the  study  of  the  Scriptures,  that  she  arose  from 
her  couch  an  entirely  altered  character. 

The  whole  deportment  of  the  Mere  Angelique,  under  the 
new  bias  she  had  now  received,  was  visibly  changed,  and 
in  the  eyes  of  the  gay  nuns  she  seemed  like  another  person. 
There  is  reason  to  hope,  from  the  accounts  given  of  her, 
that,  although  still  a  Romanist,  and  probably  without  di- 
recting her  thoughts  to  the  differences  which  divide  Prot- 
estants and  Romanists  in  modes  of  worship  and  Church 
discipline,  she  had  received  those  vital  truths  which  form 
the  real  basis  of  Protestantism,  and  been  regenerated  by 
the  Holy  Spirit.  She  appears  to  have  had  a  very  sincere 
faith  in  the  atonement  of  the  one  great  High-Priest,  and 
a  very  ardent  attachment  to  his  cause.  Although  displayed 
under  Romish  modes,  her  piety  was  apparently  of  the  de- 
voutest  order ;  and  the  devoutness  of  her  life  made  her  an 
object  of  persecution  and  hatred  even  to  those  with  whom 
she  had  once  been  the  greatest  favorite. 

Angelique  Arnauld  determined  that  the  convent  she  gov- 
erned should  now  be  brought  to  the  condition  which  con- 
ventual life  professes  to  create.  Her  nuns,  she  resolved, 
should  be  absolutely  excluded  from  the  world,  and  should 


JESUIT  SUCCESSES   AXD   RISE   OF   JANSENISM.  441 

devote  themselves  wliolly  to  occupations  of  a  useful  and 
religious  kind.  And  although  in  effecting  this  change  she 
expected  to  encounter  opposition,  her  character  was  natu- 
rally too  firm  and  decided  to  allow  her  to  desist  on  such 
grounds.  To  her  it  was  a  plain  duty,  and  therefore  must 
be  performed.  Her  steadfastness  was  very  shortly  put  to 
a  severe  and  painful  trial. 

A  nun  was  about  to  be  "  professed ;"  and  at  such  sea- 
sons it  had  always  been  the  practice  at  Port  Royal  to  invite 
many  visitors  to  witness  the  ceremony.  The  event  was  re- 
garded as  festive  rather  than  solemn.  But  on  this  occasion 
the  Mere  Angelique  peremptorily  forbade  the  admission  of 
visitors  into  the  interior  of  the  house.  The  nuns  loudly 
munnured  at  this  restraint  of  their  liberties;  but  the  im- 
movable abbess  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  all  their  complaints, 
and  resolutely  persevered  with  her  plans. 

But  when  among  the  visitors  her  own  venerated  father 
appeared  the  scene  assumed  another  aspect.  A  conflict 
arose  in  the  mind  of  Angelique  between  her  sense  of  duty 
and  her  filial  afiection.  M.  Arnauld  was  a  stem  man,  and 
when  at  the  wicket  of  the  convent  he  was  met  by  his  daugh- 
ter, and  received  from  her  the  strange  intelligence  that  even 
he  was  not  to  pass  farther  than  the  Httle  parlor  at  the  side 
of  the  gate,  he  could  scarcely  suppress  his  indignation.  To 
him  the  long-neglected  rules  of  the  convent  seemed  obsolete 
and  ridiculous,  and  in  a  tone  of  paternal  authority  he  com- 
manded Angelique  to  unbar  the  gates  and  admit  him  and 
his  family  in  the  usual  way.  Pale,  and  trembling  with  agi- 
tation, the  firm  abbess  still  refused,  until,  her  father's  choler 
increasing,  he  loaded  her  with  the  harshest  epithets  and  the 
heaviest  upbraidings,  threatening  at  the  same  time  to  depart, 
and  to  see  her  no  more  forever.  Handing  his  family  into 
their  carriages,  he  was  about  to  quit  the  place,  when  Ange- 
lique, overcome  with  excitement,  fell  senseless  on  the  floor. 

This  incident  softened  her  father.  He  saw  that  there 
were  motives  at  work  in  her  mind  which  he  could  not  com- 


442  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

prehend,  and  he  left  her  in  a  kinder  mood.  From  the  day 
of  that  severe  trial  the  course  of  the  abbess  was  compara- 
tively smooth.  Her  constancy  was  evidently  unconquerable, 
and  her  plans  were  less  vehemently  opposed.  The  reform 
of  the  convent  was  proceeded  with  for  five  years  with  but 
little  interruption,  until  its  aspect  was  entirely  changed,  and 
its  community  became,  as  we  are  assured,  a  pattern  of  piety, 
charity,  industry,  self-denial,  regularity,  and  every  good 
work. 

From  reforming  her  own  convent  the  Mere  Angelique 
passed  to  the  reformation  of  others.  In  1619  she  was  in- 
vited to  superintend  the  monastery  of  Maubuisson,  whose 
abbess  had  lately  been  expelled^  for  her  dissolute  life.  Here 
she  showed  the  same  resolute  determination  to  effect  her 
object  as  she  had  discovered  at  Port  Royal.  The  nuns 
were  living  in  total  disregard  of  their  vows ;  cards,  games 
of  chance,  and  theatrical  amusements  were  their  principal 
employments.  In  the  magnificent  gardens  of  the  monas- 
tery, or  on  the  terrace  of  the  lake  which  supplied  it  with 
fish,  they  were  often  met  by  the  monks  of  Pontoise  Abbey, 
with  whom  they  spent  their  summer  evenings  in  gay  con- 
versation and  dancing.  These  also  were  but  "  the  begin- 
nings of  their  excesses ;"  the  remainder  must  not  here  be 
told.  Yet,  by  indefatigable  toil  and  perseverance,  the  ab- 
bess of  Port  Royal  succeeded  in  giving  quite  a  new  face  to 
the  state  of  aflfairs  in  that  convent. 

The  fame  of  Angelique  Arnauld  was  thus  diffused 
throughout  all  France,  and  she  was  solicited  to  undertake 
the  reformation  of  many  different  convents  of  the  order  of 
Citeaux,  to  which  Port  Royal  belonged.  She  became,  it  is 
declared  by  her  biographers,  a  blessing  to  the  whole  order, 
and  to  French  society  in  general. 

It  was  almost  inevitable  that  minds  so  congenial  as  those 
of  Mere  Angelique  and  St.  Cyran  should  be  brought  into 
mutual  acquaintance.  Before  either  of  them  had  attained 
to  their  greatest  height  of  fame  St.  Cyran  became  the  con- 


JESUIT  SUCCKSSliS   AND   Kl.SE   OJb'  JANSENISM.  443 

fessor  and  spiritual  director  of  the  inmates  of  Port  Royal, 
and  gave  deeper  intensity  than  ever  to  the  dispositions  he 
found  prevalent  there.  By  Jansenius  and  St.  Cyran  the 
Holy  Scriptures  were  acknowledged  as  the  only  safe  and 
infallible  guide ;  and,  discarding  the  lives  of  saints  and  the 
histories  of  pretended  miracles,  which  form  so  staple  a 
part  of  the  literature  of  convents,  they  taught  their  follow- 
ers to  imbue  their  minds  with  the  spirit  of  the  "  oracles  of 
God."  They  inculcated  the  necessity  of  a  change  of  heart 
no  less  plainly  than  Luther  and  Calvin,  and  perhaps  even 
with  a  leaning  to  the  clearer  doctrine  of  the  latter.  "  When 
it  is  the  will  of  God  to  save  a  soul,"  said  St.  Cyran,  "  the 
work  is  commenced  from  within ;  when  the  heart  is  once 
changed  then  is  true  repentance  first  experienced ;  all  else 
follows."  And  Pascal,  his  disciple,  declared  that  "  God 
changes  the  heart  of  man  by  a  celestial  sweetness  which  he 
pours  over  it."  Practical  religion  they  defined  to  be  culti- 
vating humility  and  patience,  depending  wholly  on  God, 
and  utterly  renouncing  the  world.  Blending  some  senti- 
ments of  a  Romish  cast  with  those  which  they  had  drawn 
from  the  pure  fountains  of  truth,  these  men,  nevertheless, 
were  the  means  of  spreading  true  religion  around  them  to 
a  marvelous  degree.  And  if  any  should  marvel  that  such 
men  should  continue  in  the  Church  of  Rome,  let  them  con- 
sider that  Rome  did  not  persecute  them  as  she  did  Luther. 
Jt  is  persecution,  for  the  most  part,  that  drives  men  to 
secession ;  and  the  wonder  is  not  so  much  that  they  should 
have  remained  in  that  corrupt  communion,  as  that  so  cor- 
rupt a  society  should  ever  have  produced  such  devoted  and 
pious  men. 

It  was  not  in  Port  Royal  alone  that  these  sentiments  were 
taught.  There  were  many  in  France  during  the  pontificate 
of  Paul  V.  who  thought  it  possible  to  ingraft  true  piety 
upon  the  corrupt  stock  of  the  papacy.  This  was  the  time 
when  Francois  de  Sales  and  Vincent  de  Paul  penetrated  to 
the  remotest  and  most  secluded  corners  of  France,  preach- 


444  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

ing  in  an  earnest  and  thorouglily  devotional  spirit,  if  not 
always  inculcating  pure  Scriptural  doctrine.  Everywhere 
they  established  their  Congregations  of  Mission  and  Sister- 
hoods of  Mercy,  seeking  to  revive  that  spirit  of  piety  which 
they  saw  only  too  clearly  was  almost  extinct.  We  even 
trace  at  this  period  some  evidences  of  kindred  sentiments 
prevaihng  in  Italy  and  Spain. 

But,  important  as  these  movements  were,  and  though 
they  occasioned  some  excitement  in  France  and  particular 
districts  of  other  countries,  they  were  almost  unnoticed  by 
the  court  of  Rome.  The  papacy  was  become  too  secular 
to  be  awake  to  the  spiritual  symptoms  of  society.  These 
must  be  further  developed,  and  must  even  have  a  direct 
influence  on  the  organized  institutions  of  the  Church,  ere 
the  Pope  will  deign  to  consider  them.  Paul  V.  was  solely 
intent  on  political  affairs,  which,  indeed,  were  assummg  a 
truly  serious  aspect. 

The  refusal  of  the  Archduke  Ferdinand  to  concede  to 
the  Protestants  of  Germany  full  hberty  of  faith  and  wor- 
ship, had  given  umbrage  to  a  very  powerful  body  m  the 
empire,  and  one  which  it  was  highly  dangerous  to  offend. 
The  heads  of  this  discontented  party  often  gathered  together 
at  the  court  of  Heidelberg,  whose  prince,  the  Elector 
Frederic  V.,  had  already  discovered  quahties  which  marked 
him  out  as  the  chieftain  of  their  forces,  and  gave  presages 
of  a  distinction  at  which  he  did  not  actually  arrive. 

In  these  assembhes  many  plans  were  devised  for  the 
vindication  of  Protestant  rights ;  but  none  of  them  seemed 
thoroughly  feasible,  until  the  Bohemians,  revolting  from  the 
tyrannical  sway  of  Austria,  offered  the  crown  of  their 
kingdom  to  the  Elector  Frederic.  This  offer  appeared  to 
open  the  path  at  once  to  Frederic's  ambition,  and  to  the 
liberation  of  the  Protestants  from  Cathohc  oppression.  In 
the  month  of  August,  1619,  Frederic  received  the  Bohe- 
mian crown,  and  he  instantly  declared  war  against  the  em- 
peror, as  head  of  tliB  Austrian  house. 


JESUIT  SUCCESSES  AND   RISE  OF  JANSENISM.  445 

But  the  Catholic  party  in  Germany  were  well  prepared 
for  the  emergency.  They  were  even  more  strongly  united 
than  the  Protestants,  whose  theological  differences  proved 
very  unfavorable  to  hearty  cooperation.  Maximilian  of 
Bavaria,  the  king  of  Spain,  and  the  Pope,  all  hastened  to 
the  assistance  of  Ferdinand,  who  also  succeeded  in  gaining 
over  to  his  cause  the  elector  of  Saxony,  whose  Lutheran 
views  had  filled  him  with  an  utter  hatred  of  the  Calvinistic 
Protestants.  It  was  this  unnatural  alHance,  may  we  not 
rather  say  those  unnatural  jealousies  between  brethren  in 
faith,  that  decided  the  fate  of  the  war. 

A  brief  campaign,  and  a  single  battle  fought  at  Weiss- 
berg,  in  1620,  put  an  end  to  the  hopes  of  the  Elector 
Frederic,  and  ruined  the  prospects  of  the  Protestants,  so 
far  as  they  expected  to  realize  them  by  political  means. 
Other  contests,  begun  in  the  same  spirit  in  France  and 
Switzerland,  had  the  same  disastrous  termination.  In  Swit- 
zerland, indeed,  the  struggle  bore  rather  the  stamp  of  mas- 
sacre than  that  of  war.  The  Catholics  rose  suddenly  upon 
the  Protestants  without  provocation.  At  break  of  day, 
ringing  the  church-bells,  they  lay  in  wait,  and  when  the 
Protestants  rushed  out  of  their  dwellings  at  the  sound,  they 
were  fallen  upon  in  a  mass  and  savagely  cut  to  pieces. 
"  The  wild  moimtains,"  say  the  historians,  "  resounded  witli 
the  shrieks  of  the  murdered,  and  were  feai'fully  lighted  up 
by  the  flames  of  their  solitary  dweUings." 

These  shocking  deeds  excited  an  unholy  joy  in  Rome, 
like  that  which  followed  the  slaughter  of  the  Huguenots. 
"What  feelings  of  humanity  will  not  bigotry  stifle !  A  pro- 
cession was  appointed  to  celebrate  the  victory  of  Weissberg, 
and  the  destruction  of  the  heretics.  In  the  midst  of  the 
procession  Paul  V.  was  struck  with  a  fit  of  apoplexy,  from 
the  effects  of  which  he  died  in  the  course  of  a  few  days. 

One  favorable  feature  of  this  Pontiff's  character  was  well 
developed  in  the  progress  of  his  protracted  reign.  With 
that  love  of  art  and  that  patriotic  pride  which  had  marked 


446  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

Sixtus  V.  and  some  other  of  the  popes,  Paul  V.  exercised 
much  care  in  embelhshing  the  metropolis  of  the  papal 
Church.  He  completed  the  cathedral  of  St.  Peter  in  all  the 
colossal  magnitude,  if  not  the  perfect  beauty,  of  the  original 
designs ;  and  as  Sixtus  V.  had  given  Rome  the  Aqua  Fehce, 
so  Paul  V.  brought  water  from  five-and-thirty  miles  dis- 
tance, through  the  aqueduct  called  Aqua  Paohna.  Just 
opposite  to  the  **  Moses"  and  fountains  of  Sixtus,  the  Aqua 
Paolina  bursts  forth  in  four  powerful  streams,  and  supplying 
the  numerous  fountains  which  enliven  the  aspect  of  Rome, 
make  the  slopes  of  the  hills,  which  would  otherwise  be  only 
a  melancholy  scene  of  ruins,  a  smiling  garden  of  verdure  and 
fruitful  trees.  Yet  this  laborious  magnificence  but  poorly 
redeems  the  political  aggressions,  the  bigoted  cruelties,  and 
the  neglect  of  real  religion,  which  disfigured  the  whole  pon- 
tificate of  Paul  Y. 


CHAPTER  in. 

PONTIFICATE     OF     GREGORY     XV. THE    JESUITS     IN     EUROPE 

ANt)   THE  EAST. A.  D.  1621-1623. 

The  succeeding  Pontiff,  Qregory  XY.,  fully  sympathized 
with  his  predecessor,  both  in  his  political  and  in  his  religious 
views.  Although  destitute  of  Paul's  energy,  and,  indeed, 
from  his  far  advanced  age  and  increasing  feebleness,  in- 
capable of  much  personal  toil,  yet  by  means  of  his  nephew, 
the  Cardinal  Ludovisio,  he  vigorously  carried  on  the  policy 
which  had  already  proved  so  successful  in  reestablishing 
the  fortunes  of  the  Romish  Church.  The  victory  gained 
by  the  emperor  at  Weissberg  was  a  triumph  of  the  deepest 
moment  to  the  papacy ;  and  one  of  Gregory's  first  measures 
was  a  mission  to  Ferdinand,  who  had  now  succeeded  Ro- 
dolph  on  the  imperial  throne,  beseeching  him  to  follow  up 
the  blow  with  immediate  efforts  for  the  restoration  through- 


PONTIFICATE  OF  GREGORY  XV.  447 

out  Gtermany  of  the  Catholic  religion.  For  this  purpose 
he  oflfered  to  supply  large  pecuniary  aid  from  the  treasury 
of  the  Church,  and  although  it  would  greatly  impoverish 
himself,  leaving  him,  as  he  said,  "scarcely  sufficient  to  live 
on,"  he  would  give  him  an  annual  subsidy  of  twenty  thousand 
scudi,  and  a  donation  at  once  of  two  hundred  thousand. 

Armed  with  the  imperial  authority,  the  Jesuits  now 
boldly  commenced  the  work  of  compelling  a  general  and 
pubhc  recantation  of  Protestantism  in  all  the  States  of  the 
empire.  In  Bohemia  they  changed  the  ritual  and  service, 
banished  the  Protestant  clergy,  closed  the  churches  on  that 
day  which  had  always  been  solemnly  kept  in  memory  of 
John  Huss,  quartered  soldiers  at  the  houses  of  those  who 
were  so  obstinate  as  not  to  recant  at  the  first  bidding ;  and 
all  this,  as  they  themselves  said,  "  to  the  end  that  vexations 
might  enlighten  the  dull  Bohemian  intellect."  So  audacious 
had  this  bigoted  and  persevering  order  become !  And  so 
successfully  did  they  pursue  their  detestable  vocation,  that 
in  the  course  of  a  few  years  the  country  of  the  earliest  great 
reformer  was  entirely  recovered  to  the  dominions  of  the 
Pope. 

Similar  results  were  witnessed  also  in  Moravia  and  Hun- 
gary ;  and  when  finally,  in  1623,  the  palatine  electorate  was 
transferred  at  the  behest  of  the  emperor  from  Protestant 
hands  to  those  of  an  ardent  papist,  Maximilian,  Duke  of 
Bavaria,  the  transport  of  the  Pope  knew  no  bounds,  "  Thy 
letter,  O  son,"  writes  Gregory  to  the  duke,  who  had  in- 
formed him  of  the  event,  "  has  filled  our  breast  with  a  stream 
of  delight,  grateful  as  heavenly  manna.  At  length  may 
the  daughter  of  Zion  shake  the  ashes  from  her  head,  and 
clothe  herself  in  the  garments  of  joy !" 

These  changes  may  well  appear  astonishing  to  those  who 
are  accustomed  to  believe  in  the  power  of  truth,  not  only  to 
hold  the  authority  it  has  once  acquired,  but  even  to  win  its 
way  eventually  to  universal  dominion.  But  it  is  worthy  of 
observation,  that  these  national  conversions  to  Rome  were 


44,8  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

not  produced  by  appeals  to  the  judgment  of  men,  but 
simply  to  their  fears.  If  a  prince  were  converted,  his  sub- 
jects, by  a  ridiculous,  and  yet  too  sadly  necessary  conse- 
quence, were  converted  too.  Even  in  becoming  Protestants, 
men  had  too  frequently  become  moved  by  the  same  pro- 
cess. Whole  nations,  it  is  true,  had  assumed  the  Protestant 
name,  yet  the  change  was  oftener  brought  to  pass  by  the 
will  of  a  few  potent  individuals  than  by  the  convictions  of 
the  entire  nation.  Protestantism  never  had,  in  fact,  pene- 
trated the  masses  of  the  population.  And  when  we  re- 
member, moreover,  that  most  of  these  reconversions  were 
effected  literally  at  the  point  of  the  sword,  we  shall  not 
wonder  that  merely  nominal  Protestants  were  induced,  with 
comparative  ease,  to  become  merely  nominal  Catholics. 
Such  has  generally  been  the  nature  of  the  conversions  on 
which  Rome  has  so  plumed  herself ;  for  to  retain  the  hold 
so  obtained,  which  would  seem  to  be  the  chief  difficulty, 
she  very  confidently  relies  upon  her  marvelous  skill  in  in- 
fluencing the  superstition  of  the  heart. 

It  was  to  increase  the  number  of  these  conversions,  and 
promote  to  the  utmost  the  favorable  turns  which  events  had 
now  taken,  that  Gregory  XV.  at  this  time  established  the 
College  of  the  Propaganda.  Missionary  efforts  had  been 
made,  it  is  true,  from  the  time  of  the  first  Jesuits,  and  some 
of  that  order,  as  Xavier,  in  India,  had  been  eminently  suc- 
cessful. But  a  congregation  of  cardinals  was  now  set  apart 
for  the  exclusive  work  of  superintending  the  missions  of  the 
Church.  They  met  once  every  month  in  the  presence  of 
the  Pontiff,  and  exactly  suited  as  the  institution  was  to  the 
spirit  of  the  times,  it  rapidly  grew  in  prosperity  and  splen- 
dor, and  exerted  a  powerful  influence  in  the  changes  which 
were  then  occurring  in  all  parts  of  the  world. 

The  labors  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  were  hardly  less 
productive  of  results  in  France  and  the  Netherlands  than 
in  Bohemia  and  Germany.  In  France,  it  became  so  evi- 
dent that  the  tide  of  political  favor  would  go  only  with  the 


PONTIFICATE  OF  GKlflGOKV  XV.  449 

adherents  of  the  Pope,  that  the  degenerate  Huguenot  nobles 
abandoned  their  brethren,  one  after  the  other,  in  the  most 
rapid  succession.  Fprtresses,  hitherto  held  by  the  Prot- 
estants, were  given  up  by  their  governors  almost  as  if  in 
emulation  of  each  other ;  and  while  the  zeal  of  the  Jesuits 
was  redoubled,  that  of  the  evangelical  leaders  grew  daily 
more  cold.  A  Franciscan,  preaching  in  the  city  of  Foix,  is 
said  to  have  converted  the  whole  city ;  the  Protestant 
church  was  torn  down,  and  the  preacher  banished  from  the 
town ;  and  to  increase  the  wretchedness  of  their  poor  vic- 
tim, the  triumphant  papists  sent  a  trumpeter  to  hunt  him 
from  place  to  place,  and  proclaim  everywhere  his  name  and 
his  religion.  Even  the  learned  were  carried  away  by  the 
current,  and  pretended  to  be  convinced  by  the  arguments 
of  the  Jesuits,  although  no  doubt  much  rather  swayed  by 
the  prospect  of  favor ;  and  so  decided  was  the  triumph  of 
the  papal  emissaries  that  this  must  be  regarded  as  the  period 
when  the  Protestant  faith  in  France  was  virtually  destroyed. 
In  England,  also,  the  Pope  was  not  without  hopes  of  a 
corresponding  measure  of  success.  It  is  well  known  that 
the  royal  house  of  Stuart  was  inclined  to  the  Romish  com- 
munion, and  James  I.,  who  now  occupied  the  throne,  had 
given  unequivocal  signs  of  a  disposition  to  treat  with  the 
Pope.  The  Roman  Catholics  were  still  numerous  and  pow- 
erful, especially  in  the  north,  and  James  himself  was  thor- 
oughly imbued  with  dishke  to  the  Puritan  party,  their  most 
hearty  opponents.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  Gunpowder 
Plot,  which  had  revived  in  1604  the  national  antipathy  to 
everything  popish,  he  would  probably  have  avowed  his  sen- 
timents more  distinctly  than  he  actually  did.  Even  after 
that  event  he  did  not  hesitate  to  declare  that  he  regarded 
the  Church  of  Rome  as  "  the  true  Church,  and  the  mother 
of  all  others,  and  the  Pope  as  the  true  head  of  the  Church, 
the  superior  bishop."  It  was  this  leaning  toward  Roman- 
ism, also,  in  all  probability,  that  induced  him  to  seek  a 
Spanish  princess  as  the  consort  of  his  son. 


450  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

Gregory  XV.  was  so  delighted  at  the  prospect  opened 
to  him  in  England,  that  on  this  last-named  project  coming 
to  his  ears,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Prince  Charles,  expressing 
his  hope  "  that  the  ancient  seed  of  Christian  piety  which 
had  of  old  time  borne  fruit  in  English  kings,  would  now 
once  more  revive  in  him  ;  certainly  he  would  in  no  case, 
desiring  as  he  did  to  marry  a  Catholic  maiden,  resolve  on 
oppressing  the  Catholic  Church."  Prince  Charles  replied 
he  would  not  only  take  no  hostile  steps  against  the  Roman 
Church,  but  that  he  "  would  rather  seek  to  bring  things  to 
such  a  state  that  we  may  all  unite  in  one  faith  and  one 
Church."  Had  the  English  people  been  of  the  same 
mind  as  their  sovereign,  or  did  the  progress  of  real  relig- 
ion depend  entirely  or  even  greatly  upon  the  wdll  of  mon- 
archsand  princes,  similar  changes  would  doubtless  have  fol- 
lowed in  England  as  had  been  already  witnessed  in  France, 
and  Protestantism  would  at  all  events  have  ceased  to  be 
the  national  confession.  But  happily  the  work  w^as  too 
widely  and  deeply  wrought  in  England  to  be  easily  effaced  ; 
multitudes  who  were  quite  removed  from  the  temptations 
of  court  influence  were  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  love  of 
Scriptural  truth,  and  the  Reformation  had  been  "carried  by 
Puritan  zeal  and  self-denial  far  beyond  the  possibility  of 
recall. 

But  if  the  labors  of  the  Jesuits  were  baffled  in  England, 
they  were  recompensed  with  astonishing  success  in  other 
parts  of  the  world.  With  the  earliest  discoveries  ^hat 
were  made  in  America  by  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese, 
a  zealous  spirit  for  converting  the  native  tribes  had  sprung 
up  in  Rome ;  and  since  the  establishment  of  the  Jesuit 
order,  the  work  of  proselytism  had  gone  forward  with  mar- 
velous speed.  In  the  pontificate  of  Gregory  XY.  the 
Romish  Church  in  South  America  possessed  five  archbish- 
oprics, twenty-seven  bishoprics,  four  hundred  monasteries, 
with  parish  churches  and  chapels  innumerable.  Magnifi- 
cent cathedrals  had  been  built,  and  colleges  estabhshed,  in 


PONTIFICATE   OF   GREGORY  XV.  451 

"which  the  Jesuits  taught  the  natives  grammar,  with  the 
hberal  arts.  They  undertook  also  to  instruct  them  in  sow- 
ing, reaping,  planting  trees,  and  building  houses.  All  this 
gave  them  unbounded  power,  and  fully  won  for  them  the 
affections  of  the  people. 

In  China,  India,  Japan,  and  Abyssinia,  their  triumphs, 
if  not  equally  vast,  were  even  more  wonderful,  as  they 
were  gained  in  the  face  of  determined  opposition.  In  all 
these  countries  their  arts  were  still  the  same.  Yielding 
pliably  to  all  circumstances — "  ever  keeping,"  as  one  of 
them  expressed  it,  *'  near  the  shore  while  navigating  a 
tempestuous  ocean" — skillfully  siding  only  wdth  the  pros- 
perous parties  in  the  various  States  they  visited — winning 
way  for  their  creed  by  making  themselves  serviceable  in 
politics,  literature,  science,  medicine,  and  even  war — by 
adopting  all  conceivable  expedients  proper  and  improper — 
they  continued  to  obtain  nominal  converts  in  multitudes. 
In  India  they  conciliated  the  Mogul  emperors,  and  induced 
Brahmins  to  attend  their  churches ;  in  China  they  received 
permission  to  build  Roman  Catholic  churches  in  five  prov- 
inces of  the  empire  ;  in  Japan  they  baptized  more  than 
three  hundred  thousand  natives ;  and  in  Abyssinia  they 
persuaded  the  emperor  himself  to  tender  his  faithful  allegi- 
ance to  the  Pope.  Well  may  we  exclaim  with  the  admiring 
Ranke :  "  How  comprehensive !  how  unbounded  was  this 
activity !"  And  well  will  it  be  for  the  cause  of  the  Re- 
deemer when  Protestant  zeal  and  wisdom,  not  with  Jesu- 
itical cunning,  but  with  pure  Christian  simplicity  and  be- 
nevolence, shall  learn  to  imitate  the  efforts  of  the  Roman 
Propaganda. 

The  dominion  of  the  Romish  Church  was  now  far  more 
extensive,  territorially  considered,  than  at  any  former  period 
of  her  history.  For  the  possessions  she  had  totally  lost  in 
Europe,  she  was  more  than  compensated  by  her  new  ac- 
quisitions in  remote  parts  of  the  globe.  But,  nevertheless, 
her  real  power  was  vastly  diminished,  and  there  cannot  be 


452  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

a  question  that  she  would  gladly  have  gone  back  to  the 
condition  of  former  times.  The  world  could  not  now  be 
persuaded  to  render  that  blind  obedience  to  the  Church 
which  had  made  the  popes  so  despotic  in  the  days  of  the 
crusades.  And,  moreover,  the  seeds  of  corruption  had  al- 
ready abundantly  brought  forth  their  fruit,  and  in  the  Ref- 
omiation  of  the  sixteenth  century  a  ruinous  attack  had  been 
made  upon  the  constitution  of  the  Romish  Church,  which 
might  indeed  be  repulsed  for  a  time,  but  the  effect  of  which 
could  never  be  wholly  recovered.  If  there  was  yet  a  groov- 
ing enlargement  of  the  limbs  which  seemed  to  betoken 
health,  there  was  notwithstanding  a  fatal  malady  at  the 
heart ;  and  so,  from  the  days  of  Gregory  XV.  to  the  pres- 
ent, amid  many  mutations  and  with  many  interruptions,  the 
course  of  the  papacy  has  unquestionably  been  that  of  pro- 
gressive decline. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

PONTIFICATE    OF    URBAN  VIII. THE  THIRTY  YEARS'   WAR 

JESUITS  AND  JANSENISTS. A.  D.  1623-1644. 

In  1623  Urban  VIII.,  of  the  Florentine  house  of  Barberini, 
succeeded  the  decrepit  and  timid  Gregory,  and  immedi- 
ately began  to  prosecute  with  renewed  ardor  the  plans  which 
had  been  so  ably  carried  out  for  more  than  half  a  century. 
A  change  of  pontiffs  by  no  means  implied,  at  this  period, 
a  change  of  ecclesiastical  policy.  The  policy  of  the  Romish 
Church  had,  in  the  main,  continued  unaltered  since  the  days 
of  the  fourth  Paul,  of  inquisitorial  memory.  From  the 
policy  of  former  times  it  differed  chiefly  in  forbidding  the 
Pontiff  from  acting  solely  for  his  own  personal  ends,  and  in 
stimulating  the  priesthood  to  greater  activity  and  more  con- 
summate hypocrisy.  In  a  word  it  was  the  Jesuit  spirit  that 
pervaded  the  entire  system ;  the  genius  of  Caraffa  and  Loy- 


PONTIFICATE   OF  URBAN  VIII.  453 

ola  still  ruled  in  the  councils  of  Rome ;  and,  as  regarded 
the  Pontiff,  the  form  of  government  had  become  less  des- 
potic and  more  constitutional  —  less  for  the  individual,  but 
more  for  the  order. 

The  character  of  the  new  Pontiff  was,  however,  too  de- 
cided not  to  make  itself  distinctly  perceptible  in  the  mode 
which  he  adopted  of  carrying  out  the  policy  of  the  Church. 
Urban  was  as  yet  only  fifty-five  years  of  age,  and  seemed 
to  bear  in  his  mind  a  presentiment  of  the  protracted  reign 
he  was  destined  to  enjoy.  Essentially  a  worldly-minded 
man,  and  belonging  to  that  class  of  pontiflfs  who  sought  the 
temporal  rather  than  the  spiritual  prosperity  of  the  papacy, 
he  earnestly  devoted  himself  to  plans  and  operations  by 
which  the  States  of  the  Church  might  be  made  an  import- 
ant sovereignty  among  the  dynasties  of 'Europe.  "Clem- 
ent VIIL,"  says  Ranke,  "  was  most  commonly  found  occu- 
pied with  the  works  of  St.  Bernard ;  Paul  V.  with  the 
writings  of  the  holy  Justinian  of  Venice ;  but  on  the  table 
of  Urban  VIIL  lay  the  newest  poems,  or  draughts  and 
plans  of  fortifications. 

For  it  was  the  opinion  of  Urban  that  the  papal  States 
ought  to  be  rendered  more  formidable  by  its  own  arms  and 
strength,  and  not  to  be  so  continually  dependent  on  the 
armies  of  foreign  princes.  He  accordingly  repaired  and 
enlargfed  the  old  fortresses  and  built  new  ones,  constructed 
bulwarks  for  his  capital  city  out  of  the  precious  relics  of 
ancient  art  that  in  a  manner  consecrate  the  dust  of  Rome ; 
turned  the  lower  parts  of  the  Vatican  into  an  arsenal,  and 
filled  the  once  peaceful  streets  with  riotous  crowds  of  sol- 
diery. 

This  disposition  to  acquire  and  maintain  dominion  by 
martial  means  discovered  itself  even  in  the  Pontiff's  per- 
sonal demeanor.  No  pope  was  ever  more  peremptoiy  than 
Urban  VIIL  in  the  assertion  of  his  opinions.  Woe  to  the 
man  who  presumed  to  contradict  him  ;  his  cause  was  infal- 
libly lost.     So  capricious  and  yet  so  determined  was  his 


454  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

behavior,  that  if  a  favor  were  asked  of  him  it  was  impossi- 
ble to  conjecture  what  would  be  his  reply,  a  Yes  or  a  No. 

The  very  first  year  of  Urban's  pontificate  was  marked  by 
new  successes  on  the  part  of  the  Romish  Church.  The 
Emperor  Ferdinand  now  showed  himself  the  most  devoted, 
and,  indeed,  bigoted  disciple  that  the  popes  had  for  cen- 
turies seen  on  the  throne  of  the  empire.  It  was  strange 
that  a  man  who  had  once  thought  of  concessions  to  the 
Protestants  should  now  be  so  inveterately  opposed  to  them. 
Led  blindfold  by  the  Jesuits,  he  resolved  on  restoring  Ger- 
many, at  whatever  cost,  to  the  fold  of  the  papacy.  To  ef- 
fect this  he  issued  an  edict  in  Austria,  Bohemia,  Carinthia, 
Carniola,  and  Styria,  declaring  that  "  after  six  months  from 
the  date  of  the  edict,  he  would  not  longer  tolerate  any  per- 
son, even  though  of  knightly  or  noble  rank,  who  should  not 
in  all  things  conform  to  the  Roman  Catholic  Church."  By 
crafty  political  movements  he  also  contrived  to  bring  such 
principal  seats  of  Protestantism  as  Brandenburg  and  Meek-' 
lenburg  into  his  power,  and  there  he  again  established  the 
Romish  hierarchy  in  all  its  splendor  and  wealth.  Through- 
out the  imperial  dominions  edicts  were  now  poured  like 
rain,  and  the  property  of  Protestants  was  everywhere  con- 
fiscated for  the  use  of  "  the  Church."  "  The  emperor  con- 
ceived the  idea,"  says  a  papal  nuncio,  "  of  bringing  back 
all  Germany  to  the  rule  prescribed  by  the  treaty  of  Augs- 
burg ;"  and  all  the  benefices  in  North  Germany  and  multi- 
tudes of  churches  in  various  other  parts  were  actually  re- 
stored, by  mere  force,  to  the  Romish  party. 

Nor  were  those  trusty  servants  of  the  papacy,  the  Jesu- 
its, neo;'lectful  of  the  interests  of  the  Church  in  France. 
There  they  at  once  urged  renewed  persecutions  of  the  Hu- 
guenots, and  stirred  up  the  national  spirit  against  Protestant 
England.  Cardinal  Berulle,  in  France,  and  Olivarez,  the 
chief  minister  of  Spain,  entered  heartily  into  this  latter  proj- 
ect. The  cardinal  busied  himself  in  making  calculations 
how  the  trading  vessels  of  England  might  be  captured  on 


PONTIFICATE  OF  URBAN  VIII.  455 

the  French  coast,  and  how  the  English  fleets  might  be 
burned  in  their  own  harbors. 

It  was,  in  all  probability,  this  determination  to  attack 
England  that  provoked  Charles  I.  and  his  favorite,  the  duke 
of  Buckingham,  to  commence  the  war  by  an  assault  on 
France.  This  assault  was  made,  and  the  result,  whatever 
may  have  been  Buckingham's  intentions,  and  he  ostenta- 
tiously professed  zeal  for  the  Protestant  cause,  was  most  dis- 
astrous to  the  Protestants  of  France.  Failing  in  his  descent 
upon  the  Isle  of  Rhe,  Buckingham  returned  to  England,  and 
while  making  preparations  for  a  second  expedition  was  de- 
stroyed by  the  hand  of  an  assassin.  Richelieu,  the  French 
minister,  delivered  from  his  chief  antagonist,  now  wreaked 
his  vengeance  on  those  whom  Buckingham  had  professed 
to  aid.  La  Rochelle,  a  strongly  fortified  citadel,  was  the 
principal  fortress  of  the  Huguenot  party,  and  to  this  for- 
tress Richelieu  laid  siege,  with  a  firm  resolution  to  capture 
it.  He  succeeded,  and  all  the  other  Huguenot  towns  soon 
afterward  fell  into  his  hands ;  so  that  the  power  of  the  party 
was  now  utterly  extinguished,  and  Romanism  triumphed 
again  throughout  the  whole  kingdom  of  France. 

But  an  event  happened  almost  at  the  same  moment 
which  gave  an  important  check  to  the  sweeping  triumphs 
of  the  Romish  Church,  and  which  brought  out  once  more 
in  striking  relief  the  everlasting,  and,  for  the  world's  wel- 
fare, the  happy  opposition  of  interests  between  the  secular 
and  the  spiritual  government  of  the  popes. 

The  dukedom  of  Mantua  having  become  vacant  by  the 
death  of  Vicenza  II.,  the  lawful  successor  to  the  throne, 
Charles  de  Nevers,  was  vehemently  opposed  by  both  the 
Austrian  and  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  with  the  hope  that  a 
prince  more  nearly  allied  to  themselves,  and  less  dependent 
upon  France,  might  be  placed  upon  the  throne.  But  the 
Pope  viewed  the  matter  with  other  eyes.  To  him  the  pre- 
ponderance of  Austrian  and  Spanish  influence  in  Northern 
Italy  seemed  already  too  large.     He  dreaded  to  see  the 


456  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

authority  of  the  emperor  in  Milan  extending  itself  over 
Mantua ;  and  when  he  saw  that  Ferdinand  was  resolved  to 
contest  it  with  the  sword,  Urban  lost  no  time,  though  it 
should  provoke  the  emperor  to  turn  heretic,  in  seeking  the 
powerful  interference  of  France. 

The  French  army  was  just  then  engaged  in  the  reduction 
of  La  Rochelle ;  but  so  eager  was  the  Pope  to  preserve  his 
temporal  independence,  that,  forgetting  the  importance  of 
crushing  the  Huguenots,  he  besought  Richelieu  to  hasten 
with  assistance  to  the  new  duke  of  Mantua.  **  An  expedi- 
tion for  the  relief  of  Mantua,"  he  expressly  declared,  "  would 
be  quite  as  pleasing  to  God  as  the  beleaguering  of  that 
chief  bulwark  of  the  Huguenots  ;"  meaning,  of  course,  that 
the  scepter  of  the  popedom  was  as  sacred  in  the  sight  of 
God  as  its  crosier — a  doctrine  which  not  a  few  of  the  popes 
have  zealously  espoused.  Thus  Urban  was  well  content 
that  the  triumphs  of  the  Romish  faith  should  be  arrested  in 
full  career ;  that  the  two  principal  Roman  Catholic  powers 
of  Europe,  Austria  and  France,  should  be  brought  into  fierce 
collision ;  and  that  the  heretics  should  for  a  while  have  rest 
and  impunity,  so  that  he  might  be  unmolested  in  the  exer- 
cise of  his  secular  prerogatives. 

Although  the  French  were  unable  to  eflfect  much  by 
their  own  arms,  and  were  restrained  from  sending  forces 
across  the  Alps  by  the  fear  of  a  new  rising  of  the  Hugue- 
nots, still  it  was  in  reliance  on  the  good-v/ill  and  (if  it  should 
prove  needful)  the  active  cooperation  of  France,  that  Gus- 
tavus  Adolphus,  the  chivalrous  King  of  Sweden,  now  be- 
gan that  long  conflict  with  Austria  known  as  "The  Thirty 
Years'  War,"  and  entered  on  that  career  of  victorious 
warfare  by  which,  eventually,  he  completely  checked  the 
rapid  march  of  the  emperor  to  despotic  power.  The  aUi- 
ance  between  himself  and  the  French  king  was  formally 
laid  before  the  Pope,  and  received  his  entire  approbation. 
The  undoubted  devotion  of  Ferdinand  to  the  Romish  faith, 
and  the  certainty  that  his  increasing  authority  would  always 


PONTIFICATE   OF   URBAX   VIII.  457 

be  at  the  service  of  the  Romisli  Church,  were  considera- 
tions without  a  feather's  weight  in  the  mind  of  Urban  com- 

o 

pared  with  the  dread  he  felt  of  being-  echpsed  in  power, 
and  perhaps  coerced  in  hberty,  as  an  Itahan  sovereign.  He 
gladly  consented,  therefore,  that  the  great  champion  of 
Protestantism  should  begin  the  havoc  of  war  on  German 
ground;  and  having  sanctioned,  in  1630,  the  treaty  be- 
tween Gustavus  and  Louis  XIII. ,  he  had  the  satisfaction 
of  witnessing  its  first  fruits  in  the  following  year,  when  the 
great  victory  of  Leipzig  gave  the  Swedish  conqueror  a  com- 
plete triumph  over  Tilly  and  the  imperial  armies. 

It  was  not  the  vexatious  defeat  of  his  armies  so  much  as 
the  wily  arts  of  the  Jesuits  which  induced  Ferdinand  at  this 
time  to  renounce  his  demands  in  relation  to  the  duchy  of 
Mantua.  These  skillful  tacticians  conducted  their  measures 
so  dexterously,  that  while  they  obliged  the  emperor  to  be 
the  pliant  instrument  of  papal  policy  throughout  Germany, 
by  enforcing  edicts  of  restitution  and  confiscation,  which 
gave  or  restored  churches  and  estates  of  incalculable  value 
to  the  Romish  priesthood,  they  also  effectually  prevented 
his  becoming  too  powerful  in  Italy,  where  he  might  be 
tempted  to  encroach  upon  the  papacy,  by  secretly  playing 
oflF  as-ainst  him  both  French  Roman  Catholics  and  Swedish 
Protestants.  The  Jesuits  were  in  reality  the  allies  of  both 
Richelieu  and  Gustavus  Adolphus ;  and  so  completely  was 
the  emperor  duped  that  he  not  only  relinquished  his  claims 
upon  Mantua,  but  consented  to  dismiss  his  greatest  general, 
the  Bavarian  Wallenstein,  and  even  to  disband  the  mighty 
army  which  Wallenstein  had  raised  and  equipped. 

As  soon  as  the  light  broke  on  the  treacherous  policy 
pursued  by  the  Pope  and  his  Jesuitical  agents,  the  astonish- 
ment and  disgust  of  all  Roman  Catholic  Europe  was  loudly 
expressed.  The  emperor,  by  his  ambassadors,  bitterly 
complained  that  Urban  had  first  prevailed  on  him  to  pro- 
voke his  Protestant  subjects  by  the  decrees  of  restitution, 
and  then,  worse  than  forsaking  him,  had  even  encouraged 

20 


458  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

his  adversaries.  He  now  earnestly  implored  the  Pontiff  to 
show  that  his  sympathies  were  really  with  his  devoted  and 
faithful  son,  and  affirmed  that  it  would  then  be  easy  to 
drive  the  Swedish  conqueror  out  of  Germany,  as  his  whole 
force  did  not  outnumber  thirty  thousand  men. 

But  Urban  was  immovable  as  a  rock.  He  distinctly  re- 
fused to  cooperate  with  Ferdinand,  and,  adding  irony  to 
desertion,  replied  that  "  with  thirty  thousand  men  Alexan- 
der conquered  the  world." 

Zealous  Roman  Catholics  were  amazed  and  scandalized 
at  the  behavior  of  their  "  holy  father.'*  "  The  Pope,"  they 
cried,  "  is  cold  and  rigid  as  ice.  The  king  of  Sweden  has 
more  zeal  for  his  Lutheranism  than  the  Pope  for  the  only 
true  and  saving  Catholic  faith."  The  Spanish  court  was 
moved  to  send  a  deputation  of  remonstrance,  as  it  had 
f(?rmerly  done  on  a  similer  occasion  to  Sixtus  V.  But  it 
might  as  well  have  been  a  quiet  spectator  of  the  quarrel. 
Urban  received  the  ambassadors  with  even  greater  severity 
than  his  haughty  predecessor.  He  peremptorily  refused  to 
listen  to  any  pleading,  and  would  only  allow  the  remon- 
strance to  be  placed  before  him  in  writing. 

There  can  be  little  doubt,  however,  that  the  issue  of 
Urban's  treacherous  and  deceitful  policy  was  very  contrary 
to  his  hopes.  He  had  expected  that  Gustavus  would  soon 
be  wearied  of  conquest,  and  hoped  that  when  he  had  im- 
posed some  wholesome  restraints  on  the  emperor,  and  re- 
stored to  the  Romish  Church  all  the  ecclesiastical  benefices 
which  victory  had  thrown  into  his  hands,  he  would  return 
home  well  content  with  the  laurels  he  had  won.  But  these 
vain  expectations  were  soon  undeceived.  Gustavus  marched 
rapidly  from  conquest  to  conquest ;  and  even  his  premature 
and  calamitous  death,  at  the  battle  of  Llitzen,  in  1632^ 
hardly  stayed  the  progress  of  his  all-conquering  troops. 
For  sixteen  Aveary  years  did  the  war  continue  to  rage,  with 
every  possible  variety  of  fortune,  until  both  Germany  and 
Sweden  were  utterly  exhausted. 


PONTIFICATE   OF  URBAN  VIII.  459 

From  this  lingering  and  long-protracted  contest  we  turn 
for  a  space  to  catch  a  glimpse,  afibrded  us  by  the  records  of 
that  age,  of  the  intellectual  and  moral  condition  of  pon- 
tificall)'--governed  Italy. 

The  year  1633  was  made  memorable  at  Rome  by  two 
remarkable  trials  in  the  courts  of  law,  one  of  which  has 
become  imperishably  incorporated  with  papal  history. 

A  belief  in  magic  and  sorcery  was  one  of  the  universal 
delusions  of  that  half- enlightened  period.  Even  the  great 
Wallenstein,  a  man  of  gigantic  intellect,  retained  an  accom- 
plished astrologer  at  his  court,  and  never  ventured  on  a 
battle  or  a  march  without  first  consulting  the  stars.  In 
Rome  this  prevalent  superstition  received  a  very  tragical 
direction.  A  company  of  dissatisfied  men  having  resolved 
on  destroying  the  Pontiff,  their  ringleader,  Centini,  a  nephew 
of  one  of  the  cardinals,  had  recourse  to  magical  arts  with  a 
view  of  accomplishing  his  purpose.  He  intended  to  mur- 
der Urban,  and  then  to  place  his  own  uncle,  the  cardinal, 
on  the  throne  of  the  Church.  The  plot  was,  however,  dis- 
covered, and  as  the  judges  themselves  implicitly  beheved 
in  the  virtue  of  magic,  the  crime  was  made  capital.  Centini 
was  beheaded,  others  of  the  consphators  were  burned,  and 
the  rest  were  sent  to  the  galleys. 

But  the  trial  of  Galilei  Galileo,  the  renowned  astronomer, 
was  a  far  more  remarkable  event.  Galileo  had  long  since 
incurred  the  hatred  of  the  Jesuits  for  aiding  in  their  expul- 
sion from  his  native  city  of  Padua.  His  subsequent  labors 
in  the  field  of  science,  the  benefits  he  had  conferred  on  the 
world  by  his  invention  of  the  telescope,  and  the  wonderful 
discoveries  he  had  made  by  its  aid,  were  all  as  nothing  in 
the  eyes  of  these  professed  friends  of  learning  when  com- 
pared with  the  injuries  he  had  done  to  their  "  order"  in  the 
political  squabbles  of  a  provincial  town.  They  only  waited 
theu'  opportunity  to  take  ample  revenge. 

In  the  year  1633  they  therefore  denounced  him  to  the 
Inquisition  as  a  teacher  of  heretical  doctrines,  inasmuch  as 


460  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

he  taught  that  the  earth  moved  round  the  sun,  and  not  the 
sun  round  the  earth.  The  illustrious  philosopher,  then 
seventy  years  of  age,  was  immediately  cited  to  Rome. 

Galileo  had  formerly  received  proofs  of  regard  from 
Pope  Urban,  and  he  accordingly  indulged  the  hope  of 
having  a  speedy  and  honorable  acquittal.  But  unfortunately 
for  him,  in  a  recent  work,  entitled,  *-'A  Dialogue  on  the 
Ptolemaic  .and  Copernican  Systems,"  he  had  given  great 
offense  to  the  PontiJff.  Three  fictitious  persons  conduct 
the  dialogue — Salviati,  a  Copernican ;  Sagredo,  a  banterer 
on  the  same  side ;  and  Simplicio,  a  Ptolemaist,  who  gets 
much  the  worst  both  by  jokes  and  argument.  The  Pope 
fancied  that  he  was  the  person  held  up  to  ridicule  in  the 
last  character,  as  some  arguments  he  had  himself  used  were 
put  into  Simplicio's  mouth.  Exasperated  by  this  imaginary 
insult.  Urban  had  little  disposition  just  then  to  screen  a 
man  whose  genius  he  unquestionably  admired. 

After  a  detention  of  some  months,  Galileo  was  finally 
brought  before  the  Inquisition  to  receive  sentence ;  and 
although  we  cannot  give  the  whole  of  that  memorable  de- 
cree, we  must  afibrd  space  for  a  sample : — 

"  By  the  desire  of  his  holiness  and  of  the  lords  cardinals, 
the  two  propositions  of  the  stability  of  the  sun  and  the  mo- 
tion of  the  earth  are  qualified  by  the  Theological  Qualifiei's  : 
(1.)  The  proposition  that  the  sun  is  in  the  center  of  the 
world  and  immovable  from  its  place  is  absurd,  philosoph- 
ically false,  and  formally  heretical ;  because  it  is  expressly 
contrary  to  the  Holy  Scriptures.  (2.)  The  proposition  that 
the  earth  is  not  the  center  of  the  world,  nor  immovable, 
but  that  it  moves,  and  has  also  a  diurnal  motion,  is  absurd, 
philosophically  false,  and,  theologically  considered,  at  least 
erroneous  in  faith.  .  .  .  We,  therefore,  decree  that  the 
'Dialogues'  of  Galilei  Galileo  be  prohibited  by  edict;  we 
condemn  him  to  the  prison  of  this  office  during  pleasure ; 
and  order  him  for  the  next  three  weeks  to  repeat  once 
a  week  the  seven  penitential  psalms." 


PONTIFICATE   OF   URBAN   VIII.  461 

This  ludicrous,  and  yet  disgraceful,  sentence  was  far 
lighter  than  it  would  have  been  if  Galileo  had  not  engaged 
to  abjure  his  own  doctrine  in  the  following  terms :  "  With 
a  sincere  heart  and  unfeigned  faith  I  abjure,  curse,  and  de- 
test the  said  errors  and  heresies,  and  I  swear  that  I  will 
never  in  future  say  or  assert  anything  verbally,  or  in  writing, 
which  may  give  rise  to  a  similar  suspicion  against  me." 

It  is  an  instructive  illustration  of  the  uselessness  and  folly 
of  such  extorted  recantations  and  compulsorily  enforced 
creeds,  that  Galileo  should  have  immediately  broken  the 
promise  that  he  gave.  On  rising  from  his  knees,  after 
solemnly  taking  this  oath,  he  whispered  in  the  ear  of  a 
friend,  "  E  pur  se  muove .-'"     And  yet  it  moves  ! 

During  those  years  of  the  German  wars,  the  attention  of 
Urban  was  also  drawn  away  to  the  semi-Protestant  doings 
of  the  Jansenists  in  France.  The  abbey  of  Port  Royal  was 
now  occupied  by  St.  Cyran  himself,  and  the  numerous  dis- 
ciples he  had  gained  ;  the  nuns  who  had  previously  inhabit- 
ed it  having  previously  withdrawn,  and  fixed  their  residence 
at  Port  Royal  de  Paris.  St.  Cyran  and  his  felloAv  recluses, 
among  whom  were  some  distinguished  members  of  the  Ar- 
nauld  family,  brothers  of  the  Mere  Angelique — Le  Maistre, 
Le  Sericourt,  Claude  Lancelot,  and  others  eminent  for  birth 
and  talents,  did  not  bind  themselves  by  monastic  vows,  yet 
their  life  was  strictly  of  the  monastic  kind.  With  their  own 
hands  they  drained  the  marshes  around  Port  Royal,  and 
cleared  them  from  reeds  and  other  aquatic  plants  which 
grew  rankly  in  the  swampy  soil.  In  a  short  time,  instead 
of  a  pestilence-breathing  morass,  a  clear  and  beautiful  lake 
reflected  the  blue  skf  and  the  neighboring  wood-crowned 
heights.  The  gardens  and  walks  were  put  in  order,  and 
the  abbey  itself  repaired ;  and  then  this  new  society,  daily 
increasing,  devoted  itself  to  its  primary  tasks  of  devout 
meditation  and  Iroorious  study.  St.  Cyran  directed  them 
to  make  the  Bible  their  chief  companion,  and  so  well  under- 
stood its  worth  that  he  used  to  say,  "  A  modern  bishop  has 


462  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

declared  that  he  would  go  to  the  ends  of  the  earth  with  St. 
Augustine,  but  I,  for  my  part,  would  rather  go  there  with 
the  Bible." 

St.  Cyran's  objects  were  social  as  well  as  religious. 
He  seems  to  have  aimed  at  furnishing  the  world  with  a 
model  of  really  Christian  society,  that  he  might  show  how 
the  world  would  live  if  it  were  wholly  governed  by  Chris- 
tian principles.  He  forgot,  however,  as  a  Romish  priest 
would  be  likely  to  do,  that  the  law  of  celibacy,  which,  of 
course,  prevailed  at  Port  Royal,  was  a  grand  element  in  his 
scheme  which  can  never  be  found  in  social  life  ordered 
throughout  by  New  Testament  doctrines  and  precepts. 
Aiming,  in  conformity  with  his  leading  idea,  to  develop  the 
talents  of  all  the  brotherhood,  St.  Cyran  employed  some  in 
manual  labor,  others  in  the  practice  of  surgery  and  physic, 
for  the  good  of  the  fraternity  and  the  neighborhood,  while 
the  rest  were  occupied  in  visiting  the  poor,  preaching  the 
gospel,  attending  the  confessionals,  or  educating  the  young. 

The  fame  of  this  new  and  singular  community  spread 
quickly  far  and  wide.  Noblemen  of  the  highest  rank  en- 
treated that  their  children  might  be  admitted  to  its  schools, 
and  persons  of  the  first  ability  offered  their  services  in 
the  work  of  education.  Among  the  chief  of  these  precep- 
tors were  De  Saci,  Claude  Lancelot,  Nicolle,  and  Fontaine ; 
and  Tillemont  the  historian,  Racine  the  poet,  and  Pascal 
the  controversialist  and  philosopher,  were  numbered  among 
the  pupils. 

St.  Cyran  himself  was  not  permitted  to  see  the  remarka- 
ble success  that  attended  his  plans.  Port  Royal  was 
scarcely  established  as  an  educational  institution  before  it 
excited  the  jealousy  of  the  lynx-eyed  Jesuits,  who  had  hith- 
erto regarded  the  important  field  of  education  as  exclusively 
their  own.  It  was  easy  for  them  to  find^rounds  of  accu- 
sation against  St.  Cyran,  whose  creed  affl  whose  practice 
were  both  so  essentially  different  from  theirs,  and  an  outcry 
of  heresy  was  accordingly  raised.     The  great  minister,  Car- 


PONTIFICATE   OF   URBAN   VIII.  463 

dinal  Richelieu,  was  only  too  ready  to  lend  an  car  to  the 
charge,  for  he  had  already  felt  considerably  mortified  that 
some  overtures  he  had  made  to  St.  Cyran,  with  a  view  of 
making  the  vast  influence  of  the  Jansenists  subservient  to 
his  own  political  designs,  had  been  seen  through  and  re- 
pulsed. St.  Cyran  was,  therefore,  sent  to  the  prison  of 
Vincennes,  and  there  he  lingered  in  sickness  and  solitude 
until  Richelieu's  death,  which  was  soon  afterward  followed 
by  his  own,  in  the  year  1643. 

In  the  mean  time  Jansenius  also  had  died,  and  it  was 
onlv  after  his  death  that  the  ofreat  work  of  his  lifetime  saw 
the  light.  For  twenty  years  had  he  occupied  himself  in 
studying  the  works  of  St.  Augustine,  the  whole  of  which 
he  had  read  through  ten  times,  and  some  parts  as  many  as 
thirty.  Immediately  after  his  death,  the  result  of  his  la- 
bors, the  renowned  "  AugustiniLS,''^  was  given  to  the  world, 
in  which  he  successfully  shows  that  the  doctrines  and  sys- 
tem of  the  Jesuits  are  completely  opposed  to  those  of  the 
greatest  of  the  fathers. 

The  rage  of  the  Jesuits,  already  kindled  by  secret  reports 
and  by  the  novel  proceedings  at  Port  Royal,  now  broke  out 
into  fierce  flames.  Hoping  at  once  to  exterminate  their 
foes,  they  applied  directly  to  the  Pope,  and  demanded  that 
Bishop  Jansenius  should  be  forthwith  numbered  among  her- 
etics, and  his  writings  be  proscribed. 

But  where  was  the  heresy  ?  Jansenius  had  never  quitted 
the  Romish  Church,  and  at  death  had  bequeathed  his  work 
to  the  judgment  and  revision  of  the  Pope,  in  language  as 
submissive  or  servile  as  ev^en  a  Jesuit  could  wish.  "I  sub- 
mit its  contents,"  said  he,  in  a  letter  to  Urban,  "implicitly 
to  your  decision,  approving,  condemning,  advancing,  or  re- 
tracting, whatever  shall  be  prescribed  by  the  thunder  of  the 
apostolic  see." 

It  was  hardlv  enous^h,  in  all  reason,  that  Jansenius  should 
merely  have  dared  to  differ  from  the  Jesuits  to  insure  his 
condemnation.     Even  papal  fondness  had  not  yet  endowed 


464  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

these  faithful  and  petted  servants  of  the  Church  with  the 
attribute  of  infalUbihty.  But  they  were  not  to  be  baffled 
thus  in  pursuit  of  their  prey.  They  soon  discovered  in 
Jansenius's  work  a  sufficient  ground  for  condemnation. 
They  found  a  certain  passage  in  which  the  bishop  affirms  a 
statement  of  Augustine  to  be  true  and  Scriptural,  although 
the  same  view  had  already  been  condemned  at  Rome.  It 
would  have  been  indecent  to  have  arraigned  the  saint  for 
impugning  papal  infallibility,  but  against  the  bishop  a  sen- 
tence was  easily  obtained.  In  the  year  1642  Urban  VIII. 
issued  a  general  condemnation  of  the  writings  of  Jansenius 
as  being  heretical  and  false.  Here,  for  the  present,  the 
contest  ceased,  and  the  Jesuits  flattered  themselves  that 
they  had  succeeded  in  crushing  a  very  dangerous  foe. 

The  threatening  aspect  of  affairs  in  Germany  and  France 
did  not  deter  Pope  Urban  from  eagerly  pursuing  his  own 
interests  at  home.  It  was  during  his  pontificate  that  the 
duchy  of  Urbino  was  added  to  the  papal  States.  The  aged 
Duke  Francesco  Maria  della  Rovere  was  hopeful  of  being 
succeeded  in  the  throne  by  his  only  son.  But  this  son  was 
a  profligate  debauchee,  who  amused  himself  by  day  in  driv- 
ing chariots  about  the  streets  after  the  manner  of  Nero,  and 
by  night  in  theatrical  entertainments  and  the  most  degrad- 
ing excesses.  -  After  a  night  of  debauch  he  was  found  dead 
in  his  bed,  and  his  broken-hearted  father  dying  soon  after 
without  heirs,  the  Pope  took  possession.  This  event  en- 
riched the  popes  with  a  valuable  line  of  sea-coast  territory, 
containing  seven  towns  and  three  hundred  castles. 

But  more  intently  than  the  prosperity  of  the  tiara  did 
Urban  VIII.  seek  the  enrichment  of  his  own  house.  Ever 
since  the  days  of  Sixtus  V.  it  had  been  the  invariable  prac- 
tice of  the  pontiff's  to  provide  handsomely  for  their  kindred. 
The  self-denying  spirit  which  distinguished  the  first  popes 
of  the  reaction  had  passed  wholly  away,  and  the  Aldo- 
brandini  received  their  patents  of  nobility  wdth  their  wealth 
from  their  relative  Clement  VIII.,  the  Borghesi  from  Paul  V., 


PONTIFICATE   OF   UEBAN   VIII.'  465 

and  now  Urban's  kinsmen,  the  Barberini,  took  their  place 
among  the  richest  and  most  powerful  of  the  Roman  aris- 
tocracy. During  the  reign  of  Urban  VIII.  the  enormous 
sura  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  scudi  is  said  to 
have  gone  into  the  hands  of  the  Barberini,  and  a  writer  of 
the  time  says,  "  The  palaces,  the  vineyards,  the  pictures,  the 
statues,  the  wrought  silver  and  gold,  and  the  precious 
stones  which  were  heaped  on  the  house,  are  of  greater 
amount  than  can  be  believed  or  expressed."  During  his 
long  pontificate  Urban  elevated  no  fewer  than  forty- eight 
of  his  favorites  to  the  purple  of  the  Church,  and  his  nephew 
and  grand-nephews  were  placed  in  all  the  highest  seats  of 
emolument  and  power. 

Rapacity  and  covetousness  are  always,  however,  limited 
by  the  eternal  and  inevitable  laws  of  God.  It  was  not  pos- 
sible that  the  greed  and  arrogance  of  papal  nepotism  should 
forever  be  unmurmuringly  endured ;  and  when  at  last, 
urged  onward  by  his  nephews.  Urban  YIII.  seized  on  Cas- 
tro, the  most  productive  com  district  in  the  duchy  of  Par- 
ma, the  duke's  resentment  was  passionately  aroused,  and 
without  waiting  to  parley,  he  marched  an  army  across  the 
papal  frontier. 

For  this  attack  the  Pope  was  wholly  unprepared..  Not- 
withstanding the  sums  he  had  expended  in  raising  militia, 
in  storinor  his  arsenals,  in  erectinsr  and  fortifvins:  castles, 
the  progress  of  the  duke  was  entirely  unchecked.  Town 
after  town  fell  into  his  hands  without  resistance,  and  the 
Pope's  militia,  instead  of  opposing  him,  so  completely 
avoided  his  troops,  that  he  marched  through  the  country 
without  gaining  one  glimpse  of  them.  Had  he  pleased  to 
appear  before  Rome  he  might  doubtless  have  obtained  all 
that  he  could  have  demanded  or  wished. 

As  it  was,  a  single  skirmish  concluded  the  war.  In  this 
petty  conflict  one  of  the  Pope's  nephews,  Cardinal  Antonio, 
was  saved  only  by  the  fleetness  of  his  horse  ;  and  the  fright- 
ened Pontiff,  in  order  to  conciliate  the  duke,  now  yielded  all 

20* 


466  LIVES   OF  THE   FOrES. 

that  lie  asked,  restored  Castro  to  his  possession,  and  revoked 
the  sentence  of  excommunication,  with  which,  in  pontifical 
fashion,  the  struggle  on  the  papal  side  had  been  commenced. 

Although  he  had  lost  nothing  by  this  war,  the  humilia- 
tion he  had  undergone  produced  a  powerful  effect  on  the 
haughty  mind  of  Urban  VIII.  His  health  ^dsibly  declined, 
and  his  interest  in  public  affairs  seemed  wholly  extinguished. 
His  conscience  also  appears  to  have  troubled  him  in  his  last 
days,  and  to  have  suggested  that  he  had  been  more  careful 
of  his  family  than  became  the  head  of  the  Church.  To  hush 
the  qualms  of  conscience  he  summoned  a  council  of  his  friends., 
and  proposed  to  them  his  doubts.  But  they,  as  might  have 
been  expected,  easily  exonerated  the  Pope,  and  relieved  his 
apprehensions.  They  decided  that  "as  his  nephews  had 
made  so  many  enemies  it  was  but  just  they  should  have 
the  means  of  maintaining  their  dignity  after  the  Pope's  de- 
cease." Such  is  the  morality  of  Rome  !  Injustice  and  oppres- 
sion may  indeed  be  reprehensible,  but  on  no  account  are 
the  nephews  of  a  pope  to  suffer  the  just  punishment  of  these 
crimes  !  But  men  who  were  themselves  fattening  on  tyranny 
and  extortion,  were  little  likely  to  be  severe  in  their  judgment. 

Urban  sank  beneath  the  load  of  disappointment  and  re- 
morse thus  suddenly  laid  upon  him.  When  called  upon  to 
sign  the  peace  of  Castro,  he  was  so  overcome  with  distress 
as  to  fall  into  a  swoon,  and  a  iew  days'  illness  terminated 
his  earthly  career.  When  dying,  he  prayed  not  for  pardon 
or  for  a  penitent  spirit,  but  "  that  Heaven  would  avenge  him 
on  the  godless  princes  who  had  forced  him  into  so  calamitous 
a  war."  Urban  died  as  he  had  lived.  No  meek  and  lowly 
spirit  like  that  of  Jesus ;  no  i-epentance  on  account  of  sin ;  no 
gratitude  to  the  Saviour  for  the  shedding  of  that  precious 
blood  which  "  cleanseth  from  all  sin  ;"  no  evidence  whatever 
even  of  faith  in  Christ.  This  "successor  of  the  apostles," 
this  "  vicar  upon  earth,"  this  "  head  of  the  only  true  Church," 
was  proud,  worldly,  and  avaricious  in  his  life — malicious 
and  revengeful  in  his  death.     He  died  July  29th,  1644. 


PONTIFICATE   OF  INNOCENT  X.  467 


CHAPTER  V. 

PONTIFICATE    OF    INNOCENT    X. MASSACRE    OF   THE    WAL- 

DENSES. A.  D.  1644-1655. 

The  nephews  of  Pope  Urban  had  brought  into  the  conclave 
no  fewer  than  forty-eight  partisans ;  but  their  very  multi- 
tude seems  to  have  baffled  their  efforts  to  direct  the  next 
election.  The  successful  candidate,  Cardinal  Pamfili,  was 
by  no  means  the  man  of  their  choice,  and  soon  showed  him- 
self quite  hostile  to  their  interests. 

Innocent  X.  Avas  already  seventy-two  years  of  age,  and 
although  retaining  much  bodily  vigor  and  aptitude  for  busi- 
ness, was  of  so  weak  a  mind  as  to  be  easily  governed  in  his 
declining  manhood.  His  cheerful  temper  and  affable  man- 
ners formed  a  pleasant  contrast  to  the  proud  reserve  of 
Urban  VHI. ;  yet  his  favor  was  capricious ;  he  was  suspi- 
cious of  all  around  him,  and  in  a  moment  of  displeasure 
would  dismiss  his  most  faithful  servants.  But  a  yet  greater 
fault  was  his  submissiveness  to  his  own  sister-in-law,  Olvm- 
pia  Maidalchina  Pamfili,  a  wicked  and  unscrupulous  woman, 
whose  sole  object  appears  to  have  been  to  aggrandize  her 
family  by  any  and  every  means. 

In  consequence  of  this  resolution  on  the  part  of  Donna 
Olympia,  Rome  was  distracted  during  the  first  years  of  In- 
nocent's reign  by  the  rivalry  of  the  Barberini  and  the  Pam- 
fili, the  former  struggling  to  hold,  and  the  latter  to  obtain 
the  wealth  and  power  accruing  from  the  resources  of  the 
Church.  Taking  advantage  of  the  general  indignation  at 
the  unbounded  exactions  of  the  preceding  pontificate.  Inno- 
cent determined  on  calling  the  nephew^s  of  Urban  to  ac- 
count for  the  administration  of  the  finances  during  the  war 
of  Castro.  Alarmed  at  the  prospect  of  a  strict  investiga- 
tion, and  perhaps  a  compulsory  surrender  of  their  ill-gotten 
gains,  the  Barberini  fled  precipitately  from  Home,  the  Car- 
dinal Antonio  leading  the  way. 


468  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

And  now  that  the  principal  obstacle  to  the  advancement 
of  the  Pamfili  was  removed,  and  it  had  become  a  question 
how  they  might  best  enrich  themselves  out  of  the  already 
exhausted  exchequer  of  the  State,  the  poor  old  Pope  was 
harassed  by  brawls  and  contentions  in  his  own  family. 
Donna  Olympia,  his  sister-in-law,  exerted  all  the  energy  of 
her  character  to  secure  the  promotion  of  her  own  children. 
At  first  she  designed  that  her  son  Camillo  should  assume 
the  office  of  cardinal  nephew,  that  is,  prime  minister  to  the 
Pope.  But  Camillo  was  of  weak  capacity,  wholly  ungifted 
for  public  affairs,  and  an  opportunity  offering  of  marrying 
him  to  the  richest  heiress  in  all  Rome,  one  of  the  Aldo- 
brandini,  he  abandoned  the  cleiical  order,  and  prided  him- 
self on  driving  the  finest  equipage  in  the  Corso,  and  giving 
the  most  luxurious  banquets  that  even  Rome  had  lately 
seen. 

The  office  of  cardinal  nephew  being,  therefore,  still 
vacant,  Donna  Olympia  undertook  to  fulfill  it,  and  her  in- 
fluence over  the  Pope  soon  became  so  apparent  that  her 
favor  was  more  sougfht  after  than  that  of  the  Pontiff  him- 
self.  "  To  her  ambassadors  paid  their  first  visit  on  arriv- 
ing in  Rome ;  cardinals  placed  her  portrait  in  their  apart- 
ments, as  is  customary  with  those  of  sovereigns ;  foreign 
courts  sought  to  conciliate  her  favor  with  presents."  Court- 
iers, and  all  who  sought  posts  of  honor  or  profit,  brought 
their  first  bribes  to  her,  and  it  was  even  asserted  that 
"  from  all  the  inferior  offices  she  exacted  a  monthly  contri- 
bution." Riches  flowed  apace  into  her  coffers ;  she  estab- 
lished a  great  household,  gave  sumptuous  feasts  and  theat- 
rical entertainments,  purchased  new  estates,  and  married 
her  daughters  into  the  oldest  and  wealthiest  of  the  Roman 
families. 

Yet  all  this  prosperity  was  not  without  its  bitterness. 
The  young  wife  of  Camillo  Pamfili  was  as  ambitious  a  wo- 
man as  Donna  Olympia  herself,  and  ere  long  a  jealousy 
sprang  up  between  these  rivals,   the  mother-in-law  and 


PO^■TIFICATE  OF  INNOCENT  X.  469 

daugliter-in-law,  which  quickly  burned  to  a  fiercer  hatred 
than  the  feeble  Innocent  could  either  extinguish  or  allay. 
Leaning  first  to  the  one  and  then  to  the  other,  the  weak 
old  man  rather  added  fuel  to  the  flames,  and  it  soon  be- 
came obvious  that  both  of  these  women  could  not  remain 
near  the  person  of  the  Pope.  At  length  an  occurrence  took 
place  which  precipitated  Donna  Olympia  from  the  pinnacle 
she  had  gained. 

A  youth,  whom  she  had  herself  recommended  to  the 
notice  of  the  Pope,  Camillo  Astalli,  had  so  won  upon  his 
affections,  that  Innocent  resolved  on  confiding  to  him,  as 
cardinal  nephew,  the  supreme  administration  of  affairs. 
The  elevation  of  Astalli  was  announced  by  the  firing  of 
cannon  from  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo.  But  all  parties  took 
offense  at  the  measure,  and  most  of  all  Donna  Olympia, 
whose  loud  complaints  at  being  supplanted  led  to  her  dis- 
missal from  the  presence  of  the  Pope,  and  the  readmission 
to  the  palace  of  her  rival  daughter-in-law  with  her  husband. 

Still,  however,  the  papal  family  was  in  confusion.  Dis- 
putes took  place  between  the  two  nephews,  Pamfili  and  As- 
talli, and  Donna  Olympia  was  recalled  ''  to  keep  the  house 
in  order."  "The  crafty  old  woman,"  writes  a  cotemporary 
observer,  "  has  mounted  in  a  short  time  from  the  extremity 
of  disgrace  to  the  height  of  favor,"  Astalli  himself  fell  by 
her  intrigues,  for  refusing  to  share  some  of  the  gifts  which 
she  was  in  the  habit  of  extorting  from  all  who  sought  her 
patronage. 

It  would  not  be  fair  to  charge  upon  so  manifestly  weak 
an  old  man  as  Innocent  X.  all  the  enormities  that  were  per- 
petrated in  the  pontifical  name  during  his  reign.  In  fact, 
the  personal  character  of  the  Pope  had  long  ceased  to  have 
any  material  and  decisive  influence  on  the  conduct  of  the 
Romish  Church.  A  pope  of  more  than  ordinary  vigor 
might  add  a  little  more  venom  to  the  sting  of  persecution, 
or  might  contend  a  shade  more  successfully  with  the  em- 
peror, or  with  the  French  and  Spanish  courts  for  papal 


4*70  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

prerogatives ;  but  even  an  Urban  VIII.  could,  as  we  have 
seen,  effect  little  more. 

Whoever  might  be  Pope,  the  Jesuits  were  the  real  rulers 
of  papal  policy.  Ever  active  and  encroaching,  they  still 
diligently  prosecuted  their  task  of  conquering  Europe  to  the 
dominion  of  superstition  and  priestcraft.  In  France  they 
carried  on  as  fiercely  as  at  first  their  struggle  with  the  Jan- 
senists.  Beside  the  wars  of  the  Fronde,  and  those  in 
which  the  great  Conde  distinguished  himself  by  driving  the 
youthful  Louis  XIV.  from  his  own  metropolis,  France  was 
distracted  by  a  controversy  which  reached  every  house,  and 
often  divided  famihes  into  hostile  parties.  The  Jesuits  ac- 
cused their  antagonists  of  heresies  which  the  Jansenists  in 
vain  disclaimed,  and  in  1654  the  former  gained  an  addi- 
tional triumph  by  the  aid  of  Pope  Innocent  X. 

Hitherto  the  Jansenists  had  evaded  the  bull  of  Urban 
VIII.  by  declaring  that  they  did  not  hold  the  heresies 
which  it  denounced,  and  that  these  heresies  were  not  even 
to  be  found  in  the  great  text-book  of  their  party,  the  "  Au- 
gustinus"  of  Jansenius.  Now,  however,  the  Jesuits  obtained 
a  bull  from  Innocent,  declaring  that  these  heresies  were 
certainly  contained  in  that  book.  This  gave  the  contro- 
versy a  new  and  singular  form.  The  Jansenists  denied  the 
authority  of  the  Pope  to  pronounce  in  such  a  case,  and  re- 
fused to  admit  his  infallibility  in  judging  of  matters  of  fact. 
They  still  upheld  that  infallibility  in  all  doctrinal  judgments 
or  questions  of  faith ;  but  where  supernatural  faculties  were 
plainly  unnecessary,  they  held  that  the  Pope,  like  other 
men,  was  liable  to  err.  Thus  they  parried  for  a  time  the 
deadly  thrust  of  their  foes. 

But  if  thwarted  in  France,  the  industrious  Jesuits,  invet- 
erate enemies  to  evangelical  religion  wherever  they  found 
it,  soon  discovered  on  the  Italian  side  of  the  Alps  a  field 
which  would  amply  repay  their  toil.  The  evangelical 
Churches  of  Piedmont  had  greatly  revived  and  multiplied 
since  the  dawn  of  the  Reformation.     From  the  city  of  Ge- 


PONTIFICATE    OF    INKOCENT  X.  47l 

neva  the  disciples  of  Calvin  had  gone  forth  in  every  direc- 
tion, conjQrming  and  enlightening  the  faith  of  the  Waldenses, 
who  had  now  been  permitted  for  some  generations  to  live 
in  the  peaceable  occupation  of  their  valleys,  and  in  the  ex- 
ercise of  their  ancestral  forms  of  worship.  To  these  quiet 
abodes  of  humble  and  Scriptural  piety  the  envious  Jesuits 
now  directed  theii'  eyes. 

The  present  duke  of  Savoy  was  a  bigoted  disciple  of 
Rome,  and  seemed  to  his  fanatical  counselors  an  admirable 
instrument  wherewith  they  might  make  the  experiment  of 
uprooting  by  sheer  force  the  "  heresy"  which  had  planted 
itself  so  firmly  in  the  valleys  of  his  kingdom.  In  January, 
1655,  an  order  went  forth  in  the  name  of  the  duke,  com- 
manding all  heads  of  families,  of  whatsoever  rank,  occupy- 
ing estates  in  these  valleys,  to  quit  their  homes  ivithin  three 
clays,  and  remove  beyond  his  dominions  under  pain  of  death, 
unless  they  chose  to  adopt  the  Romish  faith  and  worship. 

This  cruel  edict  was  rendered  yet  more  so  by  the  season 
chosen  for  putting  it  in  force,  which  was  the  depth  of  win- 
ter. It  was  obviously  a  mere  impossibility  for  thousands  of 
families  to  take  their  aged  and  infirm,  their  sick  and  help- 
less, with  their  new-born  babes,  and  convey  them  in  so 
short  a  time  over  mountains  whose  passages  were  all 
blocked  up  with  ice  and  snow.  Had  they  forsaken  their 
homes,  and  left  behind  them  all  their  eftects,  it  would  still 
have  been  impossible ;  and  the  edict  was  manifestly  noth- 
ing less  than  a  sentence  of  death  hypocritically  or  fanatic- 
ally pronounced  in  the  name  of  religion. 

The  remonstrances  of  the  poor  Waldenses  were  de- 
nounced as  the  murmurings  of  rebels  against  the  just  authority 
of  their  sovereign  !  An  army  of  six  thousand  men  was  im- 
mediately marched  upon  them,  which  committed  all  the  sav- 
age atrocities  that  ever  disgraced  a  bloody  war.  This, 
however,  was  worse  than  any  war — it  was  a  horrible  mas- 
sacre. The  unhappy  victims  fled  from  their  long  peaceful 
homes  to  the  rugged  and  snow-covered  mountains ;  but  they 


4*72  LIVES  OF  THE   I'OPES. 

were  hunted  out  of  every  retreat.     In  Villaro  and  Bobbio, 
and  many  other  places,  the  passes  were  blocked  up,  and 
multitudes  hemmed  in  on  every  side  were  slaughtered   at 
once.     In  one  village,  the  soldiers  mercilessly  tortured  and 
slew  about  a  hundred  and  fifty  women  and  children,  chop- 
ping oflf  the  heads  of  some,  and  dashing  out  the  brains  of 
others  against  the  rocks.     In  another,  they  hung  youths  of 
fifteen  to  the  branches  of  the  trees,  or  nailed  them  to  the 
tmnks  by  their  feet,  their  heads  hanging  downward.      Sir 
Samuel  Morland,   an  eye-witness,  relates  that  "  a  mother 
was  hurled  down  a  mighty  rock,  with  her  little  infant  in  her 
arms ;  and  three  days  afterward  was  found  dead  with  the  lit- 
■  tie  child  alive,  but  fast  clasped  between  the  arms  of  the  dead 
mother,  which  were  cold  and  stiff,  insomuch  that  those  who 
found  them  had  much  ado  to  get  the  young  child  out.'* 
As  for  their  dweUings,  when  they  had  been  plundered  of 
all  that  was  worth  saving,  they  were  set  on  fire ;  and  from 
the  valleys  of  the  Alps  the  ascending  flames  and  smoke  of 
a  vast  sacrifice  to  the  Moloch  of  bigotry  mingled  with  the 
cries  of  the  persecuted,  the  tortured,  the  dying,  to  the  all- 
seeing,  just,  and  holy  God. 

All  Europe  rang  with  the  accounts  of  this  inhuman  mas- 
sacre, and  the  Protestant  States  were  not  backward  in  ex- 
pressing their  indignation.  Remonstrances  were  addressed 
to  the  duke  of  Savoy  in  rapid  succession,  and  foremost 
among  them  in  time,  and  most  earnest  and  emphatic  in  its 
language,  was  that  of  the  government  of  England.  The 
heart  of  Milton,  who  was  then  secretary  to  the  council  of 
State,  had  been  deeply  aflfected  by  the  narratives  of  this 
persecution,  perhaps  touched  the  more  keenly  from  his 
familiarity  with  the  scene  of  its  transaction,  and  burning 
with  indignant  compassion,  he  had  penned  on  the  occasion 
that  immortal  sonnet : — 

*'  Avenge,  0  Lord,  thy  slaughtered  saints,  whose  bones 
Lie  scattered  on  the  Alpine  mountains  cold,"  etc. 


.    PONTIFICATE    OF    INNOCENT  X.  4*73 

The  Protector  Cromwell,  also,  "  rose  like  a  lion  out  of 
his  place,"  and  at  his  command  Milton  wrote  to  the  duke 
of  Savoy,  passionately  pleading  in  behalf  of  the  persecuted 
Piedmontese.  "These  things,"  says  that  noble  letter, 
*'  when  they  were  related  to  us,  we  could  not  choose  but 
be  touched  with  extreme  grief  and  compassion  for  the  suf- 
ferings and  calamities  of  this  afflicted  people.  Now  in  re- 
gard we  must  acknowledge  ourselves  linked  together  not 
only  by  the  same  tie  of  humanity,  but  by  joint  com- 
munion of  the  same  religion,  we  thought  it  impossible  for 
us  to  satisfy  our  duty  to  God,  to  brotherly  chanty,  or  our 
profession  of  the  same  religion,  if  we  should  only  be  affected 
with  a  bare  sorrow  for  the  misery  and  calamity  of  our  breth- 
ren, and  not  contribute  all  in  our  endeavors  to  relieve  and 
succor  them  in  their  unexpected  adversity  as  much  as  in  us 
lies.  Therefore,  in  a  great  measure,  we  must  earnestly  be- 
seech and  conjure  your  royal  highness,  that  you  would  call 
back  to  your  thoughts  the  moderation  of  your  most  serene 
predecessors,  and  the  liberty  by  them  granted  and  con- 
firmed from  time  to  time  to  their  subjects,  the  Yaudois." 

Nor  did  England  confine  her  sympathy  to  "  bare  sor- 
row," or  even  earnest  remonstrance.  Contributions  were 
made  throughout  the  whole  country  in  behalf  of  those 
families  that  had  escaped  the  sword,  but  were  yet  wander- 
ing in  nakedness  and  want ;  and  the  whole  product  of  En- 
glish liberality  was  not  much  less  than  forty  thousand 
pounds,  of  which  the  Protector  contributed  two  thousand 
out  of  his  own  private  purse. 

Yet  it  is  saddening  to  reflect  how  ineffectual  were  all  the 
entreaties  and  petitions  addressed  to  the  hard  hearts  of  the 
Jesuits,  and  the  slavish  bigotry  of  the  duke  and  his  wife. 
They  pretended,  indeed,  to  relent ;  but  at  the  end  of  two 
years,  Sir  S.  Morland  declares :  "  It  is  my  misfortune  that 
I  am  compelled  to  leave  this  people  where  I  found  them, 
among  the  potsherds,  with  sackcloth  and  ashes  spread 
under  them,  and  lifting  up  their  voice  with  weeping,  in  the 


474  LIVES   OF   THE   POPES. 

words  of  Job,  *  Have  pity  on  us,  have  pity  on  us,  O  ye  our 
friends  ;  for  the  hand  of  God  hath  touched  us  !'  " 

Nor  vras  it  Piedmont  alone  that  lay  groaning  at  this  time 
beneath  the  knotted  scourge  of  Jesuitical  bigotry.  Ger- 
many had  likewise  suffered,  although  in  another  form,  from 
their  meddling  malice,  and  "  the  thirty  years'  war,"  stirred 
up  by  their  artifices,  had  been  brought  to  a  conclusion  amid 
the  shrieks  and  wailings  of  the  whole  empire.  "  The  mis- 
ery of  Germany,"  says  Schiller,  ''had  risen  to  such  a 
height  that  all  clamorously  vociferated  for  peace.  The  plains, 
which  formerly  had  been  thronged  with  a  happy  and  in- 
dustrious population,  where  nature  had  lavished  her  choicest 
gifts,  and  plenty  and  prosperity  had  reigned,  were  now  a 
wild  and  desolate  wilderness.  The  fields,  abandoned  by 
the  laborious  husbandman,  lay  waste  and  uncultivated ;  for 
no  sooner  had  the  young  crops  given  the  promise  of  a 
smiling  harvest,  than  a  single  march  destroyed  the  labors 
of  a  year,  and  blasted  the  last  hope  of  an  afflicted  peas- 
antry. Burned  castles,  wasted  fields,  villages  in  ashes, 
were  to  be  seen  extending  far  and  wide  on  all  sides.  The 
towns  groaned  under  the  hcentiousness  of  undisciplined 
and  plundering  garrisons,  and  the  crowding  together  of 
men  in  camps  and  quarters — want  upon  one  side  and  ex- 
cess on  the  other — occasioned  contagious  distempers,  which 
were  more  fatal  than  the  SAvord.  Under  the  shelter  of  an- 
archy and  impunity  every  vice  flourished,  and  men  became 
as  wild  as  the  country."  Schiller  s  Historij  of  the  Thirty 
Years'  War,  book  v. 

Utterly  exhausted  by  this  long-protracted  struggle,  the 
Protestants  and  the  Roman  Catholics  terminated  the  strife 
in  1648  by  the  treaty  of  Westphalia,  which  guaranteed  to 
the  Protestants  of  Germany  an  equality  of  civil  and  political 
rights.  The  Calvinists,  or  the  Reformed,  were  included 
with  the  Lutherans,  and  Protestants  and  Roman  Catholics 
were  to  have  an  equal  number  of  seats  in  the  diet,  the  im- 
perial chamber,  and  the  Auhc  council.     The  edicts  of  resti- 


PONTIFICATE   OF  INNOCENT  X.  4*75 

tution  issued  by  Ferdinand  were  revoked,  and  to  pay  the 
expenses  of  the  war  many  bishoprics  were  secularized  and 
abbeys  were  sold.  Thus  at  last  was  a  final  check  given  to 
the  aggressions  of  the  papacy  in  Germany,  as  well  as  to  the 
ambitious  designs  of  the  German  emperor.  "  By  these  events," 
says  Ranke,  "  limits  were  imposed  at  once  and  forever  to  the 
extension  of  Catholicism,  which  has  now  its  appointed  and 
definite  bounds.  That  universal  conquest,  formerly  pro- 
jected, could  never  more  be  seriously  contemplated." 

But  the  untiring  Jesuits,  if  defeated  in  one  sphere,  soon 
create  another.  Far  beyond  the  bounds  of  Italy,  or  even 
of  Germany,  did  the  web-like  meshes  of  their  Society  now 
extend.  It  seems  more  in  harmony  with  the  fictions  of  ro- 
mance than  with  the  sober  truth  of  history,  that  the  coun- 
try which  had  lately  sent  forth  the  warrior-king,  Gustavus, 
to  be  the  champion  of  the  Protestant  faith,  should  give  her 
next  monarch,  and  that  the  only  daughter  of  Gustavus,  to 
be  a  convert  to  popery  and  a  devotee  of  the  Romish  Church. 
Yet  such  was  the  strange  metamorphosis  undergone  by 
Christina  of  Sweden. 

Christina,  left  an  infant  at  her  father's  death,  had  been 
carefully  and  conscientiously  educated  by  the  Chancellor 
Oxenstiem,  who  governed  the  kingdom  after  the  death  of 
the  great  Gustavus.  Her  natural  character,  combined  with 
the  masculine  training  she  received,  gave  a  very  singular 
complexion  to  all  her  habits  and  modes  of  thought.  So 
learned  did  she  become  that  she  deduced  arguments  from 
Plato  which  astonished  even  Descartes.  She  read  daily 
many  pages  in  the  histories  of  Tacitus,  and  fairly  puzzled 
her  instructors  by  her  inquiries  on  metaphysical  and  relig- 
ious topics.  To  all  this  she  added  a  self-will  that  brooked 
no  control,  and  contemptuously  spumed  at  all  ordinary  rules. 

She  had  not  long  assumed  the  sovereign  authority  before 
the  war-drained  treasury  of  Sweden  was  scarcely  able,  out  of 
its  poverty,  to  provide  for  even  the  daily  maintenance  of  the 
royal  household,  and  the  queen  presently  conceived  strong 


4*76  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

disgust  for  a  position  wliich  could  only  be  meanly  sustained. 
Her  chagrin  was  heightened  by  the  endless  bickerings  of 
the  two  leading  classes  of  the  clergy,  the  Lutherans  and 
the  Calvinists,  and  by  the  stern  severity  with  which  she 
was  herself  treated  by  many  of  them,  which  only  kindled 
resentment  where  it  was  intended  to  produce  obedience. 

With  these  feelings  Christina  readily  listened  to  the  jests 
and  skeptical  insinuations  of  her  physician  Bourdelot,  a  gos- 
siping French  abbe,  who  soon  filled  her  mind  with  painful 
doubts  respecting  religion.  Longing  for  certainty,  as  the 
heart  ever  does,  yet  indisposed  to  make  the  Bible  itself  the 
object  of  careful  study,  by  which  course  alone  her  doubts 
could  have  been  safely  resolved,  Christina  was  in  a  very 
favorable  state  to  become  the  prey  of  the  Jesuits,  who  were 
not  wanting  even  at  her  court. 

The  interpreter  of  the  Portuguese  ambassador  at  Stock- 
holm was  a  Jesuit  named  Macedo,  and  he  soon  made  dis- 
covery of  the  queen's  unsettled  opinions.  In  conversation 
with  him  Christina  did  not  hesitate  to  avow  the  decided 
sympathy  which  she  felt  with  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. 
"  A  Catholic,"  she  would  say,  "  has  the  consolation  of  be- 
lieving as  so  many  noble  spirits  have  believed  for  sixteen 
hundred  years  ;  of  belonging  to  a  religion  attested  by  mil- 
lions of  martyrs,  confirmed  by  millions  of  miracles — above 
all,  which  has  produced  so  many  admirable  \drgins,  who 
have  risen  above  the  frailties  of  their  sex,  and  consecrated 
themselves  to  God." 

These  wild  and  visionary  notions  do  not  raise  our  esteem 
for  the  judgment  of  the  young  queen.  It  is  quite  plain  that 
her  judgment  was  bewildered  and  her  imagination  inflamed 
by  the  mere  charm  of  antiquity,  and  the  vaunting  but  base- 
less pretensions  of  the  Romish  Church.  She  stayed  not  to 
inquire  if  this  was  truly  the  unchanged  religion  of  apostolic 
times,  or  if  the  miracles  boasted  by  Rome  were  genuine  or 
false ;  and,  for  the  rest,  she  had  always  declaimed  against 
marriage,  and  when  pressed  for  her  reasons  did  not  hesitate 


PONTIFICATE  OF  IXNOCEKT  X.  4YY 

to  declare  that  it  was  because  she  would  not  submit  to  be 
governed. 

Other  Jesuits  were  secretly  invited  to  Stockholm,  and 
eventually  the  queen  resolved  on  publicly  professing  the 
Romish  faith,  and,  as  a  necessary  preliminary,  on  abdicating 
a  crown  which  was  entailed  on  Protestant  heirs,  and  which 
h.ad  greatly  lost  value  in  her  eyes  by  becoming  poor.  On 
the  24th  of  June,  1654,  this  rare  occurrence  of  a  royal  ab- 
dication took  place  before  the  whole  Swedish  court  and 
parhament,  who  were  filled  with  sorrow  at  losing  the  last 
scion  of  the  illustrious  house  of  Vasa.  The  aged  Count 
Brahe  even  refused  to  take  the  crown  from  her  head — that 
crown  which  he  had  himself  placed  there  only  three  years 
before.  The  queen  lifted  it  off  with  her  own  hands,  and 
then  attiring  herself  in  a  plain  white  dress,  she  received  the 
])arting  address  of  the  Estates.  The  speaker  of  the  estate 
of  peasants  was  deeply  aflfected.  Kneeling  down  before 
the  queen,  he  took  her  hand,  and  kissed  it  repeatedly. 
Then  bursting  into  tears,  he  silently  wiped  them  away,  and, 
unable  to  speak  a  word,  turned  his  back  on  her  majesty  and 
walked  away  to  his  place. 

Christina  took  her  departure  immediately  afterward  for 
that  Elysium  of  her  imagination,  the  land  governed  by 
popes  ;  and  her  subsequent  life  was  spent,  not  at  all  credit- 
ably, for  the  most  part  at  Rome,  but  sometimes  in  other 
cities  of  Europe,  where  her  presence  was  rendered  unwel- 
come by  the  strange  and  lawless  freaks  she  chose  to  commit. 

While  these  extraordinary  events  were  occurring  in 
Sweden,  the  aged  Innocent  X.  was  fast  sinking  into  the 
arms  of  death.  Worn  out  by  the  contentions  of  his  family, 
he  had  grown  more  and  more  fretful  and  capricious,  until 
January,  1655,  when  he  finally  sank  beneath  the  double 
load  of  vexation  and  old  age.  So  selfish  were  even  those 
relatives  he  had  most  favored,  that  not  one  of  them  would 
defray  the  expenses  of  his  funeral,  and  for  three  days  the 
corpse  lay  entirely  neglected. 


478  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

PONTIFICATES   OF  ALEXANDER  VII.,    CLEMENT  IX.,   AND   CLEM- 
ENT X. SYMPTOMS   OF  DECLINE. A.  D.  1655-1676. 

To  Innocent  succeeded  Alexander  VII.,  who,  as  Cardinal 
Chigi,  had  gained  a  high  reputation  in  Rome  for  disin- 
terestedness and  integrity.  "This  time,"  said  one  of  the 
cardinals,  "  we  must  seek  an  honest  man."  "  If  you  want 
an  honest  man,"  replied  a  second,  "  there  stands  one."  Car- 
dinal Chigi  was  accordingly  chosen ;  for  this  time  the  de- 
ceased Pope  had  left  behind  him  no  nephew  or  party  to 
influence  the  election. 

An  "honest  man"  was  indeed  especially  requisite  just 
now,  (although  it  ought  to  seem  strange  that  any  other 
should  ever  have  obtained  the  office  of  bishop,)  for  the 
temporal  affairs  of  the  popedom  had  fallen  into  a  deplorable 
state.  The  greed  and  ambition,  the  extravagance,  luxury, 
and  pomp  of  successive  pontiffs,  with  the  cormorant-like 
rapacity  of  their  kindred,  had  burdened  the  papal  see  with 
debts  so  enormous,  that  the  ordinary  revenue  was  wholly 
swallowed  up  in  order  to  meet  them.  Extortion  and  bribery 
were  unblushingly  practiced  in  every  department  of  both 
State  and  Church.  Magistrates  paid  large  sums  of  money 
for  their  posts,  and  recompensed  themselves  by  taking 
bribes  from  those  whose  causes  they  adjudged.  Thus,  in- 
justice and  oppression  were  never  anywhere  more  rife  than 
in  the  States  of  the  Church  at  this  period.  A  cardinal 
describing  the  condition  of  affairs  to  Alexander  soon  after 
his  accession,  declared  that  "the  oppressions  exceed  those 
inflicted  on  the  Israelites  in  Egypt.  People,  not  conquered 
by  the  sword,  but  subject  to  the  holy  see,  are  more  inhu- 
manly treated  than  the  slaves  in  Syria  and  Africa.  Desti- 
tute of  silver,  or  copper,  or  linen,  or  furniture  to  satisfy  the 


SYMPTOMS  OF  DECLINE.  479 

avarice  of  the  commissaries,  they  will  next  be  obliged  to 
sell  themselves  as  slaves  to  pay  the  burdens  laid  on  them  by 
the  chambers.  "  Who,"  he  exclaims,  "  can  witness  these 
things  without  tears  of  soitow  ?" 

For  a  time  it  seemed  as  if  the  new  Pope  would  really 
accomplish  all  that  was  expected  of  him.  He  commenced 
his  pontificate  by  strictly  forbidding  all  his  relatives  ever  to 
appear  at  Rome.  The  people  applauded  his  self-denying 
magnanimity,  and  cotemporary  writers  declared  it  to  be 
*' heroic." 

But  Alexander  was  a  man  of  infirm  purposes.  He  had 
rather  yielded  to  popular  opinion  than  been  governed  by 
any  determination  of  his  own  judgment,  and  he  was  quite  as 
susceptible  of  new  impulses  in  another  direction.  Yery 
soon  the  birds  of  prey  set  up  a  clamor  which  startled  and 
alarmed  him.  The  cardinals  and  priests  who  had  access  to 
him,  assured  him  that  it  was  not  seemly  for  a  Pope  to  allow 
his  relatives  to  starve.  Besides,  would  it  not  be  far  nobler 
to  exercise  due  restraint  upon  his  connections  when  they 
were  gathered  around  him,  than  thus  to  abandon  them 
altoQfether  ?  And  the  Jesuit  Olivia  went  further  still,  even  • 
maintaining  that  the  Pontiff  was  guilty  of  moral  sin  in  not 
calling  his  nephews  to  Rome.  "  Foreign  ambassadors,"  he 
said,  "  would  never  have  so  much  confidence  in  a  mere 
minister  as  in  a  near  relative  of  the  Pope." 

Easy  as  it  may  be  to  find  plausible  excuses  for  the 
bad  actions  of  another,  it  is  far  easier  to  employ  them  as 
pretexts  to  justify  a  course  we  are  ourselves  inclined  to 
adopt.  The  "honest"  Alexander  quickly  yielded  to  the 
subtile  persuasions  of  this  Jesuit  adviser,  and  saw  that  it  was 
his  duty  to  enrich  his  family.  And  having  called  them  to 
Rome,  he  even  surpassed  his  predecessors  in  lavishing 
lucrative  offices  and  choice  revenues  on  his  kinsfolk,  extend^ 
ing  his  patronage  not  only  to  relatives,  but  to  those  who 
could  claim  no  further  connection  with  him  than  that  of  being 
natives  of  the  same  town.    "The  imposts  of  the  Barberini," 


480  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

says  one  of  his  biographers,  "  have  exhausted  the  country  ; 
the  avarice  of  Donna  Olympia  has  drained  the  court ;  some 
amelioration  was  hoped  for  from  the  virtues  of  Alexander 
VIL,  but  now  all  Sienna  has  poured  itself  over  the  States  of 
the  Church,  and  is  sucking  the  last  drops  of  their  strength." 

Alexander  VII.  was,  in  truth,  too  weak  a  man  to  inter- 
fere with  effect  in  any  of  the  proceedings  of  his  creatures. 
Once  installed  in  their  offices,  he  left  them  to  themselves. 
His  own  disposition  was  inclined  to  self-indulgence,  and  he 
took  little  active  part  in  the  administration.  He  would  be 
absent  for  months  together  at  his  country-seat,  where  busi- 
ness was  never  mentioned,  and  when  he  was  in  Rome  it 
was  difficult  to  obtain  audience  of  him  for  public  affairs. 
"I  served,"  says  Giacomo  Quirini,  "  during  forty-two  months 
with  Pope  Alexander,  and  I  perceived  that  he  had  merely 
the  name  of  Pope,  not  the  command  of  the  papacy.  Of 
those  qualities  which  distinguished  him  when  cardinal, 
vivacity  of  intellect,  power  of  discrimination,  decision  in 
difficult  cases,  and  facility  of  expression,  not  a  trace  could 
be  found ;  business  was  entirely  set  aside.  He  thought 
only  of  passing  his  life  in  undisturbed  repose." 

Happily  for  the  Pontiflf  the  powers  of  Europe  were  so 
thoroughly  occupied  at  home — France  in  the  wars  of  the 
Fronde,  and  England  in  the  commotions  that  followed 
the  civil  wars — that  they  left  him  very  much  in  that  state 
of  repose  which  he  loved.  One  incident,  however,  annoyed 
him,  as  it  brought  out  into  vexatious  conspicuousness  the 
vast  decline  which  had  taken  place  in  the  influence  wielded 
by  the  popedom  since  the  rise  of  France  and  England  to 
the  position  of  first-rate  powers. 

No  monarch  of  that  age  was  more  aspiring,  or  resolute 
in  asserting  his  dignit}'^  than  the  then  youthful  Louis  XIV. 
of  France ;  and  although  a  zealous  papist,  he  was  far 
more  devoted  to  his  own  and  his  nation's  glor}-  than  to  the 
spiritual  authorit}^  of  Rome.  The  assumptions  of  the  Roman 
Church  in  his  kingdom  were  more  than  he  could  calmly 


SYMPTOMS   OF  DECLINE.  481 

tolerate,  and  he  even  disputed  the  precedence  in  matters 
of  ceremony  and  etiquettes  which  the  popes  had  ever 
claimed,  and  which  other  Roman  Catholic  sovereiorns  had 
always  been  ready  to  concede. 

In  the  year  1659  the  Duke  De  Crequi,  ambassador  of 
Louis  at  the  papal  court,  received  a  pubHc  insult  in  the 
streets  of  Rome.  Louis  demanded  that  an  apology  should 
be  given  by  the  Pontiff;  but  Alexander,  feeling  that  it 
would  be  a  deep  humiliation  for  a  sovereign  of  his  proud 
pretensions  to  stoop  so  low,  made  perpetual  delays  and 
excuses,  until  the  incensed  monarch  of  France  marched  an 
army  into  Italy,  and  plainly  signified  his  intention  to  inflict 
chastisement  on  the  Pope.  Sensible  of  his  own  real  weak- 
ness, the  Pontiff  now  consented  to  make  ample  amends  for 
the  injury  done.  He  was  forced  not  only  to  apologize,  but 
even  to  permit  a  pyramid  to  be  erected  in  Rome,  on  which 
an  inscription  recorded,  for  the  benefit  of  future  ages,  the 
exemplary  punishment  which  papal  arrogance  had  for  once 
received. 

For  a  Pope  no  greater  degradation  could  have  been  de- 
vised more  mortifying  and  painful  than  this.  So  notoiious 
were  the  pontifi"s  for  their  love  of  inscriptions  in  their 
own  praise,  that  the  Romans  used  to  say,  "Wherever  a 
stone  can  be  placed  in  a  wall  the  Pope  will  have  his  name 
inscribed  upon  it."  And  now,  in  one  of  the  most  public 
thoroughfares  of  Rome,  was  Alexander  YIL  compelled  to 
perpetuate  his  own  humiliation  by  the  means  which  other 
pontiffs  had  chosen  to  immortalize  their  fame.  Trifling  as 
this  incident  was  in  itself,  it  marked  a  vast  revolution  in  the 
public  opinion  of  Europe,  and  in  the  political,  perhaps  we 
may  say,  the  religious  relations  sustained  by  the  Pope. 

To  the  weak  Alexander  succeeded,  in  1667,  the  Cardinal 
Rospigliosi,  who  assumed  the  title  of  Clement  IX. 

Between  the  deceased  Pope  and  the  new  one  there  were 
several  points  of  resemblance,  at  least  as  to  personal  char- 
acter.    Both  were  men  of  negative  rather  than  of  positive 

21 


482  LIVES   OF  THE  TOPES. 

virtues.  Clement  IX.  possessed,  we  are  told,  "all  those 
moral  qualities  that  consist  in  the  absence  of  faults — blame- 
lessness  of  life,  diffidence,  and  moderation."  But  these  are 
not  exactly  the  qualities  suitable  for  a  prince,  or  which  were 
calculated  just  then  to  advance  the  interests  of  the  pope- 
dom. 

What  Alexander  VII.  promised,  but  failed  to  accomplish, 
Clement  IX.,  however,  actually  performed,  at  least  for  his 
own  pontificate.  He  abolished,  or  rather  discontinued,  the 
practice,  so  inveterate  with  the  popes,  of  promotrng-  their 
own  kindred  to  the  first  offices  in  the  State.  It  is  true, 
that  he  enriched  them,  and  permitted  them  to  found  a  new 
family  in  Rome ;  but  he  selected  none  of  them  to  be  his 
prime  councilors,  or  to  conduct  the  administration  of  pub- 
lic affairs. 

Yet  even  this  change  is  attributable  much  more  to  the 
real  decline  of  papal  power  than  to  any  self-denying  virtue 
in  the  mind  of  Clement  IX.  The  wealthy  houses  which 
had  been  established  in  Rome  by  successive  pontiffs,  had 
at  length  grown  into  a  distinct  class  of  society  by  means  of 
frequent  intermarriage.  They  constituted,  in  fact,  the 
ctristocracy  of  the  papal  States.  The  English  reader  of  the 
histories  of  that  age  is  struck  with  the  tendency  just  then 
exhibited  throughout  Europe  to  the  aristocratic  forms  of 
government.  Despotic  power,  as  seen  in  the  old  monarch- 
ies, was  fast  expiring ;  and  in  England  by  the  wars  of  the 
Commonwealth,  in  France  by  those  of  the  Fronde,  in  Ger- 
many and  in  Sweden  by  the  efforts  of  the  nobles,  aristocra- 
cies were  created  which  were  destined  for  a  long  time  to 
have  a  predominant  share  in  the  government  of  States. 
And  now  we  perceive  this  tendency  discovering  itself  like- 
wise in  Italy  ;  and  the  decline  of  the  Pope's  personally  des- 
potic power  is  nearly  coeval  with  those  last  efforts  made 
by  the  house  of  Stuart  to  reestablish  a  despotism  in  our 
own  country. 

In  the  last  pontificate  an   institution  had   commenced 


SYMPTOMS  OF  DECLINE.  483 

which  brought  the  governing  power  into  the  hands  of  the 
nobles.  This  institution  was  essentially  a  "  cabinet,"  but 
called  the  congregazione  di  stato,  to  which,  in  the  absence 
of  a  papal  nephew,  all  matters  of  business  might  be  in- 
trusted. One  of  these  ministers  controlled  the  ecclesiastical 
offices  in  general ;  a  second  attended  to  the  department  of 
foreign  affairs  ;  a  third  .managed  the  monastic  orders  ;  and 
to  a  fourth  was  committed  the  decision  of  theological 
questions. 

As  Clement  IX.  had  no  nephew  to  invest  with  the  func- 
tions of  government,  so  neither  did  he  make  any  alteration 
in  this  division  of  duties.  He  confirmed  the  appointments 
of  most  whom  he  found  in  office ;  he  did  not  persecute  the 
relations  of  previous  popes ;  he  did  not  favor  his  own  towns- 
men, the  Pistoians,  who  were,  therefore,  grievously  disap- 
pointed ;  nor  did  he  strive  to  aggrandize  his  own  family. 
On  the  contrary,  he  calmly  surrendered  himself  to  the  pre- 
vailing spirit,  and  unresistingly  permitted  the  tiara  to  be 
stripped  of  some  of  its  most  brilliant  appendages. 

Thus  we  see  that  while  the  sovereign  States  of  Europe 
were  assuming  an  independent  and  even  defiant  attitude 
toward  the  papacy ;  while  France  and  Spain,  and  even 
Venice  and  Genoa  often  opposed  the  interferences  of 
Rome ;  while  even  in  Portugal  itself,  always  priest-ridden, 
the  habit  of  submissiveness  was  beginning  to  be  abandoned 
by  king,  clergy,  and  people ;  and  while  monarchs  ventured 
to  form  treaties  of  peace  like  that  of  "  Westphalia,"  or  that 
of  the  "  Pyrenees,"  without  consulting  the  Pope,  or  caring 
for  his  express  disapprobation — the  personal  authority  of 
the  Pontiff  was  at  the  same  time  declining  in  Rome.  It  is 
abundantly  evident  that  the  papal  power  had  received  a 
mortal  Wow,  which  might  indeed  be  slow  in  operation,  but 
which  was  nevertheless  mortal.  The  battle  of  the  Refor- 
mation had  not  been  fought  in  vain,  even  in  Italy. 

Meanwhile  the  persecution  of  the  Jansenists  in  France 
had  continued  with  occasional  intermissions.     The  Jansen- 


484  LIVES   OF   THE   POPES. 

ists  denied  that  the  charge  of  heresy  was  just.  The  doc- 
trines denounced  by  the  Jesuits  were  not,  they  averred,  to 
be  found  in  the  writinors  of  their  leader.  The  Jesuits  had 
already  repHed  by  obtaining  a  bull  from  Rome,  which  de- 
clared that  those  heresies  were  certainly  there.  In  vain  did 
the  Jansenists  reiterate  their  denial ;  and  in  vain  also  did 
the  "  Provincial  Letters "  of  Pascal  make  head  against 
the  running  tide.  Armed  with  an  edict  procured  from 
Louis  XIY.,  the  Jesuits  expelled  the  nuns  from  Port  Royal 
de  Paris,  and  the  aged  Angelique  Arnauld,  exhausted  by 
a  persecution  of  twenty-five  years,  sank  beneath  the  blow, 
and  shortly  afterward  died.  From  Port  Royal  des  Champs, 
likewise,  all  the  novices  and  scholars  were  carried  away, 
that  they  might  not  be  tainted  with  the  heresies  of  the 
learned  and  pious  De  Saci,  Pascal,  and  Arnauld. 

The  remarkable  conversion  of  the  celebrated  duchess  of 
Longueville,  sister  to  the  great  Conde,  produced  a  tempo- 
rary change,  a  brief  respite  for  the  persecuted  sect.  This 
singular  woman,  whose  life  had  been  spent  in  revolts,  in- 
trigues, and  heroic  adventures  of  all  sorts,  repaired  at  last 
to  Port  Royal,  and  there,  it  is  said,  gave  evidence  of  a 
genuine  conversion  to  God.  She  deplored,  with  bitter 
tears,  the  widely-extended  evils  her  ambition  had  occa- 
sioned, and  now  devoted  the  whole  of  her  immense  estates 
to  the  service  of  humanity  and  religion. 

On  the  accession  of  Pope  Clement  IX.  the  duchess,  who 
had  formerly  honored  him  with  her  friendship,  made  a  per- 
sonal appeal  in  behalf  of  the  afflicted  Jansenists.  Yielding 
to  her  petition,  Clement  accepted  the  declarations  of  the 
alleged  heretics  that  they  did  not  hold  the  doctrines  im- 
puted to  them.  Now,  therefore,  the  prison  doors  were 
opened,  the  Jansenists,  who  had  lurked  in  concealment, 
again  appeared  abroad  without  fear,  and  Port  Royal  was 
favored  with  a  new  era  of  prosperity.  The  recent  persecu- 
tion had  given  publicity,  and  had  won  a  kindly  feeling  for 
the  views  of  the  recluses,  and  multitudes  resorted  to  them 


SVMPTOMS    OF  DECLINE.  485 

from  all  parts  of  France  for  instruction  and  edification. 
Considerable  sums  were  expended  in  enlarging  the  monas- 
tery and  gardens,  and  as  the  abbey  had  been  formerly 
famous  for  its  learning,  it  now  became  doubly  so  on  ac- 
coimt  of  its  magnitude  and  wealth,  and  the  number  of 
nohle  inmates  it  contained.  "  And  still,"  we  are  assured  by 
its  eulogists,  "  although  so  many  rich,  so  many  noble,  so 
many  learned  were  called,  still  Port  Royal  stood  a  bright 
example  of  unfeigned  humility  and  self-abasement,  of  self- 
denial  and  charity,  daily  taking  up  the  cross,  and  following 
a  crucified  Lord."  A  strange  phenomenon,  it  must  be  con- 
fessed, in  the  midst  of  the  Romish  Church  ! 

Beside  the  affairs  of  the  Jansenists,  the  attention  of  the 
Roman  court,  during  the  brief  pontificate  of  Clement  IX., 
was  chiefly  directed  to  a  war  which  the  Turks  were  once 
more  carrying  on  with  the  island  of  Candia.  This  island 
had  long  been  regarded  as  a  kind  of  outpost  to  Christen- 
dom, and  had  accordingly  been  eyed  with  envy  for  ages  by 
the  Ottoman  power.  On  the  decline  of  the  Venetian  re- 
public, to  which  the  island  was  tributary,  the  Turks  re- 
solved on  gaining  possession  of  it  themselves.  The  Euro- 
pean sovereigns  had  quite  lost  the  crusading  spirit  of  olden 
times ;  the  Pope  was  the  only  one  of  them  who  would  come 
to  the  rescue,  and  the  force  of  the  Venetians  and  of  the 
Pope  combined  were  wholly  unequal  to  the  emergency. 
The  disaster  which  befell  the  "  Christian  "  army  so  affect- 
ed the  mind  of  Clement  that  he  died  of  grief  in  De- 
cember,  1668,  and  in  the  following  year  the  catastrophe 
he  feared  took  place — Candia  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Turks. 

The  cardinals  were  very  much  divided  respecting  a  suc- 
cessor, and  disputed  for  nine  months  without  arriving  at 
any  decision.  They  then  resolved,  for  the  sake  of  an  inter- 
val of  repose,  to  choose  one  whose  age  and  infirmities 
would  insure  a  speedy  renewal  of  the  contest,  and,  as  each 
party  hoped,  the  gratification  of  its  own  aims.     Cardinal 


486  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

^mil  Altieri,  already  eighty  years  old,  was  tlie  candidate 
thus  doubtfully  honored. 

Clement  X.  was  too  old  and  feeble  to  exert  any  influ- 
ence on  the  current  of  public  affairs.  As  a  man,  he  was 
regarded  as  amiable  and  upright,  and  had  he  been  younger, 
he  might  perhaps  have  done  something  toward  stemming 
the  frightful  torrent  of  corruption  which  was  rolling  un- 
checked over  every  department  of  the  papal  domains. 
The  most  profligate  excess,  the  most  unprincipled  selfish- 
ness, were  now  triumphant  in  Rome.  To  such  a  height 
did  all  who  were  concerned  in  the  government,  or  had  pub- 
lic offices  of  any  kind,  carry  their  extravagance,  and  sup- 
port it  by  the  spoliation  of  public  property,  that  the  con- 
clave itself  began  to  fear  a  universal  bankruptcy.  The 
nobles  became  poorer  every  day,  even  while  recklessly  ap- 
propriating the  treasures  of  the  State.  Evidently,  unless 
remedial  measures  should  be  adopted,  a  crisis  of  national 
ruin  was  at  hand.  But  where  was  the  vi^or  or  the  virtue 
to  be  found  that  should  work  out  an  efficient  remedy  ?  An 
edict  was  passed  declaring  the  pursuit  of  commerce  incom- 
patible with  the  dignity  of  nobility ;  but  the  degenerate 
nobles  only  scofl'ed  at  the  edict,  and  heedlessly  rushed  on- 
ward to  the  gulf  of  destruction. 

All  this  was  much  favored  by  the  circumstances  of  the 
times.  Italy  was  just  then  entirely  undisturbed  by  foreign 
interference,  and  enjoyed  a  quiet  repose,  very  unusual  for  that 
unhappy  land.  The  emperor  was  busily  engaged  in  coerc- 
ing his  Hungarian  subjects ;  Louis  XIV.  was  at  war  with 
the  Low  Countries — a  conflict  which  also  kept  Holland  and 
Spain  in  full  occupation ;  and  Charles  11.  of  England  was 
only  intent  on  running  his  mad  career  of  licentiousness,  ex- 
travagance, and  sin.  Had  the  papal  government  been  imbued 
with  the  spirit  of  religion,  or  had  it  only  been  honest  and  up- 
right, this  season  of  repose  might  manifestly  have  been  turned 
to  the  advantage  of  the  Pope's  subjects,  and  indeed  to  that 
of  all  Italy.     But  by  the  corrupt   and  altogether  irrelig- 


PONTIFICATE   OF   INNOCENT  XI.  487 

ious  Romans  the  opportunity  was  only  abused.  The  car- 
dinals took  their  pleasure,  exhausted  in  their  revels  the 
treasures  of  the  State,  and  thus  tranquilly  awaited  the  time 
which  should  promote  one  of  them  to  the  sovereignty  of 
what  still  bore  the  name  of  the  Roman  Church.  Nor  had 
they  long  to  wait.     Clement  X.  died  in  1676. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

PONTIFICATE    OF    INNOCENT    XI. REVOCATION   OF  THE    EDICT 

OF   NANTES. A.    D.    1676-1689. 

By  the  accession  of  Innocent  XI.  the  Church  of  Rome  and 
her  temporal  estates  received  a  ruler  of  quite  a  different 
order. 

Benedetto  Odescalchi,  of  Como,  had  entered  Rome  in  his 
twenty-fifth  year,  furnished  with  sword  and  pistols,  intend- 
ing to  devote  himself  to  a  military  life.  But  a  friendly 
cardinal  discerning  his  true  character,  warmly  advised  him 
to  adopt  the  ecclesiastical  profession,  or  to  enter  in  some 
way  into  the  service  of  the  Roman  court.  He  accepted  the 
advice,  and  in  the  employments  he  received  acquitted  him- 
self so  well,  that  he  rapidly  rose  from  post  to  post,  until 
the  sacred  college  itself  welcomed  him  to  its  ranks.  And 
so  popular  had  he  become  by  this  time  with  the  Roman 
citizens,  that  during  the  sitting  of  the  conclave,  the  air 
resounded  with  the  cry  of  "  Odescalchi !"  and  shouts  of 
applause  greeted  him  when,  as  Pontiff  elect,  he  came  forth 
adorned  with  the  tiara. 

The  qualities  which  had  secured  him  such  popularity 
were  carried  by  the  new  Pope  to  the  discharge  of  his  new 
functions.  Zeal  for  the  Roman  Church,  attempered  by  a 
patriotism  that  would  not  suffer  his  native  land  to  be  over- 
burdened even  for  the  glory  of  the  papacy ;  extraordinary 
firmness  and  diligence  in  business,  combined  with  gentle 


488  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

and  amiable  manners — these  were  the  rare  virtues  which 
now,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  world,  shone  forth  in  a  Pope 
of  Rome. 

But  even  this  constellation  of  excellence  would  not  avail 
to  bring  back  the  papacy  to  a  healthy,  honorable,  and  pros- 
perous state.  Whatever  a  Pontiff  could  do,  however.  Inno- 
cent was  resolved  to  attempt.  He  commenced  his  career 
with  a  vigorous  attack  upon  the  abuses  that  had  so  long 
prevailed.  He  would  suffer  no  nephew  or  other  relative  to 
enrich  himself  at  the  public  expense.  And  for  himself  he 
expressed  a  resolution  to  die  no  richer  than  he  was.  "I 
am  not  the  master^  he  would  say,  "  but  the  administrator 
of  the  Holy  See.  When  I  became  a  cardinal  I  began  to  be 
poor,  and  now  that  I  am  Pope  I  shall  be  a  beggar." 

The  Romans  had  been  too  far  corrupted  by  the  long 
'growth  of  hereditary  vices  to  appreciate,  or  even  patiently 
to  tolerate  these  innovations  on  papal  usages.  They  vehe- 
mently inveighed  against  the  meanness  of  the  Pope,  and 
declared  that  he  was  incapable  of  rising  to  the  true  dignity 
of  a  sovereign.  Lampoons  and  satires,  and  violent  decla- 
mations, breathing  hot  defiance,  poured  forth  from  the 
press ;  and  one  scurrilous  writer  even  ventured  to  say,  "  I 
do  not  find  a  more  wicked  monster  in  all  ancient  annals,  nor 
one  who,  clothed  in  hypocrisy,  more  deeply  dyed  with  blood 
his  beak  and  winsfs." 

For  all  this  huge  outcry  the  Pope  steadfastly  pursued 
the  course  he  had  marked  out.  As  the  expenditure  of  the 
government  was  actually  beyond  its  income,  he  ordered  a 
reduction  of  from  four  to  three  per  cent,  in  the  interest 
hitherto  paid  out  of  the  public  revenue  to  the  monti,  or 
funded  stocks.  So  bold  a  step  naturall}'^  enraged  the  car- 
dinals and  noble  families  by  whom  these  monti  were  held ; 
but  to  all  complaints  Innocent  turned  a  deaf  ear,  and  in  due 
course  of  time  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  the  exchequer 
in  a  solvent  condition. 

In  his  intercourse  with  foreign  princes  this  Pontiff  showed 


PONTIFICATE   OF   lIsNOOENT   XI.  489 

a  similar  spirit  of  independence.  The  court  of  Paris  had 
long  been  hostile  to  Roman  claims,  as  was  abundantly 
shown  in  the  affairs  of  the  ambassador  Crequi ;  and  Louis 
XIV.  had  always  practiced  the  policy  of  restraining  rather 
than  indulging  the  clergy  of  his  kingdom.  It  was  his  in- 
violable maxim  that  all  interests,  whether  social  or  ecclesias- 
tical, should  bow  to  his  sovereign  will,  and  he  exercised  an 
luisparing  despotism  on  those  who  presumed  to  dispute  it. 
The  clergy  and  the  monastic  orders  were  especially  the 
objects  of  his  mistrust.  Here  he  confiscated  their  estates, 
there  he  loaded  their  benefices  with  military  fines,  and  on 
every  occasion  of  a  benefice  or  a  see  falling  vacant,  he  in- 
sisted on  the  ancient  custom  of  regale,  or  the  right  of  the 
sovereign  to  receive  the  revenues  and  appoint  a  successor. 

But  of  all  the  clergy  the  Jansenists  had  to  bear  the  heav- 
iest strokes  of  the  rod.  The  Jesuits  were  favored  by  Louis, 
and  it  often  happened  that  the  pleadings  of  a  Bossuet,  or  a 
Bourdaloue,  or  even  of  Madame  de  Maintenon  herself, 
screened  others  from  the  penalties  of  royal  visitation,  in  or- 
der that  these  imposts  might  fall  upon  the  Jansenists  with 
double  weight.  On  some  of  them  the  burden  had  fallen 
very  oppressively.  The  Bishop  of  Pamiers,  a  Jansenist> 
was  actually  reduced  to  live  upon  alms.  At  length  the 
Jansenists  appealed  to  the  court  of  Rome,  and  Innocent  was 
too  bold  and  zealous  not  to  adopt  their  cause  ;  for  even  if 
prone  to  heretical  opinions,  they  were  still  his  clergy. 

Writing  in  no  very  obsequious  strain  to  the  French  king. 
Innocent  admonished  him  "  to  lend  no  ear  to  flatterers,  and 
to  refrain  from  any  more  touching  the  property,  or  restrain- 
ing the  liberties  of  the  Church,  lest  the  wrath  of  God 
should  visit  him,  and  dry  up  the  fountains  of  grace  within 
his  kingdom."  As  this  threatening  language  plainly  pointed 
to  an  interdict,  the  proud  sovereign  to  whom  it  was  ad- 
dressed disdained  even  to  reply.  A  second  and  a  third  time 
Innocent  repeated  his  admonitions,  and  then  finding  that 

Louis  still  maintained  an  obstinate  silence,  he  declared  that 

21* 


490  LIVES  OF   THE   POPES. 

he  would  write  no  more,  but  would  have  recourse  to  other 
measures,  and  would  use  every  means  in  his  power  to  com- 
pel the  French  monarch  to  comply.  "  He  would  suffer," 
he  said,  "  no  danger,  no  storm  to  appal  him ;  he  beheld  his 
glory  in  the  cross  of  Christ." 

To  Louis  XIV.  this  vehement  and  menacing  tone  was 
merely  an  empty  noise.  He  was  secure  of  the  obedience 
of  his  clergy,  and  could  laugh  scornfully  at  the  puny  wrath 
of  a  petty  second-rate  prince.  So  entirely,  indeed,  were  the 
great  majority  of  the  clei-gy  obsequious  to  his  will,  that  the 
prince  of  Conde  did  not  scruple  to  affirm,  that  "  if  it  pleased 
the  king  to  go  over  to  the  Protestant  Church,  the  clergy 
would  be  the  first  to  follow  him." 

Instead,  therefore,  of  replying  to  the  papal  fulminations, 
Louis  convened  an  assembly  of  prelates  in  1682,  for  the 
purpose  of  further  restraining  the  papal  prerogatives,  and 
defining  with  exact  bounds  the  duties  and  rights  of  the 
clerical  order.  By  this  convocation  four  articles  were 
agreed  to,  which  have  ever  since  been  regarded  as  the  man- 
ifesto of  French  independence  of  papal  control.  The  first 
of  t]jese  articles  asserted  that  the  Pope  had  no  right  to  in- 
terfere in  the  temporal  affairs  of  other  princes ;  the  second, 
that  the  authority  of  councils  was  superior  to  that  of  popes, 
as  had  already  been  declared  by  the  Council  of  Constance ; 
the  third,  that  the  usages  of  the  Galhcan  Church  should 
continue  to  be  unalterably  observed ;  and  the  fourth,  the 
most  remarkable  of  all,  that  "  even  in  questions  of  faith  the 
decision  of  the  Pope  is  not  infallible  or  incapable  of  amend- 
ment, unless  subsequently  sanctioned  by  the  consent  of  the 
Church." 

From  the  days  of  Francis  I.  the  French  Church  had  as- 
serted its  independence  of  Rome  in  all  matters  of  chief  mo- 
ment to  itself;  but  here,  under  Louis  XIV.,  we  find  it 
boldly  shaking  off  all  the  shackles  of  the  papacy,  save  the 
acknowledgment  of  spiritual  supremacy  ;  which  last,  more- 
over, would  be  little  more  than  a  name,  encroached  on  as 


PONllFlUATi:    OF    INNOCENT   XI.  491 

it  was  by  such  novel  conditions.  Indeed  it  was  the  opinion 
of  many  that  although  France  yet  stood  within  the  pale  of 
the  Romish  Church,  it  stood  just  on  the  threshold,  as  if  in 
readiness  to  step  beyond  it.  And  it  is  now  well  known 
that  not  only  Bossuet  and  other  leading  French  theologians 
deeply  sympathized  with  many  Protestant  opinions,  but 
Louis  XIY.  himself  was  often  occupied  in  devising  a  scheme 
for  the  reconcihation  of  the  Gallican  and  Lutheran  Churches. 
But  Louis's  thoroughly  irreligious  character,  and  the  levity 
and  general  want  of  earnestness  that  pervaded  the  French 
nation  at  that  time,  prevented  that  scheme  ever  taking 
effect,  or  even  any  approach  to  it  being  attempted. 

Innocent  XL,  feehng  at  last  his  own  helplessness,  re- 
frained from  threatening,  and  contented  himself  with  using 
such  weapons  as  he  had  left.  He  refused,  for  instance,  to 
grant  institution  to  all  bishops  appointed  by  Louis,  and  no 
fewer  than  thirty-five  bishops  were  unable  to  exercise  a  sin- 
gle function  of  their  office,  although  they  were  in  possession 
of  all  its  emoluments  and  honors. 

While  Innocent  and  Louis  were  animated  with  such  feel- 
ings, an  event  occurred  which  was  adapted  to  exasperate  to 
tlie  highest  pitch  the  animosity  they  mutually  cherished. 

Among  other  reforms  which  Innocent  XI.  resolved  to 
accomplish,  was  that  of  the  abuses  arising  out  of  class-priv- 
ileges, which  had  grown  up  in  Rome  as  elsewhere.  By  an 
ancient  usage,  the  ambassadors  of  foreign  courts  residing  at 
Rome  had  in  common  with  the  Roman  nobility  the  right 
of  asylum,  or  sanctuary,  not  only  within  the  walls  of  their 
palaces,  but  reaching  even  to  the  contiguous  squares  and 
streets.  To  those  quarters  did  disturbers  of  the  peace  in 
nightly  brawls,  or  even  malefactors  and  criminals  of  the 
deepest  dye,  flee  from  the  pursuit  of  justice,  and  within 
those  precincts  no  officer  of  justice  dared  to  follow  them. 
There  also  plots  for  defrauding  the  revenue  or  for  promot- 
ing sedition  were  securely  carried  on.  To  these  dangerous 
abuses  the  present  vigilant  Pope  was  determined  to  put  an 


492  LIVES  OF  THE   POPES. 

end  by  abolishing  the  privilege  altogether.  He  accordingly- 
decreed  that  no  new  ambassador  should  be  acknowledged 
at  the  papal  court  who  did  not  wholly  renounce  these  im- 
munities, both  for  himself  and  his  successors. 

All  the  States  that  were  in  the  habit  of  sending  ambas- 
sadors to  Rome  demurred  at  this  very  reasonable  determi- 
nation; but  the  death  of  D'Etrees,  the  ambassador  of 
France,  and  the  appointment  of  the  marquis  of  Lavardin  in 
his  room,  brought  the  question  to  an  issue.  Louis  instructed 
Lavardin  *'  to  maintain  at  Rome  all  the  rights  and  the  full 
dignity  of  France ;"  and  in  order  to  support  this  dignity 
he  gave  him  a  numerous  retinue  of  military  and  naval  offi- 
cei-s,  sufficient  to  frighten  and  overawe  the  Pope  even  in 
his  own  capital. 

Lavardin's  entry  into  Rome  under  this  escort  resembled 
the  march  of  a  hostile  general  rather  than  the  peaceable 
visit  of  an  ambassador.  Surrounded  by  whole  squadrons 
of  cavalry,  he  could  easily  have  maintained  his  privilege  of 
asylum  against  any  force  that  Innocent  could  bring.  The 
Pontiff,  therefore,  had  recourse  to  his  spiritvxtl  armory. 
"  They  come  with  horses  and  chariots,"  said  Innocent,  "  but 
we  will  walk  in  the  name  of  the  Lord."  Pronouncing  the 
censures  of  the  Church  upon  the  impious  Lavardin,  he  laid 
the  church  of  St.  Louis,  in  which  the  ambassador  had  at- 
tended a  solemn  mass,  under  an  interdict. 

For  a  year  and  a  half  Lavardin  continued  at  Rome  with- 
out even  obtaining  admission  to  the  Pontiff's  presence.  He 
then  returned  to  France,  filled  with  chagrin  at  the  uncon- 
querable firmness  of  Innocent;  and  Louis,  to  punish  the 
Pope,  laid  violent  hands  on  Avignon  and  its  territory  still 
belonging  to  Rome,  and  shut  up  the  papal  nuncio  at  Paris 
in  a  dungeon. 

The  French  king  would  doubtless  have  proceeded  to  more 
extreme  measures,  but  that  he  had  now  found  full  employ- 
ment for  his  energies  in  the  universal  hostility  which  his  in- 
satiable ambition  had  provoked  among  the  European  pow- 


rOlNlIFICATE   OF  INNOCENT  XI.  493 

ers.  And  Innocent,  perceiving  that  his  future  safety  de- 
pended on  the  continuance  of  this  hostihty,  employed  all 
his  genius  in  fomenting  it,  and  urging  it  to  open  demon- 
strations. 

It  is  strange,  and  yet  true,  that  notwithstanding  this  per- 
petual opposition  between  Rome  and  France,  the  Pontift' 
had  hardly  another  prince  in  Europe  so  devoted  to  the  Ro- 
mish faith  as  was  Louis  XIV .  Louis  was,  in  reality,  a  bigot. 
He  seems  to  have  tried  to  make  amends  for  his  unscrupu- 
lous hcentiousness  and  numerous  other  vices,  by  displaying 
extraordinary  zeal  in  behalf  of  the  established  religion.  As 
he  oppressed  the  Jansenists  because  they  differed  a  few 
shades  from  the  orthodox  sects,  so  did  he  persecute  the 
Protestants  with  unrelenting  bitterness,  and  appeared,  in- 
deed, to  be  bent  on  their  utter  extermination. 

When  Henry  IV.,  in  1598,  deserted  the  Huguenot  party, 
he  had  deemed  it  necessary,  and  only  fair  to  his  former 
friends,  to  secure  them  full  liberty  in  all  matters  of  religion. 
This  freedom  was  guaranteed  to  them  by  the  celebrated 
Edict  of  Nantes ;  under  which,  had  the  Protestants  been 
content  with  mere  liberty,  the  cause  of  evangelical  religion 
might  still  have  prospered  in  France.  But,  unhappily,  it 
was  not  entirely  a  question  of  religion  with  the  Huguenots ; 
they  coveted  power  ;  and  the  elements  of  discord  thus  lay 
only  smoldering  for  a  time,  to  burst  out  again  into  flames 
as  fierce  as  the  first.  The  former  struggle  had  made  the 
Protestants  a  political  party  in  the  State,  and  they  yet 
strove  to  maintain  that  position,  succeeding  in  doing  so  until 
the  taking  of  Rochelle  by  Cardinal  Richelieu. 

Their  political  insubordination  had  brought  upon  them 
severe  persecution  even  from  Richelieu  and  Mazarin,  men 
who  cared  very  little,  if  at  all,  for  mere  rehgious  distinctions. 
But  Louis  XIV.  was  a  man  of  a  different  stamp.  To  the 
despotic  spirit  of  those  ministers  he  added  zeal  for  the  faith 
and  foiTns  of  the  Romish  Church,  by  which,  like  many 
other  really  bad  men,  he  endeavored  to  soothe  the  anxiety 


494  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

of  a  guilty  conscience ;  and  thus,  throughout  his  contest 
with  Innocent  XI.,  he  still  proved  himself  a  devoted  Ro- 
manist by  cruelly  oppressing  the  Protestant  party  in  France. 

The  Edict  of  Nantes  was  still  the  strongest  bulwark  of 
Protestant  freedom,  and  it  so  stood  in  the  way  of  the  harsh 
measures  which  Louis  wished  to  adopt  that  he  determined 
on  abohshing  its  power.  His  first  step  was  to  employ  per- 
sons to  interpret  its  provisions  in  a  manner  wholly  contrary 
to  its  spirit.  Thus,  while  nominally  in  their  former  position, 
the  Protestants  were  really  robbed  of  their  only  charter  and 
safeguard.  The  work  of  persecution  commenced.  Prot- 
estants were  at  first  declared  inadmissible  to  the  higher 
ofl&ces  of  State,  and  by  degrees  the  prohibition  was  extended 
to  all  offices  whatsoever.  Then  the  "  Chamber  of  the 
Edict,"  a  court  to  which  all  differences  between  Catholics 
and  Protestants  were  referred,  was  arbitrarily  suppressed ; 
next,  some  churches  were  closed ;  and,  finally,  restrictions 
were  laid  on  the  public  worship  practiced  by  the  Huguenots. 

These  measures  succeeded  at  least  in  causing  a  multitude 
of  wealthy  families  to  emigrate.  Many  Protestants  sought 
more  hospitable  shores  ;  and  those  whose  attachment  to 
their  native  land  was  too  strong  to  permit  them  to  think  of 
exile  prepared  for  an  open  resistance.  Then  commenced 
the  infamous  "  Dragonades."  A  strong  line  of  troops,  em- 
bracing an  extensive  area,  was  drawn  around  the  revolted 
district,  and  the  circle  was  gradually  contracted,  until  the 
Protestants,  hunted  like  wild  beasts,  fell  into  the  snare  of 
the  hunter,  and  were  savagely  tortured  or  slain,  according 
to  the  caprice  of  their  inhuman  butchers. 

At  length,  in  October,  1685,  the  Edict  of  Nantes  was  al- 
together revoked,  and  the  poor  mantle  of  protection,  al- 
ready worn  threadbare,  Avas  dragged  from  the  backs  of  the 
Protestants.  All  toleration  was  denied  ;  their  ministers 
were  ordered  to  quit  France  within  fifteen  days  ;  and,  while 
bribes  were  offered  to  converts,  the  severest  punishments 
were  denounced  against  refractory  heretics. 


PONTIFICATE   OF   IxNNOCENT  XL  495 

The  perpetrators  of  cruelties  are  often  doomed,  in  the 
just  providence  of  God,  to  outwit  themselves,  and  these 
cruelties  of  Louis  produced  results  that  to  him  were  at  the 
least  most  unwelcome.  The  banished  pastors  were  quickly 
followed  by  their  flocks ;  and  England,  Holland,  Germany, 
and  America,  were  overflowed  with  refugees  from  France — 
to  her  a  signal  loss,  to  them  as  great  an  advantage.  Some 
of  the  best  manufactures  in  silk,  so  carefully  cherished  by 
the  French  government,  had  been  in  the  hands  of  the  Hu- 
guenots, and  these  now  fell  to  decay ;  while  no  fewer  than 
three  hundred  thousand  of  the  most  moral,  quiet,  and  loyal 
of  the  French  population  were  forever  lost  to  the  ungrate- 
ful country  which  had  driven  them  forth. 

Alarmed  at  such  unlooked-for  disasters,  Louis  gave  or- 
ders to  stop  this  vast  emigration,  if  needful,  by  main  force. 
Strong  guards  were  placed  at  every  frontier  pass,  in  all 
cities  and  towns,  on  the  highways,  and  at  every  ford  and 
ferry.  The  refugees  were  forcibly  arrested  in  their  flight, 
and  if  persistent  in  heresy,  were  brutally  thrust  into 
pnson.  Some  perished  in  the  dungeons,  others  were  sent 
to  the  galleys ;  so  that,  beside  the  multitudes  gone  into 
exile,  great  numbers — numbers  altogether  unknown  —  of 
faithful  subjects,  the  best  and  most  useful  citizens  of  France, 
were  prematurely  destroyed ;  and  energies  which  would 
have  been  used  to  the  vast  profit  of  the  nation,  were  extin- 
guished in  the  darkness  of  death.  Louis  the  Fourteenth's 
government  was  weaker,  and  not  stronger,  in  consequence 
of  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  So  ruinous  is 
evermore  the  short-sighted  policy  of  bigotry  ! 

It  would  be  gratifying  to  be  able  to  state  of  a  Pontiff  who 
exhibited  so  many  good  points  of  character  as  Innocent  XL, 
that  he  vehemently  condemned  these  barbarous  and  impol- 
itic cruelties.  But,  alas !  when  shall  the  dark  demon  of 
persecution  be  exorcised  from  the  Vatican  ?  The  Pope 
sent  a  congratulatory  letter  to  Louis  XIV.  on  this  dolefully 
tragical  occasion  ;  a  triumphal  ode   instead  of  a  dirge,  ap- 


496  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

plauding  it  as  an  "illustrious  proof"  of  Louis's  "inbred 
piety  !"  "  The  Catholic  Church,"  says  Innocent,  "  shall 
most  assuredly  record  in  her  sacred  annals  a  work  of  such 
devotion  toward  her,  and  celebrate  your  name  in  never- 
dying  praises." 

But  Innocent  was  hardly  sincere  in  the  gratitude  he  pro- 
fessed. In  secret  he  trembled  far  more  at  the  overgrown 
and  despotically  used  power  of  Louis  than  at  all  the  here- 
sies of  the  Huguenots  ;  and  thus  we  find  him,  in  the  last 
years  of  his  pontificate,  actually  siding  with  Protestants 
against  his  "devoted"  and  "pious"  son! 

The  royal  house  of  Stuart  in  England  was  just  then  in  a 
very  critical  position.  James  11.  had  kindled  the  resent- 
ment of  his  subjects  by  his  manifestly  popish  predilections, 
and  his  evident  design  to  restore  popery  as  the  established 
rehgion.  With  these  predilections  and  designs  Innocent 
was  exactly  acquainted,  and  had  so  far  availed  himself  of 
the  occasion  as  to  send  a  nuncio  to  England,  who  resided 
openly  in  London.  Four  Roman  Catholic  bishops  were 
also  consecrated  at  the  Chapel  Royal,  and  Romish  ecclesi- 
astics appeared  at  court  in  the  habits  of  their  orders  ;  while 
the  Jesuits  formed  a  college  in  the  Savoy,  and  more  than  a 
dozen  monks  were  always  entertained  at  St.  James's. 

And  yet,  notwithstanding  the  brilliant  prospects  thus 
opened  to  the  papacy  in  England,  we  find  Innocent  afford- 
ing political  aid  to  the  very  prince  whose  avowed  object  it 
was  to  destroy  these  prospects,  and  render  Protestantism 
in  England  secure  and  safe  forever !  The  banner  of  Wil- 
liam, Prince  of  Orange,  when  he  invaded  the  British  Isles, 
bore  the  inscription :  "  The  Protestant  Religion  and  the 
Liberties  of  England."  Yet,  because,  while  assailing  James, 
the  prince  of  Orange  was  also  making  war  upon  Louis,  the 
head  of  the  Romish  Church  sent  him  subsidies,  and  wished 
him  God-speed ! 

"  Strange  complication  !"  says  Ranke.  "  At  the  court 
of  Rome  were  combined  the  threads  of  that  alliance  which 


ALEXANDER    VIII.    AND    INNOCENT   XII.  497 

had  for  its  aim  and  result  the  liberation  of  Protestantism 
from  the  last  great  danger  by  which  it  was  threatened  in 
Western  Europe."  Who  can  thoughtfully  consider  this 
fact,  which  is  yet  only  one  of  a  series  of  such  facts  carefully 
noted  in  this  history,  and  then  fear  lest  the  Roman  apostasy 
should  ever  entirely  regain  her  lost  supremacy  ?  How 
plain  it  is  that  she  is  even  doomed  by  God  to  accomplish 
her  own  destruction  !  "  The  Lord  reigneth  :  the  world  also 
shall  be  established  that  it  shall  not  be  moved :  he  shall 
judge  the  people  righteously." 

The  pontificate  and  life  of  Innocent  XI.  terminated  in 
1689,  closing  a  most  eventful  reign,  although  it  lasted  but 
thirteen  years. 


CHAPTER   yill. 

PONTIFICATES    OF    ALEXANDER    VIII.     AND     INNOCENT    XII. 

FURTHER  TOKENS    OF  DECLINE. A.   D.    1689-1700. 

The  conclave  were  now  nearly  unanimous  in  placing  the 
tiara  on  the  head  of  the  Cardinal  Ottoboni,  who  had  in 
fact  been  the  chief  administrator  of  papal  affairs  throughout 
the  previous  reign. 

Alexander  VIII.  was  already  eighty  years  old,  and  the 
short  period  which  had  yet  to  elapse  before  he  should  de- 
scend to  the  tomb  was  unmarked  by  many  noteworthy 
events.  Before  arriving  at  his  final  honors  he  appears  to 
have  created  many  enemies,  and  imhappily  it  is  chiefly  from 
these  that  we  have  accounts  of  his  character.  If  we  may 
credit  a  document  found  in  the  archives  of  the  Vatican, 
entitled  "  The  Confession  of  Alexander  VIIL,"  a  full  his- 
tory of  this  Pontiff  would  show  how  popes  of  even  a  fair 
reputation,  and  of  far  superior  morals  to  many,  have  been 
carried  away  by  the  inherent  vices  of  the  papacy,  which 
render  it  almost,  perhaps  quite,  impossible,  for  a  pontiff  to 


498  LIVES  OF  THE   POPES. 

be  thoroughly  honest.  In  this  "confession,"  affirmed  to 
have  been  made  to  a  Jesuit  priest  in  the  last  moments  of 
Alexander's  life,  the  Pope  laments  that  he  "  knowingly  and 
deliberately  promoted  unsuitable  and  unworthy,  nay,  prof- 
ligate men  ;  had  thoughts  of  nothing  but  enriching  his  own 
kindred  ;  and  had,  moreover,  permitted  justice  and  mercy 
to  be  sold,  even  in  the  very  palace." 

Ranke  treats  this  "  confession"  as  "  one  of  the  satirical 
writings  of  the  time."  Yet  if  so,  satire  is  for  the  most  part 
only  truth  grotesquely  presented.  And  an  eye-witness  of 
Pope  Alexander's  deportment,  even  while  praising  the  Pon- 
tiff because  he  was  "  easy  of  access,  gentle,  compassionate, 
pliable,  and  considerate  toward  princes,"  expresses  his  as- 
tonishment that  this  Pope  should  be  made  a  mark  for  in- 
vective "  because  he  showed  affection  to  his  kindred,  was 
more  disposed  to  intrust  important  charges  to  them  than  to 
others,  and  wished  to  provide  for  them  with  a  certain  lib- 
erality." The  probability  is  that  Alexander's  conscience 
was  not  entirely  hardened,  and  that  in  his  last  moments  he 
sincerely  lamented  allowing  himself  to  be  carried  away  by 
the  current  of  customary  vice. 

The  principal  feature  in  Alexander's  pontificate  was  the 
steady  opposition  he  maintained  to  the  encroachments  of 
Louis  XIV.  On  all  possible  occasions  he  discovered  this 
hostility,  and  only  just  before  his  death  he  issued  a  bull, 
declaring  that  the  decrees  of  the  French  convocation  in 
1682,  which  asserted  the  independence  of  the  Gallican 
Church,  were  "  vain,  invalid,  null,  and  void,  having  no 
power  to  bind  even  when  enforced  by  an  oath."  "  Day 
and  night,"  says  he,  "  have  I  thought  of  them  with  bitter- 
ness of  heart,  and  lifting  my  eyes  to  heaven  with  tears  and 
sighs."  Doubtless  few  subjects  of  reflection  can  be  more 
painful  to  a  conscientious  pope  than  the  loss  of  many  of  his 
spiritual  subjects,  so  happily  escaped  from  the  thraldom  of 
papal  despotism.     Alexander  died  in  1691. 

At  the   ensuing  election,  the  French  party  in  the  con 


ALEXANDER    VIII.    AND   INNOCENT    XII.  499 

clave  made  the  most  determined  efforts  to  obtain  a  pontiflf 
who  should  be  favorable  to  the  views  of  their  royal  master  ; 
and  they  thought  that  in  the  quiet  and  peace-loving  An- 
tonio Pignatelli  they  found  the  character  they  sought. 
After  a  struggle  of  five  months,  Pignatelli  was  elected,  and 
in  memory  of  Innocent  XL,  to  whom  he  had  owed  his  first 
advancement,  he  assumed  the  same  title,  and  moreover,  to 
the  great  disappointment  of  the  French,  adopted  his  policy. 
Innocent  XII.  "labored,"  we  are  told,  "  to  imitate  Pope 
Innocent  XI. ;"  and  accordingly,  when  that  band  of  French 
clergy  appointed  to  vacant  bishoprics  by  Louis  XI Y.  ap- 
plied to  the  new  Pontiff  for  the  " institution'  which  had 
hitherto  been  constantly  denied  them,  he  again  refused  to 
compromise  the  dignity  of  the  papal  see  by  any  departure 
from  canonical  rule.  Great  was  the  disappointment  in 
France,  and  loud  the  remonstrances  which  were  forwarded 
to  Rome.  But  Innocent  continued  firm  in  his  decision,  and 
eventually  the  French  bishops,  despairing  of  ever  other- 
wise obtaining  an  acknowledgment  of  their  dignity  or  per- 
mission to  exercise  their  functions,  fully  humbled  them- 
selves at  the  footstool  of  the  Pope.  *'  Casting  ourselves," 
said  they,  "  at  the  feet  of  your  holiness,  we  profess  our  un- 
speakable grief  for  what  has  been  done."  They  further 
declared  that  the  decrees  of  1682  should  be  regarded  as 

o 

not  having  any  legal  force. 

This  surprising  humiliation  of  the  French  clergy  to  the 
Italian  Pontiflf  is  not,  however,  to  be  ascribed  to  any  ad- 
vance of  power  on  the  part  of  the  Roman  See.  It  is  wholly 
attributable  to  the  political  diflBculties  which,  at  the  close 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  inthralled  and  fettered  the 
proud  monarch  of  France. 

The  ambitious  designs  of  Louis  XIV.  had  then  become 
so  very  apparent  as  to  arouse  the  jealousy  of  all  the  Euro- 
pean courts ;  and,  guided  by  the  genius  of  William,  Prince 
of  Orange,  they  had  so  successfully  conducted  their  warlike 
operations  against  him  as  greatly  to   mortify  his   pride. 


500  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

Those  great  generals  and  statesmen,  Turenne,  Conde,  Col- 
bert, and  Louvois,  who  had  adorned  and  strengthened  the 
first  era  of  his  reign,  were  all  now  dead ;  and  Louis  was 
compelled  to  see  that  the  chief  lustre  of  his  glory  had 
passed  away.  Under  these  circumstances  he  was  unwilling 
to  perpetuate  his  hostility  with  the  Pope,  lest  his  authority 
at  home  should  be  weakened  by  the  disaflfection  of  the 
clergy,  at  a  time  when  he  needed  the  full  benefit  of  all  the 
resources  his  kingdom  possessed. 

It  is  instructive,  however,  to  mark  with  what  unyielding 
pertinacity  the  papacy  adheres  to  resolutions  once  adopted. 
In  vain  may  even  a  powerful  monarch  like  Louis  XIV.  at- 
tempt to  overawe  the  infallible  Church.  Nothing  short  of 
absolute  force  will  divert  her  from  her  aim ;  nothing  what- 
ever will  change  her  purposes.  Her  plans  have  often  in- 
deed been  kept  in  abeyance  for  a  time,  but  they  only 
await  a  fit  opportunity.  And  thus  the  decrees  of  Inno- 
cent XL,  ineffectually  repeated  by  Alexander  YIIL,  were, 
in  more  auspicious  days,  carried  into  effect  by  Inno- 
cent XII. 

The  pontificate  of  Innocent,  notwithstanding  this  appar- 
ent triumph,  abundantly  discovered  that  the  fortunes  of 
Rome  were  growing  every  day  more  dependent  on  the  po- 
litical relations  of  other  States.  In  this  pontificate,  the 
tiara  and  crosier  no  longer  stem  the  current  of  European 
events,  or,  as  they  had  often  done,  direct  its  course ;  they 
float  lightly  upon  the  stream,  turning  hither  and  thither 
with  all  its  winding  eddies.  If  Louis  XIV.  is  depressed, 
the  papacy  may  enjoy  a  short  respite  from  coercion,  but 
another  ruler  and  oppressor  is  quickly  found.  In  1692 
Louis  surrenders  her  some  liberties,  and  fondly  imagining 
herself  wholly  free,  she  puts  on  the  gleefulness  of  a  bride ; 
in  1697  the  Emperor  Leopold  I.  ambitiously  seeks  to  re- 
vive all  the  ancient  grandeur  of  the  empire,  and  Rome 
straightway  clothes  herself  in  mourning  apparel. 

In  that  year  the  emperor  boldly  declared  that  the  pos- 


ALEXANDER  VIII.  AND  INNOCENT   XII.  501 

sessions  of  the  Pope  were  mere  fiefs  of  the  empire,  and 
caused  an  edict  to  be  placarded  in  Rome,  pronouncing  the 
Pontiff  to  be  a  rebel  unless  within  a  fixed  time  he  applied 
for  investiture.  It  need  occasion  no  surprise  that  this  claim 
met  with  a  successful  resistance.  Powerful  as  the  emperor 
was  in  comparison  witli  the  Pope,  he  could  not  reestablish 
an  authority  which  had  been  extinct  for  ages,  and  against 
which  all  Europe  would  have  protested.  The  Pope  ob- 
tained sympathy  from  the  French  and  several  other  gov- 
ernments, and  the  emperor  was  at  last  dissuaded  from 
urging  his  absolute  pretensions.  But  the  fact  of  their  being 
urged  at  all  sufficiently  discovers  the  real  weakness  of  the 
popedom  ;  and  the  politic,  but  circuitous  method  by  which 
they  were  repelled  is  another  illustration  of  its  decline. 
How  fallen  indeed  from  the  lofty  throne  of  Gregory  the 
Seventh  and  of  Innocent  the  Third  ! 

A  controversy  which  had  long  agitated  France  was  about 
this  time  brouijht  for  decision  before  the  tribunal  of  the 
Pope.  This  was  the  famous  controversy  respecting  "  Quiet- 
ism," which  had  long  engaged  in  theological  strife  the  elo- 
quent pens  of  Fenelon  and  Bossuet.  The  writings  of 
Madame  Guion*  had  first  of  all  given  celebrity  to  the 
views  of  the  Quietists,  and  the  impetuosity  with  which  they 
were  attacked  by  the  "  Eagle  of  Meaux  "  had  brought  to 
their  defense,  out  of  his  contemplative  and  beloved  retire- 
ment, the  amiable  Bishop  of  Cambray.  "  That  God  ought 
to  be  loved  with  a  disinterested  rather  than  with  a  grateful 
affection,"  and  "  that  communion  with  him  is  never  perfect 
except  when  it  escapes  from  the  formality  of  words,"  were 
some  of  the  leading  doctrines  which  the  Quietists  advanced, 
and  which,  however  difficult  they  may  be  of  apprehension, 
or  even  questionable  in  their  tendency,  seem  hardly  to  de- 

*  Some  of  Madame  Guion's  hymns  have  been  translated  by  the 
poet  Cowper.  Whatever  opinion  may  be  formed  of  some  of  her 
doctrines,  it  cannot  be  doubted  by  those  who  have  read  her  mem- 
oirs that  she  was  a  lady  of  the  deepest  piety. 


502  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

serve  the  epithets  appHed  to  them  by  Bossuet  as  "  mon- 
strous and  diabohcal."  But  Bossuet  was  high  in  favor, 
both  at  Versailles  and  Rome,  and  he  accordingly  procured, 
first  the  imprisonment  of  Madame  Guion  in  the  Bastile,  and 
then,  in  1699,  a  sentence  from  the  Pope  that  Fenelon's 
defense  of  the  system  was  of  a  heterodox  tenor.  With  the 
readers  of  this  narrative,  however,  a  papal  sentence  will 
have  lost  by  this  time  most  of  its  weight ;  and  in  truth 
there  is  no  doubt  that  whether  the  system  called  Quietism 
be  erroneous  or  right,  the  Quietists  themselves  included  the 
larger  portion  of  the  really  pious  and  devout  who  were  to 
be  found  at  that  time  in  France.  It  was  for  the  most  part 
the  same  spirit  and  the  same  party  that  contended  at  once 
with  Jansenism  and  Quietism. 

■  In  his  management  of  secular  affairs.  Innocent  XII.  es- 
tablished a  fair  title  to  the  laurels  of  a  patriot.  He  did  not, 
like  Alexander  VIII.,  attempt  to  enrich  himself  and  his 
house  from  the  impoverished  exchequer  of  the  States,  but 
diligently  applied  himself  to  the  task  of  first  increasing  the 
revenue,  and  then  employing  it  in  works  of  public  utility. 
On  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  Antium  he  built  the  modern 
sea-port  town  of  Port  d'Anzo,  and  in  Rome  he  constructed 
aqueducts,  courts  of  justice,  and  hospitals.  But  the  de- 
praved mind  of  that  generation  could  neither  understand 
nor  tolerate  the  virtue  of  patriotism.  Because  Innocent 
departed  from  the  time-honored  precedent  of  enriching  his 
kindred,  he  was  vehemently  assailed  with  abuse  by  the  car- 
dinals and  clergy  in  general.  Those  hungry  cormorants 
were  greatly  dissatisfied  at  seeing  a  new  precedent  estab- 
lished, to  which  perhaps  they  might  themselves  be  com- 
pelled to  conform.  And  thus,  by  a  vitiated  and  demoral- 
ized people,  Innocent  XII.  was  severely  blamed  for  that 
which  constitutes  perhaps  his  sole  title  to  our  praise. 


PONTIFICATE  OF  CLEMENT  XI.  603 


CHAPTER  IX. 

PONTIFICATE   OF   CLEMENT  XI. FALL   OF  PORT  ROYAL. 

A.  D.  1700-1721. 

A  NEW  century  introduces  to  us  a  new  pope.  Innocent  XII. 
died  in  September,  A.  D.  IVOO ;  and  before  the  end  of  the 
year  the  Cardinal  Albani  succeeded  to  the  tiara,  and  com- 
menced a  long  and  important  pontificate. 

Gianfranceso  Albani,  Pope  Clement  XI.,  was  the  unani- 
mous choice  of  the  conclave,  and  in  reality  stood  the  high- 
est among  the  cardinals  for  merit.  The  learninor  and  talent 
which  alone  had  raised  him  to  the  seat  of  power,  had  for- 
merly obtained  for  him  the  patronage  of  the  clever  but 
eccentric  and  profligate  Christina  of  Sweden,  when  she  kept 
court  at  Rome.  His  affable  and  yet  wary  deportment  to- 
ward both  equals  and  inferiors  had  greatly  ingratiated  him 
with  all  classes  of  the  Romans,  although  some  of  his  co- 
temporaries  ventured  to  insinuate  that  his  popular  qualities 
were  only  the  result  of  a  careful  study  to  avoid  giving 
offense.  "  Clement  XL,"  says  Ranke,  "  might  be  consid- 
ered the  very  creation  and  true  representative  of  the  court 
of  Rome,  which  he  had  never  quitted."  A  bland  behavior, 
and  a  silent,  watchful,  and  cautious  course  of  conduct,  have 
ever  been  the  highest  recommendations  and  surest  titles  to 
advancement  at  the  court  of  Rome.  Sad  evidence  that  the 
religion  which  inculcates  simplicity  and  sincerity  as  the  chief 
ornaments  of  character  have  no  great  influence  there  ! 

It  was  a  critical  moment  foi'  Europe  when  Clement  XI. 
ascended  the  papal  throne.  Charles  II.  of  Spain,  the  last 
descendant  of  the  Austrian  house,  had  died  just  a  fortnight 
before ;  and  already,  amid  the  stillness  which  portended 
the  coming  tempest  of  war,  the  rumbling  of  distant  thun- 
der might  be  heard.  Louis  XIV.  was  resolved  at  all  haz- 
ards that  his  grandson,  Philip  V,,  whom  he  had  skillfully 


504  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

contrived  to  place  on  the  vacant  throne,  should  keep  pos- 
session of  the  prize.  The  other  European  monarchs,  espe- 
cially those  of  England  and  Austria,  were  equally  deter- 
mined to  check  the  insatiable  ambition  of  the  Bourbons ; 
and  preparations  were  commenced  on  all  hands  for  a  gen- 
eral and  decisive  war. 

Presuming  on  the  large  resources  and  the  singular  good 
fortune  of  "the  great  king,"  the  Pope  ventured  on  the 
hardy  step  of  espousing  his  cause.  In  a  letter  to  Louis  he 
expressed  his  pleasure  that  the  latter  had  refused  to  accept 
less  than  the  entire  and  undivided  kingdom  of  Spain  for 
his  grandson,  although  there  were  other  claimants  equally 
entitled  to  a  share,  and  between  whom,  indeed,  the  allied 
sovereigns  who  were  in  the  field  against  Louis  proposed  to 
divide  it.  Clement  even  proceeded  so  far  as  to  promise 
subsidies  in  aid  of  the  French  designs. 

For  a  time  the  forward  and  rash  confidence  of  the 
Pontifif  seemed  justified  by  events.  The  French  arms  were 
quite  successful  in  an  expedition  against  Vienna,  and  Clem- 
ent found  it  impossible,  however  imprudent,  to  conceal  the 
satisfaction  he  felt.  But  reverses  soon  followed.  The  duke 
of  Marlborough's  victories  over  the  largest  armies  of  France 
on  the  battle-fields  of  Blenheim,  Ramillies,  and  Donauwerth, 
and  the  astounding  capture  of  Gibraltar,  completely  changed 
the  aspect  of  the  scene,  and  humbled  the  arrogance  of  Louis. 

Unhappy  Italy  had  been  regarded  for  too  many  ages  as 
the  natural  prey  of  the  neighboring  kingdoms,  not  to  sufifer 
greatly  during  this  protracted  and  bloody  war.  And,  al- 
though Clement  XI.  had  not  openly  joined  either  of  the 
contending  parties,  yet  his  well-known  partiality  for  the 
French  brought  down  upon  the  papal  States  all  the  ire  of 
the  emperor.  Not  only  did  the  Austrian  army  commit  great 
depredations  in  its  passage  through  the  papal  territory  to 
Naples  ;  the  Emperor  Joseph  I.  thought  the  present  an  ad- 
mirable occasion  for  once  more  reviving  the  old  imperial 
claims.     He  took  pleasure  in  mortifying  the  Pope  by  re- 


PONTIFICATE    OF   CLEMENT   XI.  505 

uniting  to  the  empire  a  number  of  the  fiefs  on  which  the 
pontiffs  had  laid  their  greedy  hands,  and  he  insisted  on 
Clement's  acknowledging  his  brother,  the  Archduke  Charles, 
as  the  rightful  successor  to  the  throne  of  Spain,  under  pen- 
alty of  suffering  yet  greater  and  more  painful  losses. 

By  every  means  in  his  power — by  stratagems  and  delays, 
by  entreaties  and  even  threats  —  did  the  Pope  strive  to  es- 
cape or  evade  the  humiliating  command.  Eagerly,  but 
vainly,  he  looked  on  all  sides  for  assistance.  On  the  day 
appointed  by  the  empei'or  for  his  final  decision,  and  after 
which,  if  he  refused  consent,  his  capital  was  to  be  attacked 
by  a  hostile  force,  he  waited  till  eleven  o'clock  at  night  in 
the  vain  hope  that  some  escape  might  be  found,  and  then, 
with  sadness  and  reluctance,  signed  the  required  acknowl- 
edgment. No  sooner  had  the  deed  been  accomplished  than 
the  French  ambassador  indignantly  quitted  Rome,  declaring 
it  was  no  lonofer  the  seat  of  the  Church. 

To  what  straits  do  we  here  see  the  proud  Bishop  of  Rome 
reduced  !  How  low  had  the  papacy  sunk  before  the  in- 
creasing might  of  the  European  sovereigns  !  He  who  was 
wont  to  be  regarded  as  the  supreme  arbiter  of  peace  and 
war  was  beaten,  like  a  tennis  ball,  from  hand  to  hand. 
Ev^en  the  political  independence  of  the  papacy  was  virtually 
gone.     It  existed  only  by  sufi'erance. 

Although  the  French  ambassador  had  departed  in  high 
dudgeon,  it  was  to  France  that  the  Pope's  eyes  were  still 
most  hopefully  and  anxiously  directed.  The  astonishing 
growth  of  that  nation  in  power  and  wealth  since  the  acces- 
sion of  Louis  XIV.,  together  with  the  talent  and  learning 
of  the  clergy  who  flourished  during  his  reign,  had  rendered 
the  Galilean  Church,  in  spite  of  its  pretensions  to  independ- 
ence, the  fairest  province  of  the  papacy,  and  the  brightest 
jewel  in  the  papal  diadem.  It  was  natural,  therefore,  that 
Clement  should  be  loth  to  lose  France,  and  that  the  relig- 
ious condition  of  that  country  should  attract  his  profoundest 

concern. 

22 


506  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

And  just  now  there  were  special  reasons  for  that  concern. 
The  strife  between  the  Jesuits  and  the  Jansenists  had  broken 
out  afresh.  Quesnel's  translation  of  the  New  Testament, 
with  annotations,  [Heflexions  Morales,)  was  the  spark  that 
had  rekindled  the  fire.  In  his  notes  attached  to  the  sacred 
text  Quesnel  had  expressed,  in  elegant  and  even  fascinating 
language,  the  leading  doctrines  of  the  Jansenist  sect ;  that 
is,  all  those  doctrines  of  grace  which  gave  the  Jansenists  so 
powerful  a  hold  on  Protestant  sympathies.  The  Jesuits 
were  greatly  incensed  at  this  bold  reiteration  of  sentiments 
which  had  been  once  and  again  condemned,  and  immedi- 
ately applied  both  to  the  French  king  and  to  the  Pope  for 
the  suppression  of  Quesnel's  book. 

Clement  displayed  in  this  business  the  cautious  and  not 
vei7  sincere  character  which  his  eulogists  so  highly  admire. 
In  the  first  year  of  his  pontificate  he  had  himself  met 
with  the  "  Moral  Reflections,"  and  had  expressed  in  ardent 
terms  his  pleasure  in  the  perusal.  The  Abbe  Renaudot 
relates,  that  being  then  in  Rome  he  went  one  day  to  see  the 
Pope,  who  was  himself  learned  and  fond  of  learned  society. 
He  found  Clement  studiously  reading  father  Quesnel's  book. 
On  seeing  Renaudot  enter  the  apartment,  the  Pope  said,  in 
a  kind  of  rapture  :  ''  Here  is  a  most  excellent  book  !  We 
have  nobody  at  Rome  who  is  capable  of  writing  in  this 
manner ;  I  wish  I  could  engage  the  author  to  reside  here  !'^ 

But  the  request  of  Louis  and  the  Jesuits  was  not  to  be 
slighted  by  a  pontiff  for  a  mere  qualm  of  conscience ;  and 
accordingly  the  bull  known  as  the  bull  Unigenitus  was  is- 
sued, which  condemned  in  broad  and  sweeping  terms  all 
the  errors  of  the  Jansenists  and  Quietists.  No  fewer  than 
one  hundred  and  one  heretical  propositions  were  discovered 
by  the  keen  eyes  of  the  Jesuits  in  the  book  of  Quesnel,  and 
were  condemned  by  that  Pope  who  had  once  read  them 
with  so  much  approbation  and  delight ! 

As  specimens  of  the  doctrines  taught  by  the  Jansenists, 
and  now  openly  censured  by  the  Pope,  we  may  select  a,  few 


PONTIFICATE   OF   CLEMENT  XI.  507 

from  the  condemned  propositions.  One  of  them  is  this  : 
"  It  is  useful  and  necessary  at  all  times,  in  all  places,  and 
for  every  kind  of  persons,  to  stud}^  and  know  the  spirit,  piety, 
and  mysteries  of  the  Holy  Scriptures."  Others  of  them  run 
thus:  "The  reading  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  is  for  all."  — 
"  Sunday  ought  to  be  hallowed  by  Christians  by  reading 
books  of  devotion,  and  especially  the  Holy  Scriptures." — 
"  To  snatch  the  New  Testament  from  the  hands  of  Chris- 
tians, or  to  keep  it  shut  from  them  by  taking  away  from 
them  the  means  of  understanding  it,  is  to  close  the  mouth 
of  Christ  ao-ainst  them."  Such  were  the  doctrines  now  con- 
demned  by  the  head  of  the  Romish  Church,  as  '^  false,  scan- 
dalous, impious,  blasphemous,  and  heretical.''^  Rome  never 
has  and  never  will  tolerate  the  free  reading  of  the  Scrip- 
tures :  and  this  alone  is  sufficient  to  annihilate  her  claims  to 
be  a  true  Church  of  Jesus  Christ  —  of  him  who  said, 
"  Search  the  Scriptures ;  for  in  them  ye  think  ye  have  eter- 
nal life  ;  and  they  are  they  which  testify  of  me." 

Taking  prompt  advantage  of  the  storm  which  they  had 
so  successfully  raised,  the  Jesuits  now  resolved  on  the  total 
destruction  of  the  detested  convent  of  Port  Royal.  The 
Archbishop  of  Paris,  De  Noailles,  reluctantly  consented  at 
the  royal  bidding  to  give  the  necessary  orders,  and  in  July, 
1Y09,  the  recluses  were  all  driven  from  their  much-loved 
home  —  some  of  them,  overwhelmed  by  a  calamity  too 
heavy  for  their  infirm  age,  dying  on  the  way  from  the  abbey 
to  the  places  appointed  for  their  abode.  In  the  following 
year  the  abbey  itself  was  pillaged  of  all  that  was  valuable, 
and  its  walls  were  then  leveled  with  the  ground.  Finally, 
in  the  year  17 11,  the  bodies  of  those  who  had  been  buried 
there  were  disinterred,  and  inhumanly  broken  to  pieces  with 
the  most  disgusting  indecency  and  brutality,  the  mangled 
fragments  being  hastily  heaped  together,  and  hidden  from 
siffht  in  one  common  OTave. 

It  is  said  that  the  Archbishop  Be  ISToailles  afterward  vis- 
ited the  spot,  and  was  so  affected  at  the  sad  scene  of  ruin 


508  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

as  to  exhibit  the  most  violent  remorse.  As  lie  looked  at 
the  devastated  burial-ground,  which  once  had  contained  the 
remains  of  many  holy  sei^ants  and  confessors  of  Christ,  the 
sight  seemed  to  fill  him  with  despair.  "  0 !"  he  cried, 
*'  all  these  dismantled  stones  will  rise  against  me  in  the  day 
of  judgment !  0 !  how  shall  I  bear  the  vast,  the  heavy 
load?" 

Not  without  meet  retribution  do  such  crimes  as  those  of 
the  Jesuits  and  Louis  XIV.  pass  away.  The  monarch  who 
had  done  his  utmost,  and  too  fatally,  to  subvert  and  de- 
stroy all  vital  religion  in  France,  in  both  the  Roman  Cath- 
ohc  and  the  Protestant  Churches;  who  had  signed  the 
revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  and  given  over  the  Hu- 
guenots to  persecution  ;  who  had  decreed  the  imprisonment 
of  Madame  Guion,  the  banishment  of  Quesnel  and  Fenelon, 
and  the  destruction  of  Port  Royal  —  was  destined  to  reap 
his  reward  in  the  decay  of  his  own  power  while  yet  living, 
and,  after  his  death,  in  the  wild  hurricane  of  the  French 
revolution,  in  the  public  execution  of  his  descendants,  in 
the  total  departure  of  the  scepter  from  his  house,  and,  may 
we  not  say,  in  the  everlasting  infamy  which  darkens  the 
meretricious  glory  of  his  name  ? 

And  so  also  were  the  Jesuits  punished ;  eventually  with 
condign  disgrace,  and  in  some  degree  almost  immediately. 
*•  Scarcely  was  the  triumph  of  the  Jesuits  complete,"  says 
an  enthusiastic  admirer  of  Port  Royal,  "when,  like  the 
thunder  of  divine  indignation,  a  stroke  burst  upon  them 
from  a  distant  quarter,  which  shook  their  credit  to  the  very 
foundation.  Scarcely  had  they  unjustly  destroyed  the  chil- 
dren of  God  to  obtain  unrivaled  influence,  when  the  whole 
of  that  influence  was  blasted  by  a  foreign  hand." 

Complaints  had  been  made  for  many  years  by  the  Do- 
minican and  Franciscan  missionaries  in  China  that  the  sur- 
prising successes  of  the  Jesuits  there  in  making  converts 
were  entirely  owing  to  the  tricks  and  frauds  which  they 
employed,  and  the  corruptions  with  which  they  adulterated 


PONTIFICATE  OF   CLEMENT  XI.  509 

the  gospel  to  make  it  acceptable  to  the  heathen.  The  in- 
fluence of  the  Jesuits  at  Rome  had  hitherto  prevented  these 
complaints  receiving  very  serious  attention.  But  now  the 
accusations  were  preferred  by  parties  too  powerful  to  be 
disregarded,  and  a  mass  of  evidence  was  produced  which 
proved  that  the  Jesuits,  for  the  sake  of  increasing  their  own 
credit  and  power,  had  winked  at  many  superstitions  and 
heathenish  customs,  and  in  some  cases  had  openly  sanctioned 
and  countenanced  the  most  infamous  practices  of  idolatry. 
Comoelled  to  take  notice  of  these  charc^es,  Clement  XI. 
issued  a  bull,  condemning  all  such  conduct,  and  forbidding 
the  Chinese  converts  any  longer  to  practice  the  idolatrous 
rites  of  paying  divine  honors  to  their  deceased  parents,  and 
to  their  great  lawgiver  Confucius.  The  authority  of  the 
Pope  was  of  course  too  insignificant  in  China  to  alter  the 
course  pursued  by  the  Jesuits,  and  the  Romish  congregations 
there  continued  to  be  nothing  better  than  a  mere  caricature 
of  Christian  Churches ;  but  in  Europe  the  power  of  the 
order  was  greatly  diminished  by  this  terrible  exposure  of 
their  deceits,  and  they  sank  forever  in  the  estimation  of  all 
honest  and  enlio-htened  men. 

O 

Clement  XI.  died  in  1 721.  He  had  acquired  the  reputa- 
tion of  being  a  prudent  Pope ;  for  his  deportment  was 
sober  and  well-regulated,  his  attention  to  the  public  rites  of 
religion  rigid  and  constant,  and  his  visits  to  churches  and 
hospitals  unusually  frequent.  With  all  this,  however,  it  is 
impossible  to  recognize  real  piety  in  a  Pontiff  who  seems  to 
have  had  the  fear  of  man  before  his  eyes  much  more  than 
the  fear  of  God,  and  whose  behavior  was  always  politic  and 
time-serving  rather  than  truthful  and  just. 


510  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 


CHAPTER  X. 

PONTIFICATES    OF    INNOCENT    XIII.,    BENEDICT    XIII.,    AND 
CLEMENT  XII. ADVANCES   OF   DECAY. A.  D.  1721-1740. 

The  election  of  Innocent  XIII.  gave  abundant  proof  of 
the  dependent  state  into  which  the  papacy  had  fallen. 
Cardinal  Paulucci  had  been  first  proposed,  but  the  imperial 
ambassador  declared  that  his  master  would  never  acknowl- 
edge Paulucci  as  pope,  and  that  Cardinal  Conti  would  be  a 
more  acceptable  choice.  The  obsequious  conclave  thereupon 
unanimously  agreed  that  Conti  should  receive  the  tiara. 

Innocent's  age  was  already  very  advanced,  and  his  feeble 
health  prevented  his  taking  an  active  part  in  the  business 
of  government.  He  gave  audience  to  but  few,  and  treated 
even  these  with  the  impatience  and  querulousness  of  old 
age,  rather  than  with  the  dignity  befitting  a  sovei-eign. 
"  The  ambassador  of  Malta,"  wrote  an  eye-witness,  "  will 
long  remember  how  the  Pontiff,  after  a  somewhat  impetu- 
ous entreaty  for  assistance,  gave  him  his  blessing  on  the 
spot,  and  rang  the  bell  for  his  departure." 

But  if  Innocent's  age  and  infirmities  incapacitated  him 
for  active  business,  they  at  least  saved  him  from  doing  much 
harm.  He  did  not  restore,  any  more  than  his  predecessor, 
the  nepotism  of  former  days,  and  his  relations,  who  had 
hoped  great  things  at  his  accession,  were  completely  and 
bitterly  disappointed.  The  emperor,  who  had  so  warmly 
promoted  his  election,  also  continued  friendly  throughout 
his  short  and  uneventful  reign,  which  closed  in  1724. 

Of  Benedict  XIIL,  who  succeeded  Innocent,  we  have 
also  on  the  whole  tolerably  favorable  accounts.  It  was 
happy  for  him  that  he  had  fallen  on  quiet  times,  with  little 
either  to  stimulate  or  provoke  him.  The  great  conflicts  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  social  and  religious,  had  not  yet  com- 


INNOCENT  XIII.,  BENEDICT  XIH.,  AND  CLEMENT  XII.  511 

menced.  Except  in  Germany  and  England,  there  was  little 
activity  of  mind,  or,  at  all  events,  little  freedom  of  discus- 
sion. Central  Italy  also  was  beginning  to  turn  her  attention 
to  trade  and  commerce,  and  the  records  of  Benedict's  pon- 
tificate are  mostly  occupied  with  describing  the  decline  of 
Venetian  prosperity,  and  the  efforts  of  the  papal  govern- 
ment to  estabhsh  a  productive  commerce  at  home. 

In  this  direction,  however,  no  great  amount  of  success 
was  possible  for  such  a  people  as  the  Romans.  The  consti- 
tution of  the  papal  States,  the  incurable  abuses  which  pre- 
vailed, the  listless  habits  of  the  aristocracy — in  a  word,  the 
demoralized  condition  of  Roman  society,  tended  powerfully 
to  repress  the  activities  of  commerce.  The  popes  might,  and 
did,  build  sea-port  towns,  like  St.  Michael  and  Ripa,  in  the 
hope  of  attracting  a  lucrative  trade ;  but  what  trade  of  im- 
portance could  ever  be  carried  on  by  a  people  who  found 
pleasure  in  a  life  of  mere  enjoyment,  without  any  other 
object  of  desire  than  the  luxury  of  doing  nothing  ? 

For  his  own  part,  the  Pope  set  a  better  example,  but  to 
little  or  no  purpose.  Benedict  was  simple  in  his  habits, 
living  almost  as  frugally  as  a  hermit  in  his  cell ;  he  disliked 
the  pomp  and  magnificence  which  former  pontifl:s  had 
ostentatiously  paraded  before  the  world,  and  he  endeavored 
to  correct  the  morals  of  the  clergy  by  calling  an  express 
council  in  the  church  of  the  Lateran.  It  is  even  said  that 
he  meditated  a  grand  scheme  for  uniting  together  all  the 
communities  which  called  themselves  Christian — the  Ro- 
mish, Greek,  Lutheran,  and  Calvinist.  But  his  very  enter- 
tainment of  such  a  thought  suggests  to  us  that  Benedict's 
mind  was  enfeebled  by  the  natural  imbecilities  of  age.  He 
died,  eighty-two  years  old,  in  1730. 

Clement  XII.,  like  his  predecessor,  was  old  and  infirm  at 
the  time  of  his  election,  and  neither  the  political  nor  the 
ecclesiastical  events  of  his  reign  possess  much  interest  for 
the  modern  reader.  So  entirely  had  the  papacy  been 
robbed  of  that  influence,  once  so  predominant  in  the  councils 


512  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

of  Europe,  that  it  now  had  less  weight  among  them  than 
many  a  third-rate  power.  A  petty  struggle  with  the  em- 
peror for  the  duchies  of  Parma  and  Placentia,  in  which  the 
latter  imposed  compliance  rather  than  obtained  a  victory,  and 
an  offer  to  mediate  between  the  little  republic  of  Genoa  and 
the  Corsicans,  were  the  most  important  occurrences  which 
marked  the  popedom  of  Clement.  Such  were  now  the  might- 
iest efforts  of  the  once  universally-feared  Roman  pontiff ! 

Unpleasant  embarrassments  were  also  beginning  to  be 
felt  from  a  deficiency  of  revenue.  Clement  tried,  as  former 
pontiffs  had  done,  the  expedient  of  state-lotteries,  but  the 
only  result  was  to  precipitate  the  pubhc  ruin.  The  im- 
morality of  these  measures  seemed  to  infect  the  whole  ad- 
ministration. All  the  officers  of  government  displayed  an 
incurable  corruptness.  Breaches  of  trust  and  general  dis- 
honesty were  the  order  of  the  day.  The  papal  expenditure 
far  exceeded  its  income,  and  with  no  prospect  of  being  in- 
creased ;  for  not  only  had  the  emperor  succeeded  in  wrest- 
ing from  the  Pontiff  some  of  his  fairest  and  richest  domains, 
but  even  Portugal  and  Spain,  always  hitherto  devotedly 
faithful  to  Rome,  now  ventured  to  suspend  their  annual 
tribute,  and  discovered  an  evident  inclination  still  further  to 
follow  the  example  of  Austria  and  France,  in  withdrawing 
from  the  Pope  the  patronage  of  all  benefices,  and  vesting 
them  in  their  own  sovereigns. 

Clement  XII.  died  early  in  1Y40,  and  the  year  was 
nearly  closed  before  a  successor  was  chosen.  On  the  one 
hand,  the  conclave  were  alive  to  the  urgent  necessity  of 
electing  a  man  whose  energy  and  abihty  should  do  some- 
thing toward  retrieving  the  state  of  affairs ;  on  the  other 
hand,  they  were  too  sensible  of  their  own  weakness  to  risk 
giving  offense  to  the  neighboring  courts.  At  length  they 
fixed  on  a  man  who  was  at  least  unlikely  to  be  offensive,  as 
he  had  never  in  his  life  been  engaged  in  diplomatic  affairs 
either  as  ambassador  or  nuncio.  This  was  Prospero  Lam- 
bertini,  a  native  of  Bologna. 


PONTIFICATE   OF   BE^  EDICT  XIV.  613 


CHAPTER  XI. 

PONTIFICATE   OF    BENEDICT  XIV. PAPAL  CONCESSIONS THE 

JESUITS  THREATENED. A.   D.  1740-1758. 

Benedict  XIV.  had  spent  his  whole  life  in  the  study  of 
canon  law,  and  in  discharging  those  offices  of  the  Roman 
court  in  which  his  studies  fitted  him  to  be  employed.  He 
was  of  a  frank,  open  disposition,  and  would  never,  we  are 
told,  "  practice  any  of  those  arts  which  are  called  Roman- 
esque," in  which  Clement  XI.  had  so  greatly  excelled.  This 
candor  and  sincerity  still  attended  him  as  Pope,  and,  united 
with  a  cheerful  temper,  made  him  more  an  object  of  love 
than  reverence.  He  was  apt  at  conversation,  and  indulged 
the  habit  of  seasoning  his  discourse  with  witty  jests.  Often, 
even  after  he  became  Pope,  would  he  rise  from  his  occupa- 
tion when  some  merry  fancy  had  occurred  to  him,  and 
whispering  it  in  his  broad  Bolognese  dialect  to  such  mem- 
bers of  the  court  as  were  in  attendance,  return  to  his  desk 
enjoying  the  mirth  his  facetiousness  had  caused. 

So  thoroughly  laborious  and  studious,  however,  was  the 
new  Pontiff,  that  he  had  little  occasion  for  counselors,  and 
those  whom  he  most  employed  were  such  as  were  well 
qualified  to  execute  his  behests,  and  to  attend  to  the  details 
of  plans  which  he  himself  had  sketched  out.  "  With  a  bold 
and  comprehensive  glance,"  says  Ranke,  "  he  made  himself 
master  of  the  relations  in  which  the  papal  see  was  placed 
to  the  powers  of  Europe,  discerning  clearly  what  it  was 
possible  to  retain,  and  what  must  be  abandoned." 

And  no  sooner  was  he  seated  on  the  throne  than  he  found 
occasion  to  employ  this  useful  faculty.  It  was  doubtless 
well  for  the  safety  of  the  Roman  court  that  it  now  pos- 
sessed a  head  that  understood  the  peculiarity  of  the  times. 
Benedict's  whole  genius  was  engrossed  throughout  his  pon- 
tificate in  making  such  timely  and  appropriate  concessions 

22* 


514  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

as  would  stave  off  the  perils  which  threatened  entire  de- 
struction to  the  papacy. 

The  first  step  taken  in  this  direction  was  a  measure  for 
conciliating  the  king  of  Sardinia.  The  right  of  appointing 
to  certain  abbeys  and  other  benefices  had  long  been  a  dis- 
puted point  between  the  popes  and  the  house  of  Savoy. 
Benedict  at  once  conceded  the  whole,  and  by  thus  grace- 
fully submitting  to  a  considerable  loss  of  revenue  and  power, 
secured  the  good-will  of  the  Sardinian  monarch.  So  also  to 
the  king  of  Portugal  he  granted  a  large  extension  of  the 
right  of  patronage,  and  even  in  Naples  he  consented  to  re- 
strictions on  the  papal  prerogative,  and  suffered  the  clergy 
to  be  included  in  the  public  taxation.  When  complaints 
reached  him  from  Austria  that  the  multitude  of  holidays 
interfered  with  the  industry  of  the  people,  Benedict  not 
only  permitted  a  reduction  of  the  number,  but  did  not  inter- 
fere when  the  emperor  proceeded  so  far  as  to  exact  labor 
on  those  days  even  from  persons  who  were  themselves  dis- 
posed to  abide  by  the  custom  of  the  Church  and  the  teach- 
ing of  the  priests. 

Sometimes,  also,  the  Pontiff  contrived  yet  more  skillfully 
to  pluck  the  flower  from  the  nettle,  by  making  his  conces- 
sions in  the  form  of  a  bargain.  When  the  king  of  Spain 
demanded  the  right  of  appointing  to  all  benefices  in  his 
dominions,  Benedict  assented  with  a  small  reservation,  on 
condition  of  receiving  an  annual  payment  from  the  Spanish 
treasury  equal  to  the  sum  formerly  paid  by  the  clergy. 

If  we  were  not  accustomed  by  this  time  to  the  spectacle 
of  a  pontiff  basely  bartering  away  his  pretended  spiritual 
supremacy  for  gold ;  if  we  did  not  know  that  the  claim 
itself  is  but  a  mere  pretense,  and  that  many  of  the  pontiffs 
themselves  have  only  cared  for  it  as  a  source  of  worldly 
advantage,  we  might  be  struck  with  horror  at  this  transac- 
tion. Horrible  and  detestable  it  would  be  were  the  claim 
a  just  one.  As  it  is,  however,  we  do  not  affect  horror  at  the 
conduct  of  Benedict.     Regarding  him  as  a  successor  to  a 


PONTIFICATE   OF   liENEDICT   XIV.  515 

mighty  usurpation,  which  had  for  ages  haughtily  maintained 
its  claim  to  certain  temporal  prerogatives  in  all  the  earth, 
Tve  rather  admire  the  wise  sagacity  which  discovered  that 
the  time  for  such  demands  had  wholly  passed  away,  and 
the  conciliatory  moderation  which  distinguished  Benedict 
above  so  many  of  his  predecessors. 

By  these  large  concessions  the  revenue  of  the  papal  State 
was  of  course  considerably  reduced.  Yet  so  skillfully  did 
Benedict  economize  his  resources,  that  he  not  only  silenced 
all  murmuring  on  this  score,  but  entitled  himself  to  a  place 
among  the  most  munificent  patrons  of  art  and  science,  the 
most  generous  benefactors  and  embellishers  of  modem 
Rome.  He  repaired  churches,  constructed  fountains,  dug 
out  antiquities,  and  engaged  himself  generally  in  works  cal- 
culated to  improve  and  enrich  the  people.  By  steadfastly 
pursuing  this  disinterested  course  to  the  end  of  life,  and  do- 
ing nothing  to  aggrandize  his  own  family,  he  secured  peace 
and  plenty  throughout  his  pontificate,  and  his  reign  was 
long  remembered  as  the  last  period  of  unalloyed  happiness 
which  the  country  had  enjoyed. 

This  tranquillity  of  the  papal  States  was  not,  however,  the 
common  lot  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  S)^mptoms 
were  manifesting  themselves  throughout  Europe  of  some 
great  approaching  convulsion.  The  struggle  between  the 
Jansenists  and  the  Jesuits  had  now  assumed  a  much  wider 
form  than  in  days  of  old.  The  cause  of  the  oppressed 
Jansenists  was  everywhere  espoused  by  the  learned,  who 
revered  the  authority  of  Augustine ;  and  it  soon  likewise 
became  the  cause  of  the  orders,  whose  jealousy  of  the  Jes- 
uits daily  increased  ;  while  in  France  it  was  adopted  by  the 
parliaments,  which  regarded  every  act  of  the  Pope's  as  an 
infringement  of  Galilean  rights. 

In  every  country,  therefore,  the  Jansenists  stood  forth  as 
the  advocates  of  liberty,  whether  religious  or  political  ; 
while  the  Jesuits  were  justly  considered  the  main  bulwark 
of  despotism  both  in  Church  and  State.     At  the  same  time 


516  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

the  skeptical  philosophy  of  the  eighteenth  century,  which 
opposed  itself  to  all  revealed  religion,  but  most  of  all  to  any 
that  was  dogmatically  and  violently  imposed,  was  beginning 
to  exert  its  powerful  and  fatal  influence.  Voltaire,  the 
great  apostle  of  that  deistical  philosophy,  had  already  been 
twice  imprisoned  in  the  Bastile  for  the  freedom  with  which 
he  dared  to  satirize  the  despotic  measures  of  Louis  XV.  and 
his  Jesuit  advisers.  And  although  there  was  nothing  in  com- 
mon between  this  party  and  the  Jansenists  but  the  antipathy 
they  both  felt  to  the  Jesuits,  yet  this  alone  was  strong 
enough  to  induce  them  to  unite  their  forces  in  one  desper- 
ate assault  on  that  proud,  powerful  and  dangerous  order. 

As  it  was  in  Portugal  that  the  Jesuits  had  attained  their 
first  success,  and  had  longest  held  their  absolute  dominion 
alike  over  the  government  and  the  confessional ;  so  was  it 
arranged  in  the  providence  of  God  that  Portugal  should 
first  of  all  witness  their  humiliation  and  fall.  The  sovereign 
of  that  country,  Joseph  I.,  had  chosen  for  his  prime  minis- 
ter the  marquis  de  Pombal,  a  statesman  of  great  energy 
and  heroical  darino^  and  who  had  learned  from  his  vouth 
to  detest  the  machinations  of  the  Jesuits.  So  early  as  1751 
Pombal  had  issued  a  decree,  restraining  and  limiting  the 
action  of  the  Inquisition,  and  had  thereby  drawn  upon  him- 
self the  wrath  of  the  whole  order  by  which  the  office  of 
the  Inquisition  was  exclusively  conducted.  In  revenge  for 
this  interference  of  Pombal's,  the  Jesuits  set  themselves  to 
oppose  every  measure  of  his  administration.  When,  for 
instance,  he  created  a  wine-company  for  the  purpose  of 
increasing  the  production  of  that  staple  article  of  Portu- 
guese trade,  the  Jesuits,  themselves  extensive  wine-mer- 
chants, raised  an  insurrection  of  the  people,  declaring, 
among  other  things,  that  the  wines  of  the  new  company 
were  not  fit  for  the  celebration  of  the  mass.  And  when 
the  terrible  earthquake  of  Lisbon  took  place  in  1756,  they 
openly  ascribed  it  to  the  wrath  of  God  at  the  impiety  of 
Pombal  and  his  supporters. 


PONTIFICATE   OF   BENEDICT  XIV.  6l7 

But  the  greatest  provocation  given  by  the  Portuguese 
Jesuits  was  their  daring  to  carry  on  a  rebellious  war 
against  their  own  monarch  in  the  missions  of  Paraguay. 
There  they  designed  to  establish  a  government  of  their  own, 
so  that  they  might  continue  without  interruption  or  control 
their  lucrative  commerce  with  the  natives.  They  had 
already  laid  the  foundation  of  such  a  government  by 
leaguing  together  more  than  thirty  towns,  containing  a  pop- 
ulation of  one  hundred  thousand  souls.  And  now,  with 
these  important  resources,  they  ventured  to  dispute  the  will 
of  their  lawful  sovereign,  and  waged  war  with  Portugal 
from  the  year  1754  to  1757. 

Entreaties  and  threatenings  proving  of  no  avail,  and  wea- 
ried out  at  last  with  these  daring  acts  of  treason  and  revolt ; 
perceiving,  moreover,  that  the  root  of  the  mischief  was  the 
practice  so  long  and  so  successfully  used  by  the  Jesuits,  of 
trading  wherever  they  pretended  to  convert,  Pombal  re- 
solved on  making  an  appeal  to  the  Pope  against  the  entire 
order,  while  he  himself  struck  a  yet  more  decisive  blow 
against  them  at  home.  Both  these  designs  were  forthwith 
accomplished,  for  at  Lisbon  he  banished  the  king's  confessor, 
who  was  a  Jesuit,  giving  directions  that  no  Jesuit  should 
thenceforth  approach  the  court  without 'express  permission, 
and  at  Rome  he  made  strong  representations  and  complaints 
of  the  crimes  committed  by  the  order  in  Paraguay,  and  of 
the  factious  intrigues  with  which  they  disturbed  the  peace 
and  prosperity  of  Portugal. 

Benedict  XIV.  was  by  no  means  attached  to  the  Jesuits ; 
indeed,  he  has  been  accused  of  Jansenist  predilections.  He 
had  already  enacted  bulls  against  the  devotion  to  worldly 
pursuits,  and  particularly  to  trade,  displayed  by  the  mis- 
sionaries of  the  Roman  Church ;  and  in  one  of  them  had 
specified  the  Jesuits  by  name,  forbidding  them  *'  to  make 
slaves  of  the  Indians,  to  sell  them,  barter  or  give  them 
away,  to  separate  them  from  their  wives  and  children,  to 
rob  them  of  their  property,  or  transport  them  from  their 


518  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

native  soil."  He  now  repeated  these  prohibitions,  and  ap- 
pointed Cardinal  Saldanha,  the  Patriarch  of  Lisbon,  to  make 
a  thorough  investigation  into  the  state  of  the  order  in  Por- 
tugal. 

This  was  the  last  public  act  of  Benedict  XIV.,  who  died 
in  May,  1758  ;  and  the  cardinals,  now  fully  awakened  to 
the  perils  that  threatened  the  papacy,  observing  how  the 
tone  of  foreign  courts  grew  daily  more  and  more  dicta- 
torial, and  alarmed  at  the  concessions  made  by  the  late  pon- 
tiff, elected  as  his  successor  Carlo  Rezzonico,  a  man  of  en- 
tirely opposite  character  and  contrary  opinions.  But  this 
change  in  their  policy  had  now  come  too  late. 


CHAPTER   Xn. 

PONTIFICATE     OF     CLEMENT    XIII. JESUITS     EXPELLED     FROM 

PORTUGAL,   FRANCE,   AND   SPAIN. A.    D.  1758-1769. 

Clement  XIII.  was  a  Venetian  by  birth,  and  although  des- 
titute of  talent,  had  gained  a  high  reputation  at  Rome  by 
his  attention  to  the  rites  of  religious  worship.  He  prayed 
much,  and  with  apparent  fervor ;  he  was  very  zealous  for 
the  prosperity  of  the  Romish  Church ;  he  sought  the  char- 
acter of  a  saint,  and  his  higlfest  ambition  was  to  obtain  the 
glory  of  canonization. 

On  his  accession  to  the  papal  throne,  Clement  resolved 
that,  far  from  the  ignoble  concessions  of  his  predecessors, 
he  would  surrender  none,  not  even  the  meanest  of  his  pre- 
rogatives. He  flattered  himself  that  by  earnest  persever- 
ance, those  which  had  been  so  weakly  sacrificed  might  yet 
be  regained,  and  the  diminished  splendor  of  Rome  be  raised 
to  its  ancient  lustre.  This  was  the  task  he  set  himself  to  ac- 
complish, but  neither  his  own  genius  nor  the  circumstances 
of  the  age  permitted  Clement  XIII.  to  realize  his  hopes. 

With  the  dislike  which  Benedict  XIV.  had  discovered  to 


PONTIFICATE   OF  CLEMENT  XIII.  519 

the  Jesuits,  Clement  XIII.  had  no  manner  of  sympathy. 
He  regarded  them,  on  the  contrary,  as  the  principal  sup- 
porters and  most  faithful  servants  of  the  holy  see.  He 
neither  saw  the  necessity  for  reforming  the  order,  nor 
would  he  ever  listen  to  suggestions  on  the  subject.  And 
in  all  these  feelings  and  views  he  was  strongly  seconded 
by  the  majority  of  the  cardinals  then  resident  at  Rome. 

Entertaining  such  decided  opinions  and  resolves,  the  dis- 
may of  the  Pontiff  may  be  imagined  when,  in  April  1759, 
he  received  a  communication  from  Portugal  expressing  the 
resolution  of  the  king  to  expel  the  Jesuits  from  his  domin- 
ions. The  charges  brought  against  them,  however,  were  of 
too  serious  a  character,  and  too  well  supported  by  evidence, 
to  be  treated  with  levity,  or  rebutted  with  contempt. 

The  marquis  of  Pombal's  reforms  had  long  ago  excited 
the  resentment  of  the  nobles,  and  the  restraints  he  had  im- 
posed on  the  Jesuits  had  led  them  to  sympathize  in  the 
hostility  of  the  order.  To  humble,  and  if  possible  to  de- 
stroy the  oflfensive  minister,  they  determined  on  aiming  a 
blow  at  the  sovereign  himself.  In  the  autumn  of  1758, 
therefore,  as  the  king  was  returning  home  in  his  carriage  at 
a  late  hour  of  the  night,  he  was  assailed  by  armed  assas- 
sins, and  shots  were  fired,  which  pierced  his  person  in  sev- 
eral places.  On  full  investigation,  this  crime  was  traced  to 
the  heads  of  several  noble  families,  and  the  Jesuits  were 
also  discovered  to  be  among  their  abettors  and  instigators. 

Upon  the  guilty  nobles  the  law  was  allowed  to  take  its 
proper  course,  and  they  were  executed  with  all  the  fright- 
ful cruelties  of  those  times.  But,  respecting  the  Jesuits,  it 
was  needful  to  be  more  cautious,  and  out  of  deference  to 
the  Pope,  a  memorial  was  first  of  all  forwarded  to  Rome, 
setting  forth  again  their  numerous  crimes  both  in  Portugal 
and  America,  and  asking  the  Pontiff's  consent  to  the  de- 
struction of  an  order  whose  "  dangerous  excesses,  immod- 
erate licenses,  and  infamous  outrages,  fill  all  Europe  with 


scandal  and  disgrust." 


520  UVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

Quite  at  a  loss  how  to  proceed,  Clement  XIII.  delayed 
his  answer  for  several  months,  and  then  reluctantly  signi- 
fied his  consent  to  the  king's  judicially  trying  all  the  eccle- 
siastics implicated  in  the  above  conspiracy,  but  begged  him, 
at  the  same  time,  to  use  all  moderation  and  mercy  ;  above 
all,  "  to  avoid  shedding  the  blood  of  those  devoted  to  the 
service  of  God." 

But  so  much  lenity  appeared  to  the  Portuguese  minister 
exceedingly  ill-timed,  and  not  at  all  consistent  with  the 
safety  of  the  State.  He  therefore  resolved  on  the  execu- 
tion of  the  malefactor-priests,  and  on  the  condign  punish- 
ment of  the  whole  order.  Malagrida,  the  chief  Jesuit  con- 
spirator, was  strangled  and  burned  in  a  solemn  auto-da-fe, 
and  a  decree  was  issued  for  the  immediate  expulsion  of  the 
order  from  all  the  Portuguese  dominions.  In  a  few  days 
the  vessels,  both  of  the  royal  and  merchant  navy,  were 
filled  with  these  priests,  and  conveyed  them  to  the  coast 
of  Italy. 

While  Europe  stood  astonished  at  the  boldness  of  this 
deed,  there  were  other  monarchs  almost  prepared  to  follow 
the  example  of  Joseph  I.,  for  in  every  kingdom  the  Jesuits 
were  suspected  and  hated  by  a  large  proportion  of  the  peo- 
ple. In  France  especially,  that  dislike  to  all  religions 
which  was  daily  becoming  more  apparent,  directed  itself 
most  intensely  and  most  justly  against  the  Jesuits,  as  the 
inveterate  oppressors  of  both  the  intellects  and  the  hearts 
of  men.  The  turn  of  the  French  Jesuits  came  next ;  and, 
much  to  the  chagrin  of  Pope  Clement,  without  long  delay. 

Louis  XV.,  the  weak  and  licentious  king  of  France,  was 
governed  with  almost  absolute  authority  by  his  mistress, 
Madame  de  Pompadour,  and  his  favorite,  the  duke  de  Choi- 
seul.  Both  of  these  cherished  a  vehement  detestation  of 
the  Jesuits  ;  the  former,  because  the  king's  confessor,  with 
singular  severity  in  a  Jesuit,  had  refused  him  the  sacrament 
unless  he  would  dismiss  his  mistress ;  and  the  latter,  be- 
cause he  feared  the  political  effects  which  the  intriguing 


PONTIFICATE   OF   CLEMENT  XIII.  521 

habits  of  the  order  might  produce.  But  Louis  himself 
was  too  superstitious,  and  too  much  inchiied  to  pay  hom- 
age to  the  priesthood,  (as  a  sort  of  compensation  to  his 
conscience  for  the  debaucheries  he  committed,)  to  have  ever 
consented  to  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits,  if  his  favorites 
had  not  found  means  to  work  upon  his /ears. 

They  represented  to  him,  for  this  purpose,  that  the  par- 
liaments of  the  nation  generally  were  exasperated  against 
the  Jesuits.  Nor  was  the  statement  unfounded  in  truth. 
Disclosures  had  lately  been  made  of  the  trading  specula- 
tions carried  on  by  the  order,  which  had  led  to  the  trial  of 
father  Lavalette,  the  banking-priest  of  Martinique,  and  to 
the  exposure  of  the  whole  Jesuit  system.  A  topic  so  ex- 
citing instantly  became  the  engrossing  topic  of  conversation 
in  every  circle.  Pamphlets  on  both  sides  poured  forth  from 
the  press.  ** Nothing,"  says  St.  Priest,  "was  talked  of 
but  probabilism,  surrenders  of  conscience,  obsolete  max- 
ims, and  mental  reservation."  De  Choiseul  and  Pompadour 
earnestly  warned  the  king  to  beware  of  a  new  Fronde. 
The  people  were  provoked,  they  said,  and  it  would  be  nec- 
essary either  to  silence  them  forcibly  by  aboHshing  the  par- 
liaments, or  to  satisfy  them  by  suppressing  the  Jesuits. 
The  former  was  too  dangerous  an  experiment,  however 
tempting  to  the  despotic  disposition  of  a  Bourbon,  and  the 
latter  course  was  therefore  adopted. 

Still  anxious  in  no  way  to  irritate  the  Pope,  Louis  first 
of  all  proposed  to  Lorenzo  Ricci,  general  of  the  order,  that 
a  vicar  should  be  appointed  to  reside  in  France,  a  deputy 
of  the  general  himself,  and  whose  residence  within  the  king- 
dom would  render  him,  in  some  degree,  amenable  to  the 
national  government.  To  this  mild  and  reasonable  propo- 
sal, the  general  bluntly  replied,  "  Sint  ut  sunt,  aut  non 
sint,^' — "  Let  them  be  as  they  are,  or  not  be  any  longer." 
Application  was  next  made  to  the  Pope,  but  his  character- 
istic answer  was,  that  "  he  could  not  venture  to  chanare  a 
constitution  which  had  been  distinctly  approved  by  the  holy 


522  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

Council  of  Trent."  The  ultimate  result  of  all  this  obstinacy 
was,  of  course,  the  downfall  of  the  Jesuits.  In  IV 64  the 
entire  order  was  expelled  from  all  the  soil  of  France. 

In  Spain  the  humiliations  and  chastisements  of  the  order, 
as  if  in  retribution  for  their  former  cruelties  to  the  Protest- 
ants of  that  country,  were  even  more  painful  and  degrading 
than  elsewhere.  Here  they  had  been  maintained  in  all 
honor  up  to  the  very  moment  of  their  fall.  The  stroke 
came  upon  them  like  a  clap  of  thunder.  Charles  III.  had 
detected  their  conspiracies,  which  had  led  to  an  insurrec- 
tion in  Madrid  ;  and  having  silently  and  secretly,  for  a  whole 
year,  prepared  his  revenge,  poured  it  out  in  one  day  on  all 
the  Jesuits  in  his  dominions.  He  only  reproached  himself, 
he  said,  for  having  been  too  lenient  to  so  dangerous  a  body; 
and  then,  drawing  a  deep  sigh,  he  added,  "  I  have  learned 
to  know  them  too  well." 

On  the  Vth  of  April,  1767,  on  the  same  day  and  at  the 
same  hour,  in  Spain,  in  the  north  and  south  of  Africa,  in 
Asia  and  America,  the  alcaids  of  all  towns  opened  the  dis- 
patches which  they  had  received  from  Madrid.  These  dis- 
patches ordered  them,  on  pain  of  death,  within  twenty-four 
hours  to  enter  all  the  establishments  of  the  Jesuits,  to  take 
possession  of  their  property,  and  send  them  away  to  the 
places  specified,  giving  to  each  man  only  a  breviary,  a 
purse,  and  some  apparel.  Nearly  six  thousand  priests,  of 
all  ages  and  conditions,  including  many  who  were  old  and 
infirm,  were  stowed  away  in  the  holds  of  the  ships,  and  so 
were  sent  adrift  on  the  ocean.  Sent  adrift — for  at  the 
command  of  the  stern  General  Ricci,  Italy  rejected  them ; 
they  were  repulsed  from  Civita  Vecchia,  Leghorn,  and 
Genoa ;  and  after  six  months'  wandering  on  the  high  seas, 
worn  out  with  fatigue,  and  decimated  by  the  scythe  of 
death,  between  three  and  four  thousand  found  a  wretched 
asylum  on  the  barren  island  of  Corsica. 

So  secretly  had  their  expulsion  been  managed,  that  no 
notice  of  it  was  given  even  to  the  Pope,  who,  when  he  re- 


PONTIFICATE   OF   CLEMENT  XIII.  623 

ceived  the  news,  was  violently  agitated,  and  shed  a  torrent 
of  tears.  But  the  power  of  the  papacy  had  sunk  too  low 
to  allow  of  any  effectual  resistance  to  the  will  of  France 
and  Spain ;  and  had  the  humiliation  of  the  Church  termi- 
nated here,  Clement  XIII.  would  doubtless  have  submitted 
in  silence.  But  when  Naples,  and  even  the  insignificant 
duchy  of  Parma,  dared  to  follow  the  example  which  had 
been  set  them,  his  wrath  could  not  be  restrained.  He  in- 
stantly issued  a  bull,  declaring  the  style  and  title  of  the 
duke  of  Parma  to  be  forfeited  and  extinct  forever. 

Little  did  the  unhappy  Clement  dream  of  the  storm  he 
was  bringing  upon  his  own  head.  He  seems  to  have  quite 
overlooked  the  connection  of  the  duke  of  Parma  with  both 
the  French  and  Spanish  houses.  The  cause  of  the  latter 
was  immediately  espoused  by  both  these  courts,  and  their 
troops  proceeded  forthwith  to  occupy  Avignon,  Benevento, 
and  Pontecorvo ;  and  they  demanded,  in  explicit  terms,  no 
less  than  the  total  abolition  of  the  Society  of  the  Jesuits, 
and  the  secularization  of  its  members. 

This  sudden  and  unexpected  blow  was  too  much  for  the 
Pontiff  to  bear.  On  receiving  it,  his  fortitude  was  quite 
overcome ;  he  seemed  stupefied,  and  remained  altogether 
speechless.  Nor  did  he  ever  recover  from  the  shock.  A 
slight  cold  still  further  weakened  him,  and  in  a  few  days 
Clement  XIII.  was  numbered  with  the  dead.  He  was  a 
pope,  as  St.  Priest  well  says,  who  belonged  rather  to  the 
twelfth  century,  and  who  was  lost  and  bewildered  in  the 
eighteenth.  He  struggled,  uselessly  enough,  with  the 
mighty  tide  of  events.  He  did  his  utmost  to  retard  the 
inevitable  decline  of  the  papal  power,  but  not  understand- 
ing that  it  ?^as  inevitable,  his  measures  rather  hastened  than 
delayed  it. 


524  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

PONTIFICATE  OF  CLEMENT  XIV. FALL  OF  THE  JESUITS. 

A.  D.  1769-1774. 

The  menacing  attitude  of  the  European  courts  was  now 
more  than  ever  alarming  to  the  conclave ;  and  they  were 
exceedingly  anxious  that  the  Pontiff  elected  should  be  one 
who,  by  his  amenity,  would  be  likely  to  preserve  what  was 
yet  left  to  the  popedom,  rather  than  by  his  obstinacy  pro- 
voke its  total  destruction.  They  had  learned  at  length 
that  the  policy  of  Benedict  XIV.  was  more  suitable  to  the 
times  than  that  of  Clement  XIII.  They  chose,  therefore, 
the  amiable  Lorenzo  Ganganelli. 

Clement  XIV.,  as  Ganganelli  determined  to  be  styled, 
was  of  very  humble  origin ;  some  say  the  son  of  a  country 
surgeon,  others  of  a  laborer.  In  early  life  he  had  entered 
a  monastery  of  the  Franciscan  order,  and  there  devoted 
himself  most  sedulously  to  every  department  of  learning. 
Few  pontiffs  have  embraced  so  wide  a  scope  in  their  stud- 
ies as  did  Ganganelli,  or  so  equally  disciphned  every  faculty 
of  the  mind.  With  this  he  also  associated  a  disposition  so 
gentle  and  mild  that  one  of  his  masters  said  of  him,  while 
yet  a  youth,  "  that  it  was  no  wonder  if  he  loved  music, 
seeing  that  everything  in  his  own  character  was  harmony." 

Yet  Ganganelli  was  not  devoid  of  ambition.  He  had 
from  his  boyhood  a  presentiment  that  he  was  destined  to  a 
high  station,  and  delighted  to  speak  often  of  Sixtus  V.,  who 
had  risen  from  keeping  swine  in  the  Sabine  fields  to  a  pon- 
tifical and  regal  chair.  Indeed,  it  has  been  said,  "  That  no 
one  ever  bore  the  stamp  of  Sixtus  V.  so  strongly  impressed 
upon  his  character  as  GanganelH." 

Nor  was  he  wholly  free  from  that  habit  of  dissimulation 
which  seems  indigenous  or  endemic  in  Rome.  When  Clem- 
ent XIII.  gave  Ganganelli  the  cardinal's  hat,  he  threw  him- 


FALL  OF  THE  JESUITS.  525 

self  at  the  Pontiff's  feet,  beseeching  him  to  bestow  it  on 
one  more  worthy ;  yet  so  much  did  he  in  his  heart  exult  in 
his  rapid  accumulation  of  honors,  that  when  he  became 
Pontiff  he  could  not  refrain  from  pointing  out  a  stone  on 
which  he  had  once  stood  near  the  porch  of  the  Vatican,  to 
see  the  cortege  of  his  predecessor  pass  by,  and  exclaiming, 
"  See  !  from  that  stone  I  was  driven  ten  years  ago." 

The  new  Pontiff's  first  care  was  to  propitiate  the  hostile 
courts.  It  has,  indeed,  been  said  that  the  piice  of  his  elec- 
tion was  an  implied  promise  to  the  court  of  Spain  that  he 
would  abolish  the  order  of  Jesuits.  At  all  events,  he  ven- 
tured on  a  step  hitherto  unprecedented  in  the  annals  of  the 
popedom — the  suppression  of  a  bull.  He  ordered  that  the 
bull  In  Coena  Domini,  always  pre^^ously  read  with  great 
ceremony  before  the  congregations  once  every  year  on  the 
Thursday  of  Holy  Week,  should  be  read  no  more.  Great 
was  the  astonishment  of  Rome  at  so  daring  a  measure,  but 
Ganganelli  well  knew  that  he  was  only  treading  the  path 
marked  out  for  him  by  the  spirit  of  the  age,  and  in  which 
the  sovereigns  of  Portugal  and  Spain  had  already  trodden 
before  him. 

This  bull.  In  Coena  Domini,  originally  promulgated  by 
Pius  Y.,  is  one  of  those  arrogant  assertions  of  absolute  su- 
premacy by  which  the  pontijQfs  in  other  days  were  wont  to 
overawe  the  minds  of  rebelhous  kings.  It  pronounces  sen- 
tence of  excommunication  on  all  bishops,  magistrates,  and 
others,  who  shall  venture  to  propose  a  future  council ;  and 
denounces  awful  anathemas  upon  all  kings  and  their  officers 
who  should  dare  to  compel  the  clergy  to  pay  tribute  to  the 
State ;  and,  in  general,  upon  all  who  offer  any  opposition 
to  the  discipline  ordained  by  the  Council  of  Trent.  So 
offensive  was  the  bull  to  even  Roman  Catholic  monarchs, 
that  the  reading  of  it  had  been  forbidden  by  most  of  the 
sovereigns  of  Europe  so  early  as  the  year  1*767. 

It  was  with  more  deliberation  and  caution  that  Clement 
advanced  to  his  greatest  achievement,  the  suppression  of 


526  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

the  order  of  Jesuits.  Not  indeed  that  he  entertained  a  par- 
ticle of  attachment  toward  them.  None  knew  better  than 
he  the  villany  of  their  practices,  or  the  true  desert  of  their 
crimes.  But  he  had  doubts,  natural  enough  to  a  Roman 
Catholic,  of  the  propriety  of  acting  so  directly  in  defiance 
of  all  former  popes.  Still  more  he  seems  to  have  feared  to 
reverse  the  decrees  of  a  council ;  and  as  the  Jesuits  loudly 
boasted  that  their  order  was  specially  approved  and  sanc- 
tioned by  the  Council  of  Trent,  Clement  gave  directions  for 
that  matter  to  be  thoroughly  investigated. 

Most  of  all,  however,  the  Pope  dreaded  the  secret  in- 
triofues  and  machinations  of  those  subtile,  darinof,  and  evil- 
minded  men  ;  for  they  did  not  hesitate  to  whisper  atrocious 
threats,  which  reached  his  ears,  and  evidently  wrought  upon 
his  mind  the  effect  they  wished.  His  natural  gayety  of 
disposition  disappeared,  his  health  declined,  he  wore  an 
anxious  countenance,  lived  more  retired  than  ever,  and 
would  only  be  served  at  table  by  old  Francesco,  a  monk 
who  had  been  his  attendant  in  his  early  days. 

The  picture  given  by  St.  Priest  of  Clement's  character  at 
this  time  is  evidently  drawn  by  an  unfriendly  hand.  It 
represents  him  as  timid  to  cowardice,  making  perpetual  and 
even  mean  excuses  to  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  for  so  long 
delaying  the  measure  which  they  expected  at  his  hands, 
and  as  acting  in  a  manner  altogether  unworthy  of  the  high 
reputation  he  has  acquired.  But  no  one  who  carefully 
reads  the  letters  of  Ganganelli,  believing  them  to  be  au- 
thentic, (which  there  is  no  reason  whatever  to  doubt,)  can 
admit  that  this  is  a  fair  account  of  Clement's  beha\dor. 
Undoubtedly  he  was  cautious  and  timid,  but  he  was  not 
too  timid  to  take  a  step  eventually  which  he  might  have 
avoided  if  he  had  pleased,  and  his  extreme  caution  was 
largely  the  result  of  a  conscientious  desire  to  do  nothing 
contrary  to  his  view  of  the  duties  and  responsibilities  of  his 
office. 

It  would  appear  that  Clement  hesitated  between  a  desire 


FALL   OF  THE  JESUITS.  62^ 

to  reform  the  Jesuit  order,  and  a  secret  conviction  that  re- 
form was  impossible,  and  that  to  restore  peace  to  the  Church 
and  the  world  it  was  necessary  to  abolish  it  altogether.  It 
is  certain  that  he  greatly  feared  the  consequences  of  this 
latter  step,  and  would  willingly  have  deferred  it  at  least 
until  the  death  of  its  general,  Lorenzo  Ricci.  Tormented 
by  apprehensions  of  unknown  danger  on  the  one  hand,  and 
teased  on  the  other  by  incessant  complaints  from  the  courts 
of  France  and  Spain,  he  lost  all  peace  of  mind,  and  regret- 
ted the  day  which  had  advanced  him  to  the  papal  chair. 
Quite  unlike  Sixtus  V.,  his  favorite  pattern,  in  the  contex- 
ture of  his  mind,  Ganganelli,  with  all  his  excellences,  was 
unfitted  to  steer  the  vessel  of  the  papacy  through  the  tem- 
pestuous seas  on  which  she  was  now  thrown.  "  Alas !" 
exclaimed  he  one  day  to  Cardinal  Bernis,  "  I  was  not  born 
to  occupy  a  throne.  Pardon  a  poor  monk  the  faults  which 
he  has  contracted  in  solitude.  I  believe  it  to  be  impossible 
for  a  monk  to  throw  oflf  entirely  the  spirit  that  attaches  to 
the  cowl." 

In  spite  of  the  esteem  in  which  Clement  was  personally 
and  deservedly  held,  his  situation  in  relation  to  the  great 
business  for  which  he  had  been  elevated  to  the  tiara  became 
worse  and  worse.  Proofs  were  not  wanting,  mdeed,  of  the 
respect  felt  for  his  character.  Portugal  consented  on  this 
ground  alone  to  receive  a  nuncio  from  Rome ;  and  when 
the  prelate  Conti  appeared  at  Lisbon  he  was  received  in 
the  Tagus  by  the  royal  galley,  manned  by  seventy  rowers 
in  splendid  dresses,  amid  the  shouts  of  multitudes  who  Hned 
the  banks  of  the  river.  But  respect  shown  to  the  individual 
was  a  poor  compensation  for  contempt  thrown  on  the  dig- 
nity he  held ;  and  the  honors  paid  to  Conti  were  more  than 
counterbalanced  in  the  eyes  of  the  Romans  by  the  degra- 
dation they  felt  when  the  king  of  Naples  gave  orders  to 
remove  all  the  rare  and  invaluable  statues  which  for  more 
than  a  century  had  adorned  the  Farnese  palace,  and  the 
duke  of  Tuscany,  following  the  example,  stripped  the  Villa 


528  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

de'  Medici  of  its  most  precious  relics  of  ancient  art,  and  con- 
veyed them  to  Florence.  The  Pope  fell  into  disgrace  with 
his  own  subjects,  and  all  his  moderation  as  a  ruler,  and  his 
self-denial  as  a  prince,  could  not  save  him  from  the  raillery 
of  the  fickle  populace. 

The  Jesuits  also  took  advantage  of  his  temporizing  policy, 
and  determined  so  to  work  on  his  fears  as  to  prevent  his 
taking  any  step  even  toward  reforming  their  order.  They 
spread  reports  that  France  and  Spain  no  longer  desired 
their  destruction,  and  that  Austria  would  certainly  revenge 
it.  They  raised  up  a  prophetess,  a  peasant  girl  of  Valen- 
tano,  who  predicted  the  rapid  approach  of  the  Pontiff's 
death.  Although  Clement  might  have  despised  the  proph- 
ecy, he  knew  too  well  that  they  who  conceived  and  pub- 
lished it  would  have  little  scruple  to  effect  its  fulfillment. 

Meantime,  the  courts  of  Charles  III.  and  Louis  XV.  grew 
impatient  at  the  long  delay  of  the  Pontiff  in  executing  their 
wishes ;  and  Charles  sent  an  ambassador  to  Rome  of  spe- 
cial qualifications  for  the  task  to  which  he  was  deputed,  of 
terrifying  Clement  into  compliance.  This  envoy,  Florida 
Blanca,  had  already  discovered  great  zeal  in  suppressing 
the  Jesuits,  and  when  the  latter  heard  that  he  had  arrived 
in  Rome  they  justly  guessed  at  the  nature  of  his  errand, 
and  felt  that  a  serious  blow  was  impending.  Clement  him- 
self was  alarmed  at  his  coming,  for  he  dreaded  being  hur- 
ried into  a  step  which  he  might  afterward  deplore  as  pre- 
cipitate. 

Introduced  to  the  presence  of  the  Pope,  Florida  Blanca 
laid  before  him  a  plan  for  the  total  abolition  of  the  Jesuits, 
accompanying  it  with  dark  hints  of  the  measures  which 
Spain  would  adopt  unless  her  requests  were  compHed  with. 
Clement  felt  that  he  could  not,  like  his  predecessors,  be 
peremptory  in  his  refusal.  He  merely  entreated  that  the 
king  would  wait  until  the  death  of  father  Ricci,  the  general 
of  the  order.  " No,  holy  father,"  replied  the  envoy,  "it  is 
by  extracting  the  tooth  that  the  pain  is  stopped.     I  conjure 


FALL  OF  THE  JESUITS,  629 

your  holiness  to  beware  lest  the  king,  my  master,  should 
come  to  approve  the  project  already  adopted  by  more  than 
one  court,  of  suppressing  all  religious  orders  whatsover." 
"Ah!"  rejoined  Clement,  "I  have  long  seen  that  this  was 
the  object  at  which  they  were  aiming ;  but  they  are  seeking 
still  more  —  the  ruin  of  the  Catholic  Church.  Schism,  and 
even  heresy,  perhaps,  are  in  the  secret  thought  of  the  sover- 
eigns." But  when  Blanca  supported  his  arguments  by 
suggesting  a  mercenary  motive,  and  promised  the  Pope  that 
if  he  would  consent  Avignon  and  Benevento  should  be  im- 
mediately restored,  Clement's  virtuous  indignation  was 
aroused,  and  he  replied  with  courage :  "  Remember  that 
a  Pope  governs  the  Church,  but  does  not  traffic  in  his  au- 
thority." How  rare  an  instance,  the  reader  of  these  mem- 
oirs will  perhaps  exclaim,  of  pontifical  virtue  ! 

Delay  was  no  longer  possible.  The  inevitable  hour  had 
come ;  and  Clement,  having  resolved  on  the  step,  was  now 
only  solicitous  to  take  it  in  such  a  manner  as  to  avert  the 
dreadful  consequences  he  feared  —  popular  tumult  and 
insurrection,  and  plots  against  his  own  life.  He  wished,  he 
said,  to  announce  the  thunder-bolt  by  some  flashes  of  light- 
ning. He  therefore  caused  actions  at  law  to  be  laid  aofainst 
the  society  —  a  measure  hitherto  without  example  —  by 
which  their  debts,  their  bad  administration  of  schools,  and 
their  other  offenses  were  unmasked  to  public  view ;  and  the 
citizens  of  Rome  were  amazed  to  find  that  the  revered  and 
immaculate  Jesuits  were  among  the  most  selfish  and  im- 
moral of  men. 

Having  thus  prepared  the  public  mind,  Clement  advanced 
to  the  great  and  painful  duty  of  decreeing  the  abolition  of 
the  order.  On  the  21st  of  July,  1773,  the  brief,  Dominus 
ac  Redemptor,  made  its  appearance.  "  Inspired,  as  we 
trust,"  runs  the  document,  "  by  the  Divine  Spirit ;  impelled 
by  the  duty  of  restoring  concord  to  the  Church  ;  convinced 
that  the  Society  of  Jesus  can  no  longer  effect  the  purposes 
for  which  it  was  founded ;  and  moved  by  other  reasons  of 

23 


530  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

prudence  and  State  policy,  which  we  retain  concealed  in  our 
own  hearts,  we  do  extirpate  and  abolish  the  Society  of  Jesus, 
its  offices,  houses,  and  institutions."  Ricci,  the  general, 
was  conducted  to  prison,  stripped  of  all  marks  of  his  dig- 
nity, and  clad  as  a  simple  monk.  The  houses  of  the  order 
were  occupied  by  armed  soldiers,  and  seals  put  upon  all 
their  effects ;  the  schools,  churches,  and  confessionals,  hith- 
erto supplied  by  Jesuits,  were  placed  under  the  care  of 
Capuchins.     In  a  few  days  the  dissolution  was  complete. 

Contrary  to  the  apprehensions  of  Clement,  all  this  was 
accomplished  without  tumult  or  resistance.  Even  in  Rome 
the  measure  seemed  to  be  popular.  In  truth  the  world 
had  been  too  long  expecting  it  to  be  taken  by  surprise,  and 
the  crimes  of  the  Jesuits  had  been  too  thoroughly  exposed 
for  their  fall  to  excite  much  compassion.  Clement  was  de- 
lighted at  his  success,  and  his  deportment  resumed  the  air 
of  cheerfulness  which  was  natural  to  him.  He  indulged 
his  taste  for  the  fine  arts,  made  researches  in  the  suburbs 
of  Rome,  the  bed  of  the  Tiber,  and  the  Campagna,  and  so 
collected  those  master-pieces  of  art  which  have  since  re- 
ceived the  name  of  the  Pio-Clementine  Museum.  His  pri- 
vate life  was  always  simple  to  abstemiousness,  and  so  far 
he  was  not  in  esteem  with  the  Roman  nobles ;  but  his  kind, 
polite,  and  sometimes  jocular  afifability,  won  upon  all  hearts, 
and,  united  with  his  unquestionable  morality  and  apparent 
piety,  gave  him  much  favor  even  in  the  eyes  of 'Protestants. 

But  woe  to  the  man,  be  he  peasant  or  prince,  priest  or 
pontiflf,  who  dares  to  affi'ont  the  Jesuits  !  In  less  than  a  year 
after  the  abolition  of  the  order,  Clement,  the  heathful, 
strong,  and  comparatively  youthful  Pontiff,  was  suddenly 
seized  with  a  most  mysterious  disease.  On  rising  one  day 
from  table,  he  felt  an  internal  shock,  followed  by  great 
cold.  From  that  hour  his  strength  declined;  his  voice, 
which  had  been  full  and  sonorous,  was  quite  lost  in  a  singular 
hoarseness ;  an  inflammation  in  his  throat  compelled  him  to 
keep  his  mouth  constantly  open ;  vomitings,  and  feebleness 


FALL   OF   THE    JESUITS.  531 

in  his  limbs,  rendered  him  unable  to  take  his  usual  exercise, 
and  his  sleep  was  incessantly  broken  by  sharp  pains. 

With  this  melancholy  change  in  his  health  came  a  strange, 
but  not  unnatural  alteration  in  his  character.  He  grew 
restless,  capricious,  and  passionate.  Poniards  and  poisons 
were  continually  before  his  eyes.  His  sleep  was  disturbed 
by  horrible  phantoms.  He  thought  that  the  judgments  of 
God  were  upon  him ;  and  amid  sobbings  which  choked  his 
utterance  he  would  cry,  "  Mercy !  mercy !  I  have  been 
compelled  !"  For  six  months  this  torture  continued ;  then, 
for  a  moment,  his  intellect  became  clear  and  unclouded  as 
ever,  and,  although  conscious  that  he  perished  the  victim  of 
Jesuit  malignity,  he  peacefully  and  calmly  expired,  Septem- 
ber 22,  1774. 

No  doubt  whatever  exists,  notwithstanding  the  denials 
of  the  Jesuits,  that  Clement  XIV.  was  poisoned.  His 
most  intimate  friend  Bernis,  as  well  as  Scipio  Ricci,  a  rela- 
tion of  the  Jesuit  general,  testified  that  the  symptoms  which 
preceded  his  death,  and  the  appearance  of  the  body  after- 
ward, (much  too  disgusting  for  description  here,)  gave  in- 
dubitable evidence  of  the  presence  of  one  of  those  slow 
poisons  so  often  mentioned  in  the  annals  of  Italian  crime. 

The  piety  of  Clement  had  too  monkish  a  complexion  to 
appear  thoroughly  healthful,  yet  there  is  good  reason  for 
hoping  that  it  was  real.  His  attachment  to  the  word  of 
God  was  so  ardent  and  devout,  that,  all  Romanist  and  Pope 
as  he  was,  he  could  say,  "  The  Gospels  contain  the  religion 
of  Christ,  and  are  so  plain  that  the  meanest  capacity  can 
comprehend  them."  In  counseling  a  friend  respecting  his 
reading,  he  observes :  "  The  first  book  which  I  put  at  the 
head  of  your  library  is  the  gospel.  It  is  right  that  a  work 
which  forms  the  principle  and  basis  of  religion  should  be 
the  basis  of  your  reading."  Speaking  of  saint- veneration, 
he  elsewhere  says,  "  Suflfer  not  the  piety  of  the  faithful  to 
be  nourished  by  false  legends,  and  kept  up  by  trifling  cere- 
monies.    But  take  care  that  they  recur  continually  to  Jesus 


532  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

Christ,  as  to  our  only  Mediator,  and  only  to  honor  the 
saints  as  belonging  to  him." — Letters  of  Pope  Clement  XIV. 
passim. 

How  strangely  do  sentiments  like  these  sound  in  our 
ears  as  coming  from  the  lips  of  a  pope !  If,  however,  on 
the  one  hand,  it  is  gratifying  to  know  that  divine  grace  can 
surmount  the  disadvantages  of  even  a  Romanist  education, 
it  is  no  less  instructive,  on  the  other,  to  mark  the  sad  fate 
of  Clement  XIV.,  to  observe  the  violent  tempest  which 
arose  as  soon  as  he  was  called  to  assume  the  helm  of  the 
papacy,  and  to  note  the  conflict  in  his  own  mind  between 
educational  prejudices  and  Scriptural  convictions. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

PONTIFICATE     OF     PIUS     VI. THE     FRENCH     REVOLUTION     AT 

ROME,  AND  THE  POPE  IN  BONDS. A.  D.  1774-1799. 

In  the  eyes  of  the  Romans,  the  grand  fault  of  Clement 
XIV.  had  been  his  dislike  of  all  pomp  and  parade.  He 
was  not  sufficiently  a  prince  to  gratify  their  pride.  They 
were  therefore  resolved  that  his  successor  should  make 
amends  for  this  defect.  Nevertheless,  it  was  a  hundred 
and  thirty-eight  days  before  they  came  to  a  decision ;  for 
it  was  requisite  that  the  object  of  their  choice  should  be 
acceptable  to  the  foreign  courts.  By  the  support  of  France 
and  Spain,  Cardinal  Braschi  was  the  successful  candidate ; 
and  even  in  his  mode  of  accepting  the  honor,  he  discovered 
tli«  predominant  feature  of  his  character.  We  need  not 
ascribe  it  to  simplicity  or  to  a  strange  presentiment  of  the 
calamities  that  were  to  befall  him,  that  he  threw  himself  oa 
his  knees  before  the  whole  conclave,  as  soon  as  his  name 
was  pronounced,  and  with  tearful  eyes  exclaimed,  "  Vener- 
able fathers,  your  assembly  is  at  an  end,  but  how  unhappy 
for  me  is  the  result !" 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION  AT  ROME.         533 

Pius  VI.  commenced  his  reign  under  the  brightest 
auspices  then  possible  to  a  pontiff.  Rome  was  filled  with 
rejoicings,  for  the  new  pope  was  precisely  a  man  after  the 
hearts  of  the  people.  In  dignity  of  deportment,  in  mag- 
nificent profusion  of  hospitality,  in  majestic  conceptions  of 
his  own  importance  as  head  of  the  Catholic  Church,  he 
presented  a  strong  contrast  to  his  simple-minded  prede- 
cessor. "This,"  said  the  excitable  Romans,  "is  truly  the 
pontiff  king !  How  nobly  does  he  assume  the  two-fold 
character !"  Pius  was  of  lofty  stature  ;  the  expression  of 
his  face  was  august,  yet  pleasant ;  not  a  wrinkle  blemished 
his  features,  and  they  were  still  animated  with  a  slight 
color ;  his  forehead  was  bald,  but  a  few  white  locks  escaped 
from  the  tiara  to  shade  his  temples  and  his  neck.  When 
the  Romans  beheld  this  stately  figure  advancing  to  take 
possession  of  the  Vatican,  their  admiration  burst  forth  into 
rapturous  shouts.  He  walked  wrapped  in  a  garment  of 
white,  spangled  with  gold,  and  a  golden  hammer  glittered 
in  his  hand.  He  strikes  the  sacred  door — it  falls :  a  thousand 
arms  are  raised  to  demolish  it,  and  the  people  rush  over  its 
ruins.  At  length,  followed  by  a  long  procession,  he  seats 
himself  upon  his  throne.  In  all  this  he  is  attended  by  the 
shouts  of  the  admiring  populace.  One  exclaims,  "  How 
beautiful  he  is  !"  Another  replies,  "  Not  less  holy  than  he 
is  beautiful." — >S'^.  Priest. 

Untroubled  by  foreign  interference,  now  that  Europe  had 
been  appeased  by  the  sacrifice  of  the  Jesuits,  Pius  VI.  spent 
the  first  years  of  his  pontificate  in  executing  those  projects 
of  magnificence  and  gi-andeur  which  have  always  been  so 
acceptable  to  the  citizens  of  Rome,  and  have  shed  a  terres- 
trial kind  of  lustre  on  so  many  of  her  rulers.  In  Pope  Pius 
the  spirit  of  Leo  X.  seemed  to  be  revived,  so  intent  was  he 
on  adding  to  those  rich  treasures  of  ancient  and  modern  art 
already  possessed  by  Rome.  The  museum  which  he  had 
commenced  in  the  Vatican  when  acting  as  apostolic  treasurer 
to  Pope  Clement  XIV.  he  now  diligently  enlarged.    Statues 


534  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

were  collected  from  the  ruins  of  Antium,  Prseneste,  and  the 
villa  of  Tibur.  "  Immense  halls  opening  on  to  the  grand 
landscape  of  the  Roman  Campagna,  lined  with  jasper  and 
paved  with  mosaics,  were  raised  to  receive  these  treasm-es. 
The  eye  loses  itself  in  the  perspective  of  galleries,  staircases, 
and  porticoes,  which  are  as  rich  as  they  are  numerous. 
The  Apollo  and  the  Laocoon,  till  then  thrown  aside  in  an 
obscure  corner,  were  placed  in  arched  recesses  at  each  end 
of  a  vast  rotunda,  skillfully  lighted,  and  kept  constantly  cool 
by  the  play  of  fountains.  By  such  improvements,  as  grandly 
conceived  as  they  were  lavishly  executed,  did  Pius  VI.  raise 
the  Vatican  to  a  degree  of  magnificence,  which  renders  the 
pontifical  abode  the  greatest  palace,  museum,  and  temple 
in  the  world." 

Attracted  by  the  brilliancy  of  the  new  pontificate, 
strangers  flocked  to  Rome  from  all  quarters  of  the  world. 
They  came  not  now,  however,  on  pious  pilgrimages,  but 
wholly  bent  on  pleasure.  "Among  the  various  motives 
that  drew  people  from  all  parts  of  Europe,"  says  St.  Priest, 
"religion  was  the  only  one  excluded."  But  though  Pius 
knew  this  perfectly  well,  he  was  none  the  less  gratified. 
He  caused  the  papal  chapel  to  be  thrown  open  to  Protest- 
ants during  the  performance  of  high-mass,  and  courteously 
received  the  homage  which  was  thus  paid  him  by  heretical 
admirers.  Among  the  numerous  and  notable  visitors  at 
Rome  during  this  period  were  many  of  the  princes  of 
Europe ;  the  heir  of  the  Russian  empire,  the  king  of  Eng- 
land's brothers,  the  mother  of  King  Louis  Philippe,  the 
sovereigns  of  Tuscany  and  Naples,  Gustavus  III.  of  Sweden, 
and  the  Emperor  Joseph  II. 

But  the  noblest  of  all  this  pontiff's  achievements  was 
unquestionably  his  attempt,  and  partial  success,  in  draining 
the  Pontine  Marshes.  This  district,  lying  southward  of 
Rome,  and  bordering  on  the  sea,  abounds  with  poetical  asso- 
ciations, which,  one  would  have  thought,  must  forever  have 
saved  it  from  ruinous  neglect.    Here  stood  Laurentum,  Ar- 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION  AT  ROME.        635 

dens,  Lavinium,  and  Antium ;  here  were  the  villas  of 
Rome's  proudest  and  wealthiest  nobles  in  the  days  of  im- 
perial grandeur ;  here,  of  old,  were  temples,  and  mansions, 
and  towns,  in  the  midst  of  the  loveliest  scenery  that  even 
Italy  could  supply.  Yet  Pius  found  it  an  arid  waste,  the  only 
objects  breaking  the  monotony  being  here  and  there  a  few 
arches  of  a  ruined  aqueduct,  the  shaft  of  a  broken  pillar, 
or  the  rude  hut  of  the  fisherman  or  charcoal-burner.  In 
the  rainy  season,  moreover,  the  streams  from  the  mountains 
converted  the  whole  plain  into  a  vast  marsh,  whence  it  de- 
rived its  name.  Pius  drained  a  large  portion  of  this  region, 
and  made  it  both  capable  of  tillage  and  fit  for  habitation. 
By  the  side  of  a  canal  he  also  constructed  a  road  forty 
miles  long,  and  adorned  it  with  double  rows  of  trees. 

In  Italy,  therefore,  Pius  VI.  acquired  glory ;  but  not 
even  he  could  stay  the  decline  of  a  decayed  institution,  and 
as  soon  as  he  commenced  intercourse  with  foreign  princes 
his  glory  was  doomed  to  an  eclipse.  His  earliest  reverse, 
too,  occurred  on  a  side  from  which  it  was  least  expected — 
from  the  house  of  Austria. 

In  1Y80  Maria  Then-esa,  the  illustrious  mother  of  the  em- 
peror, died,  and  Joseph  II.,  delivered  from  her  masculine 
and  energetic  control,  determined  on  measures  which  her 
zealous  attachment  to  Rome  had  always  steadfastly  opposed. 
Joseph  had  learned  from  the  philosophers  of  France  to  de- 
spise the  pretensions  of  the  Romish  Church,  and  although 
still  professing  to  be  a  faithful  Roman  Catholic,  he  resolved 
on  reforming  the  abuses  of  the  priesthood  within  his  own 
dominions,  and  on  compressing  within  the  narrowest  limits 
the  prerogatives  of  the  Pope.  Had  his  plans  been  as  care- 
fully and  cautiously  carried  out  as  they  were  liberally  and 
wisely  devised,  vast  benefits  must  have  accrued ;  but  un- 
happily the  emperor  was  rash,  precipitate,  and  unbending. 

Depending,  as  he  manifestly  did,  on  the  influence  of 
Maria  Theresa  for  any  continuance  of  his  authority  in  Aus- 
tria, it  might  seem  certain  that  Pope  Pius  would  greatly 


636  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

deplore  the  death  of  that  queen.  From  whatever  cause, 
however,  it  is  certain  that  he  did  not  discover  grief  on  the 
occasion ;  and  that  he  not  only  forbade  the  performance  of 
a  funeral  service  in  the  Vatican,  (an  invariable  custom  on 
the  death  of  a  Roman  Catholic  sovereign,)  but  even  pro- 
hibited the  formality  of  a  court-mourning.  Behavior  so 
impolitic  was  sm-e  to  be  noticed  at  the  imperial  court,  and 
to  widen  the  breach  of  sympathy  which  already  existed. 
**  It  matters  little  to  me,"  said  the  emperor,  "  whether  the 
Bishop  of  Rome  is  polite  or  rude." 

In  fact,  Joseph  rejoiced  at  it,  as  he  thus  appeared  to  be 
acting  from  recent  provocation  instead  of  long-meditated 
intention,  when  he  issued  edict  after  edict,  tolerating  all 
kinds  of  religious  worship ;  removing  all  disabilities  on  ac- 
count of  religion ;  permitting  mixed  marriages ;  declaring 
papal  bulls  to  be  of  no  effect  without  imperial  sanction ; 
suppressing  multitudes  of  monasteries,  so  that  out  of  two 
thousand  not  more  than  seven  hundred  remained ;  with 
many  other  ordinances  of  a  similar  nature.  So  extensive 
and  thorough  a  reform  was  not  only  calculated  to  astonish 
and  terrify  Rome ;  it  was  evidently  too  sudden  and  sweep- 
ing to  be  borne,  and  entitles  Joseph  II.  to  the  appellation 
he  has  received  of  avant-courrier  to  the  French  Revolution. 
To  us,  indeed,  these  decrees  appear  altogether  justifiable 
and  right ;  but  the  vastly  different  character  of  those  times 
made  them  seem  to  eye-witnesses  the  result  of  a  rashness 
bordering  on  madness. 

At  Rome  the  conduct  of  the  emperor  excited  both  horror 
and  dismay.  Of  all  the  European  nations,  Austria  was  the 
only  one  that  had  hitherto  continued  faithful  to  the  Pope  ; 
and  now  from  this  very  quarter  had  come  the  heaviest  blow 
the  popedom  had  sustained  since  the  days  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. Earnest  and  vehement  were  the  remonstrances  ad- 
dressed by  the  papal  nuncio  to  the  emperor.  Was  the 
Church  to  be  deprived  at  a  stroke  of  both  her  authority 
and  her  wealth?     Were  her  revenues  from  Austria — her 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION  AT  ROME.         537 

ecclesiastical  dues,  her  income  from  dispensations,  anathe- 
mas, indulgences,  and  reconciliations — to  be  lost  forever? 
To  these  questions  the  emperor  gave  either  the  most  frigid 
and  repulsive  replies,  or  else  preserved  an  unconquera- 
ble silence. 

Hopeless,  at  length,  of  moving  the  emperor  by  negotia- 
tions at  a  distance,  Pius  VI.  resolved  on  the  unexampled 
step  of  paying  a  visit  in  person  to  the  imperial  court.  He 
first  ascertained  that  such  a  visit  would  not  be  displeasing 
to  Joseph ;  and  then,  in  spite  of  the  dissuasions  of  the 
whole  sacred  college,  he  set  out  for  Vienna,  indulging  the 
hope  that  his  great  powers  of  persuasion  might  succeed 
where  the  formal  soUcitations  of  dispatches  had  utterly 
failed. 

Popes  had  not  yet  lost  the  esteem  of  the  German  people, 
howsoever  they  were  disparaged  and  mortified  by  their 
princes,  and  the  journey  of  Pius  VI.  thus  became  a  contin- 
uous ovation.  The  towns  through  which  he  passed  re- 
ceived him  with  a  kind  of  idolatry.  Prelates  and  nobles, 
and  an  envoy  of  the  king  of  Spain,  greeted  him  on  the  way. 
At  Vienna  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people  rose  to  an  aston- 
ishing height.  They  flocked  into  the  metropolis  from  the 
most  distant  provinces,  until  apprehensions  were  expressed 
of  a  famine,  and  from  twenty  to  thirty  thousand  persons 
thronged  the  Pope's  carriage  as  he  passed  along  the  streets, 
or  crowded  the  space  beneath  the  windows  of  his  palace, 
entreating  his  benediction.  The  emperor  himself,  not  to 
seem  behind  in  courtesy,  received  him  with  every  appear- 
ance of  veneration,  and  assigned  him  the  apartments  in  the 
imperial  palace  which  had  lately  been  occupied  by  Maria 
Theresa. 

Yet,  though  welcomed  with  all  this  excess  of  homage 
and  outward  demonstration  of  joy,  the  Pope  did  not  gain  a 
single  boon  of  importance  by  his  visit.  He  soon  learned 
that  the  Emperor  Joseph  was  not  likely  to  change  his  mind, 
and  that  papal  supremacy  was  totally  banished  (at  least  for 

23* 


538  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

the  present)  beyond  the  bounds  of  the  empire.  Even  dur- 
ing his  stay  in  Vienna,  the  restrictions  on  the  clergy  were 
increased,  and  the  Pontiff's  eyes  were  saluted,  as  he  trav- 
ersed the  city,  by  placards  on  the  walls  proclaiming  the 
detestable  edicts. 

So  little  had  the  courtesy  or  the  eloquence  of  Pius  suc- 
ceeded in  conciliating  the  emperor,  that  he  soon  had  the 
mortification  of  learning  that  the  spirit  of  reform  had  crossed 
the  Alps,  and  that  even  in  Italy  bold  measui'es  were  in 
progress  for  circumscribing  the  papal  power.  The  Bishop 
of  Pistoia,  Scipio  Ricci,  had  received  instructions  from  the 
Duke  of  Tuscany  to  commence  a  searching  examination  and 
reform  of  all  convents  and  benefices  throughout  the  Austro- 
ItaUan  domains.  Although  the  Pontiff  and  Ricci  had  once 
been  on  the  happiest  terms  of  friendship,  yet  the  Jansenist 
views  of  the  latter,  and  his  firm  resolution  to  check  the 
immoralities  of  the  clergy,  at  whatever  cost  of  scandal  to 
the  holy  see,  caused  the  Pope  so  much  irritation  that  he 
abused  Ricci  as  a  fanatic,  a  liar,  a  calumniator,  and  a  fo- 
menter  of  sedition  against  the  vicar  of  Christ. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Ricci's  procedures  gave  good 
ground  for  alarm  to  the  Pope.  The  immorality  of  the 
Itahan  clergy  was  notorious.  Not  in  Tuscany  alone,  but 
in  Rome  itself,  their  vices  were  proverbial,  and  were  toler- 
ated by  all.  The  Pope's  most  intimate  friend,  Cardinal 
Bernis,  lived  in  open  and  unblushing  concubinage ;  and  the 
law  of  celibacy  was,  as  it  ever  has  been,  the  prolific  source 
of  crime.  The  efforts  of  Ricci  to  promote  reform  were, 
therefore,  sure  to  excite  scandal  by  bringing  hidden  sins  to 
light,  and,  worse  than  all,  by  suppressing  useless  or  in- 
famous convents,  to  stop  the  tide  of  wealth  which  flowed 
thence  into  the  papal  treasury.  Ricci  was  therefore  stig- 
matized as  a  heretic,  was  compelled  to  resign  his  bishopric, 
and  might  think  himself  happy  that  he  lived  in  days  when 
the  dungeons  of  the  Inquisition  and  the  horrors  of  the  stake 
were  no  longer  to  be  feared. 


THE  FRENCH  KE\  OLL'TlON   AT  ROME.  539 

But  in  the  last  decade  of  the  eighteenth  century  every 
minor  event,  however  interesting,  was  lost  and  forgotten  in 
the  all-absorbing  drama  of  the  French  Revolution.  It  was 
very  evident  that  the  flames  of  that  great  conflagration  were 
spreading  toward  Rome ;  and  with  trembling  excitement 
did  the  PontiflF  watch  their  gradual  approach.  He  had 
been  forsaken  by  Austria,  but  he  now  justly  feared  far 
greater  calamities  from  France.  The  emperor  had  at  least 
shown  him  personal  respect ;  but  from  fierce  revolutionists, 
indignant  at  priestcraft,  and  from  a  soldier  of  fortune  like 
Napoleon,  no  soothsayer  could  predict  the  treatment  that 
the  Church  and  her  chieftain  might  receive. 

The  countries  bordering  on  France — Holland,  Belgium, 
and  the  upper  Rhine-land  of  Germany — were  quickly  rev- 
olutionized, and  in  each  of  them  the  principle  of  revolution 
was  carried  into  ecclesiastical  affairs.  Piece  by  piece  the 
Church  of  Rome  lost  her  most  valued  and  cherished  pos- 
sessions. Her  day  of  doom  seemed  to  draw  nigh.  In 
1796,  Napoleon  crossed  the  Alps  and  entered  Austrian 
Italy,  and  his  rapid  victories  in  that  region  struck  terror 
into  the  heart  of  the  Pope.  Pius  prepared  to  make  such 
feeble  resistance  as  his  resources  permitted  ;  but  before  his 
troops  were  half  ready,  Napoleon  was  master  of  Bologna, 
and  another  day  would  have  seen  him  at  the  very  gates  of 
Rome.  In  swift  haste  an  envoy  was  dispatched  to  lay  the 
tiara  at  the  feet  of  the  conqueror ;  and  Rome  was  spared 
at  the  price  of  twenty  millions  of  francs  and  a  hundred  of 
her  finest  works  of  art.  When  the  victories  of  Areola  and 
Rivoli  had  put  all  Italy  in  Napoleon's  power,  even  these 
hard  terms  w^ere  made  harder.  A  French  garrison  was 
stationed  at  Ancona,  and  within  a  few  months  the  Apollo 
Belvidere,  the  Laocoon,  the  Transfiguration  of  Raphael, 
and  the  St.  Jerome  of  Domenichino,  were  placed  on  the 
banks  of  the  Seine. 

Impoverished  by  the  rapacity  of  the  French  soldiery  at 
Ancona,  who  did  not  scruple  to  carry  off"  diamonds  and 


540  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

jewels  whenever  money  was  not  to  be  found,  the  Italian 
nobles  prevailed  on  the  Pope,  in  1*797,  to  seek  the  protec- 
tion of  the  Austrian  general,  Provera.  But  for  this  ill-advised 
step  the  aged  Pontiff  paid  a  heavy  penalty.  Berthier,  the 
French  commander,  marched  rapidly  on  Rome ;  entering 
that  city,  he  proclaimed  a  republican  government,  and  then 
at  the  head  of  his  soldiers  appeared  at  the  gate  of  the  Vat- 
ican. The  Pope  was  dragged  from  the  altar  at  which  he 
was  kneeling ;  the  apartments  he  occupied  were  stripped 
before  his  eyes,  and  even  the  rings  which  adorned  his 
hands  were  rudely  drawn  from  his  fingers.  He  bore  these 
indignities  with  the  courage  of  a  really  magnanimous  mind, 
and  that  fully  comported  with  the  majesty  he  had  displayed 
in  his  more  prosperous  days.  "  I  am  prepared,"  he  ex- 
claimed, "  for  every  species  of  disgrace.  As  supreme  Pon- 
tiff, I  am  resolved  to  die  in  the  exercise  of  all  my  power. 
You  may  employ  force,  for  you  can  do  so ;  but  though  you 
may  be  masters  of  my  body,  you  are  not  so  of  my  soul." 
Removed  from  Rome,  Pius  VI.  remained  for  a  year  in  a 
convent  near  Florence ;  from  thence  he  was  carried  across 
the  Alps  in  a  litter  to  Briancon  in  France,  and  finally  to  Va- 
lence, where  he  died  in  1799,  in  the  eighty-second  year  of 
his  age.  We  may  admire  the  grandeur  of  character  and 
pity  the  calamities  of  Pius  VI.,  but  his  slight  regard  for 
morality  or  religion  prevents  our  revering  his  memory. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

PONTIFICATE   OF    PIUS  VII. THE  PAPACY   HUMBLED  AND  EN- 
SLAVED,  AND   RESTORED. A.   D.    1799-1823. 

Low  as  the  popedom  had  fallen  in  the  pontificate  of  Pius 
VI.,  it  was  destined  to  sound  a  yet  lower  depth  in  that  of 
his  successor.  Pius  VI.  had  at  least  maintained  the  dignity 
of  his  position  throughout  his  misfortunes ;  but  under  the 


THE  PAPACY.  HUMBLED.  541 

next  pontiff  the  Romish  Church  was  doomed  to  become 
the  mere  slave  of  a  victorious  soldier.  Exiled  from  Rome, 
the  conclave,  only  thirty -five  in  number,  assembled  at  Venice, 
and  among  them  there  was  none  who,  by  nobility  of  birth  and 
his  influence  at  foreign  courts,  appeared  so  eligible  for  the 
doubtful  honor  as  Chiaramonti,  who  was  accordingly  chosen. 

Pius  VII.  was  already  experienced  in  worldly  affairs,  and 
had  labored  with  some  success  to  ingratiate  himself  both 
with  the  house  of  Austria  and  with  the  young  conqueror, 
who  even  then  seemed  to  hold  in  his  hands  the  destinies  of 
France.  His  policy  amid  the  conflict  of  European  powers 
was  to  contiuue  entirely  neutral,  at  least  until  he  should  see 
on  which  side  the  scale  would  fall.  Not  that  he  was  at  all 
indiff'erent  to  the  result ;  his  opinions  and  wishes  were  in- 
deed, as  we  shall  presently  see,  of  a  very  decidedly  des- 
potic complexion. 

The  storm  of  the  French  revolution  had  everywhere  beat 
pitilessly  on  ecclesiastical  institutions,  and  in  France  had 
wholly  swept  them  away.  When,  therefore,  Napoleon 
began  in  the  year  1800  to  aspire  to  the  imperial  dignity, 
and  engaged  himself  in  constructing  anew  the  organic  forms 
of  society  out  of  the  scattered  elements  around  him,  he 
anxiously  considered  how  he  might  best  reconstruct  the 
outward  edifice  of  the  Church,  which  he  regarded  in  the 
light  of  a  preservative  of  social  order.  To  use  it  as  an  in- 
strument of  government  was  his  only  intention ;  for  at  heart 
he  cared  for  no  Church,  being  simply  a  deist.  "  I  was  a 
Mohammedan  in  Egypt,"  he  used  to  say — "  here  I  will  be- 
come a  Catholic  for  the  good  of  the  people.  I  am  no  be- 
liever in  particular  creeds ;  but  as  to  the  idea  of  a  God — 
look  to  the  heavens,  and  say  who  made  them  .^" 

Guided  by  such  views.  Napoleon  could  not  long  hesitate 
what  form  of  religion  to  adopt.  True,  much  that  belonged 
to  popery  he  utterly  despised,  and  his  own  preferences  in- 
clined to  the  Lutheran  or  the  reformed  mode  of  worship. 
But  knowing  that  almost  all  the  religious  sentiment  yet  ex- 


642  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

isting  in  France  was  decidedly  popish,  he  concluded  that 
it  was  better  to  adopt  a  religion  which  many  were  at- 
tached to,  and  none  would  seriously  oppose,  than  one 
which  would  excite  bigoted  opposition  without  conciHa- 
ting  any  ardent  support.  In  all  this  he  acted  as  mere 
worldly  politicians  would  approve;  and  if  the  papacy  in 
consequence  obtained  a  moment's  respite  from  destruction, 
it  was  not  at  all  because  her  authority  had  revived,  but  be- 
cause she  was  useful  as  a  statesman's  tool.  Napoleon  now 
made  proposals  to  enter  into  a  concordat  with  the  new  Pope, 
who,  by  the  changeful  fortunes  of  war,  was  by  this  time 
installed  in  the  halls  of  the  Vatican. 

Pius  VII.  had  before  this  secretly  acknowledged  to  Louis 
XVIII.  that  he  regarded  him  as  the  legitimate  monarch  of 
France.  Yet  he  was  not  so  punctilious  in  matters  of  con- 
science as  to  permit  this  to  interfere  with  his  now  giving  a 
like  acknowledgment  to  Napoleon.  His  only  objections  re- 
ferred to  the  enormous  sacrifices  which  Bonaparte  required 
from  him  as  head  of  the  Catholic  Church.  Nevertheless, 
the  concordat  was  ratified,  and  the  Roman  Catholic  religion 
was  once  more  proclaimed  as  that  of  the  French  nation. 
Ten  archbishops  and  fifty  bishops  werQ  assigned  to  the  re- 
public, who  were  all  to  be  natives  of  France.  The  arch- 
bishops were  to  receive  a  salary  of  15,000  francs  (£600)  a 
year,  and  bishops  10,000  francs,  or  £400.  All  these  dig- 
nitaries, moreover,  were  to  be  elected  or  deposed  solely  by 
the  ruler  of  France. 

This  was  all  that  now  remained  to  the  popedom  of  those 
vast  possessions  which  they  had  held  for  ages  in  the  coun- 
try of  Charlemagne  and  Louis  the  Ninth,  her  most  devoted 
and  faithful  sons !  In  the  revolution  no  fewer  than  a  hun- 
dred and  forty-six  sees,  besides  monasteries  and  benefices 
without  number,  had  been  totally  lost.  Who  could  calcu- 
late the  wealth  which  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  clergy, 
or  measure  their  enormous  landed  estates  ?  All  now  was 
gone  ;  and  if  the  restoration  of  order  brought  back  the  es- 


i 


THE   PAPACY   HUMBLED.  543 

tablishment  of  Catholicism,  and  gave  once  more  a  hierarchy 
to  France,  it  was  an  establishment  shorn  of  its  glories, 
a  hierarchy  despoiled  of  its  riches  and  power,  and  bound 
by  indissoluble  chains,  not  to  the  Pontiff,  but  to  the  national 
chief.  Well  may  Chateaubriand  style  Pius  VII.  the  "  true 
Pontiff  of  tribulation."  It  cost  him,  doubtless,  many  a 
pang  to  yield  to  such  hard  conditions  ;  but  how  many  of 
his  predecessors,  the  Gregories,  the  Bonifaces,  and  the  In- 
nocents, would  have  perished  a  hundred  times  rather 
than  have  yielded !  To  bend  pliably,  to  accommodate 
himself  to  circumstances,  was  the  genius  and  policy  of 
Pius  VII.,  and  as  he  now  stooped  to  the  conquering 
Bonaparte,  so  when,  in  1V9Y,  he  was  Bishop  of  Imola,  had 
he  sided  with  the  victorious  republicans.  "  Yes,  ray  dear 
brethren,"  said  he,  **  be  good  Christians  and  you  will  make 
excellent  republicans.  The  moral  virtues  make  good  dem- 
ocrats. The  first  Christians  were  animated  with  the  spirit 
of  democracy.  God  favored  the  labors  of  Cato  of  Utica, 
and  of  the  illustrious  republicans  of  Rome."  When  this 
truckling  and  supple  spirit  has  taken  the  place  of  the  hero- 
ism of  ancient  popes,  it  is  not  very  dangerous  to  predict 
that  the  days  of  the  papacy  are  numbered. 

So  completely  was  the  Pope  humbled  before  the  con- 
queror of  Europe  that  he  could  refuse  him  no  request. 
He  felt  that  Napoleon  was  his  master,  and  when,  there- 
fore, that  bold  adventurer  determined  to  exchange  the 
title  of  first  consul  for  that  of  emperor,  he  found  little 
difficulty  in  obtaining  from  Pius  the  honor  of  a  papal  cor- 
onation. For  this  purpose,  in  November,  1804,  Pius  VIL 
set  out  on  his  journey  to  France. 

Napoleon  met  the  Pontiff  near  Fontainebleau.  The  em- 
peror was  on  horseback  ;  the  Pope  in  his  traveling  carriage. 
Both  alighted,  and  after  embraces  and  congratulations,  the 
emperor  entered  the  Pope's  carriage,  and  they  rode  ami- 
cably together  to  Fontainebleau.  On  arriving  in  Paris,  the 
Pontiff  received  every  possible  mark  of  respect,  and  was 


544  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

lodged  in  magnificent  apartments  at  the  Tuileries.  Many, 
of  course,  felt  tlie  hereditary  emotions  of  reverence  and  love  ; 
but  in  France  the  philosophers  of  the  eighteenth  century 
had  labored  too  successfully  to  allow  of  any  general  enthusi- 
asm for  a  pope  being  either  expressed  or  felt.  Occasionally, 
Pius  was  treated  with  even  contempt  and  insult ;  and  we 
are  assured  that  he  never  failed  to  endure  it  with  patience 
and  meekness. 

On  the  second  of  December  the  coronation  took  place  in 
the  Cathedral  of  Notre  Dame.  The  whole  luxury  and  mag- 
nificence of  the  empire  were  displayed  in  this  imposing 
ceremonial.  The  Pope  offered  a  prayer,  anointed  the  head 
of  the  monarch,  and  pronounced  a  benediction.  Yet  so  lit- 
tle did  he  sympathize  with  the  gorgeous  pageant  in  which 
he  acted  this  conspicuous  part,  that  a  shade  of  gloom,  per- 
haps of  foreboding,  was  observed  to  pass  across  his  coun- 
tenance at  the  moment  of  chief  solemnity,  when  Napoleon 
received  the  crown  to  place  it  on  his  own  brow. 

Pius  had  in  reality  hoped  for  great  results  from  this  visit 
to  Paris.  Slight  as  were  the  grounds  for  congratulation 
when  the  concordat  between  himself  and  Napoleon  was  ar- 
ranged, he  was  transported  with  joy.  "  By  this  event,"  he 
said,  "  the  churches  have  been  purified  from  profanation, 
the  altars  raised  anew,  the  banner  of  the  cross  once  more 
unfurled,  legitimate  pastors  set  over  the  people,  and  so  many 
souls  that  had  strayed  from  the  right  way  restored  to  the 
unity  of  the  Church,  and  reconciled  to  themselves  and 
God."  And  now  he  trusted  that  his  presence  in  France 
would  lead  Bonaparte  to  make  more  generous  concessions. 
"  I  go,"  said  he  to  the  cardinals,  "  to  comptete  the  work  I 
have  commenced." 

Little  reason,  however,  was  there  for  Pius  to  expect 
much  favor  from  Napoleon.  On  the  contrary,  the  emperor 
had  already  shown  a  disposition  to  impose  yet  more  restric- 
tions on  the  Romish  Church,  and  it  was  chiefly  owing  to 
his  suggestions  and  aid  that  it  had  been  overwhelmed  with 


THE  PAPACY   HUMBLED.  546 

ruin  in  Germany  only  the  year  before  ;  her  estates  having 
been  taken  away  and  given  to  the  Protestant  princes.  At 
this  unexpected  blow  Pius  himself  was  filled  with  dismay. 
**  What !"  exclaimed  he  in  despair,  "  did  not  Innocent  III. 
expressly  decree  that  heretics  should  not  only  be  incapable 
of  despoiling  the  Church,  but  that  the  Church  might  herself 
lawfully  appropriate  the  estates  of  heretics  ?  Alas  !  we  are 
fallen  on  such  calamitous  times  that  it  is  not  possible  for  the 
spouse  of  Christ  to  practice,  nor  even  expedient  ior  her  to  recall 
her  holy  maxims  of  just  rigor  against  the  enemies  of  the 
faith."  Then,  filled  with  the  indignation  of  injured  infallibility, 
he  continued,  "  But,  although  she  cannot  exercise  her  right  of 
deposing  heretics  from  their  principalities,  and  declaring 
them  deprived  of  their  property,  yet  ought  she  for  a  mo- 
ment to  allow  that  they  may  rob  her  of  her  property  to  ag- 
grandize and  enrich  themselves  ?  What  an  object  of  deri- 
sion would  she  become  to  heretics  and  infidels,  who  in 
mocking  her  grief  would  say,  that  they  had  found  out  a  way 
of  making  her  tolerant  P^ 

0  !  unalterable  Rome  ! 

Indulging  these  illusive  hopes,  and  calling  to  mind  what 
vast  endowments  Charlemagne  had  conferred  on  the  Pope 
who  crowned  him  with  the  imperial  diadem,  Pius  VII. 
modestly  requested  of  Napoleon  the  restoration  of  some  of 
the  territory  which  had  been  severed  from  the  Papal  States 
at  the  last  invasion  of  Italy.  He  received  this  stern  and 
peremptory  reply : — "  France  has  dearly  purchased  the 
power  which  she  enjoys.  We  cannot  sever  anything  from 
an  empire  which  has  been  the  fruit  of  ten  years'  bloody 
combats." 

Disappointed  and  mortified,  yet  still  cherishing  hope,  be- 
cause of  the  courteous  treatment  he  had  personally  received 
in  Paris,  Pius  returned  to  his  Itahan  dominions,  to  learn  there 
the  bitter  truth,  that  not  only  was  his  spiritual  authority 
curtailed,  but  that  even  his  chpped  and  fettered  temporal 
sovereignty  was  now  to   be  reduced  to  a  shadow.     The 


646  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

wars  still  carried  on  by  Napoleon  rendered  it  needful  to 
occupy  Italy  with  a  military  force,  and  Ancona,  and  all  the 
other  sea-ports  in  the  Papal  States,  were  accordingly  garri- 
soned with  soldiers,  in  utter  disregard  of  the  Pope's  ear- 
nest remonstrances.  "  You,"  said  Napoleon,  "are  sovereign 
of  Rome,  but  I  am  its  emperor.''^  In  vain  did  Pius  indig- 
nantly reply  that  he  acknowledged  no  earthly  superior; 
that  superior  was  at  hand,  and,  as  if  endowed  with  ubiquity, 
even  when  beyond  the  Alps  made  his  presence  oppressively 
and  painfully  felt  in  the  chambers  of  the  Vatican. 

Pliable  as  he  had  shown  himself  in  merely  spiritual  mat- 
ters, Pius  VII.  began  to  grow  resolute  when  his  temporal 
possessions  were  touched.  Napoleon  required  that  a  league 
should  be  formed  between  France  and  the  papacy,  in  the 
war  which  he  was  then  waging  with  England.  Pius  saw 
in  this  demand,  not  only  a  disgraceful  subserviency  to 
France,  but  certain  and  absolute  ruin  to  his  power,  -which- 
ever should  be  the  victor.  It  was  to  make  Italy  the  thea- 
tre of  war,  and  to  get  no  recompense  for  bloodshed  and  de- 
vastation but  insult  and  oppression.  He  therefore  firmly 
refused  to  permit  the  French  soldiers  to  garrison  Rome. 
*'  The  emperor,"  said  he,  "  insists  on  everything  or  nothing. 
To  his  articles  I  cannot  subscribe.  There  will  be  no  mili- 
tary resistance  ;  I  shall  retire  into  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo ; 
not  a  shot  shall  be  fired,  but  the  emperor  will  find  it  neces- 
sary to  force  the  gates.  I  will  place  myself  at  the  entry ; 
the  troops  will  require  to  pass  over  my  body."  Pius  even 
ventured  to  mutter  something  about  excommunication, 
which,  while  it  amused,  also  provoked  Napoleon. 

In  1809  the  vial  of  imperial  wrath  was  poured  out  on 
the  unhappy  Pope.  French  soldiers  occupied  Rome,  and 
imperiously  called  on  the  Pontiff  to  abdicate  his  royal  func- 
tions. "  The  Pope  is  at  present  too  powerful,"  said  Napo- 
leon ;  "  priests  are  not  made  to  govern.  To  the  court  of 
Rome  I  will  always  be  Charlemagne."  A  cordon  of  sol- 
diers was  drawn  around  the  Quirinal  Hill,  and  Pius  was  kept 


THE  PAPACY  HUMBLED.  547 

a  prisoner  in  his  own  palace.  But  nothing  would  induce 
the  Pope  to  surrender  his  scepter  and  crown.  At  last  a 
decree  was  issued  bv  the  French  general  declaring  that 
"  the  States  of  the  Pope  are  united  to  the  French  ernpire." 
Guns  were  fired  as  the  tricolor  flag  waved  from  the  battle- 
ments of  St.  Anorelo. 

Then  did  Pius  VII.  launch  from  the  "Vatican  the  last 
thunderbolt  in  the  papal  armory.  A  bull  of  excommunica- 
tion against  the  emperor  was  secretly  aflixed  to  the  princi- 
pal churches  in  Rome.  Yet,  not  wholly  deprived  of  his 
usual  cautiousness,  he  took  care  not  to  mention  the  emperor 
by  name.  Anxious  rather  to  conciliate  than  ofiend  the 
great  conqueror,  he  worded  the  bull  so  as  to  denounce  only 
in  general  terms  "all  the  spohators  of  the  Church." 

Napoleon  now  resolved  on  a  step  which  he  had  long  been 
contemplating.  He  desired  to  rule  the  world  of  religion  as 
well  as  the  world  of  politics,  and  he  saw  no  other  method 
that  promised  success  but  the  removal  of  the  Pope  to  Paris. 
By  having  the  Pope  near  himself,  he  hoped  to  make  him  a 
"  mere  President  of  the  Church,"  and  a  president  wholly 
subject  to  himself.  To  Paris  therefore  he  caused  the  Pon- 
tiff to  be  conveyed. 

When  the  will  of  the  emperor  was  announced  to  Pius  VII. 
it  sounded  like  a  reprieve  to  one  doomed  to  die.  He  had 
expected,  or  professed  to  expect,  nothing  less  than  death. 
When  the  officer  whose  duty  it  was  to  perform  the  task 
entered  into  the  presence  of  Pius,  pale  and  trembling  with 
all  the  superstitious  fear  of  an  ignorant  devotee,  he  found 
the  Pontiff  sitting  in  an  attitude  of  resignation  to  his  fate. 
He  had  called  for  the  ring  which  Pius  VI.  had  woi*n  in  his 
last  moments,  the  gift  of  Queen  Clotilda,  and  putting  it  on 
his  finger  looked  at  it,  and  so  expected  death,  we  are  told, 
with  calm  satisfaction.  We  might  surely  have  looked  for 
something  more  than  this  in  a  Christian  bishop ! 

He  was  first  carried  to  Grenoble,  and  then  to  Savona, 
where  he  remained  strictly  guarded  all  the  while  Napoleon 


548  LIVES   OF  THE   POPES. 

was  engaged  in  war,  and  unable  to  attend  to  ecclesiastical 
matters.  On  the  conclusion  of  the  disastrous  Russian  cam- 
paign in  1812  the  emperor  found  leisure  to  inquire  for  the 
Pope,  and  ordered  him  to  be  removed  to  Fontainebleau. 
He  was  conducted  thither  in  great  secresy,  divested  of  his 
pontifical  robes,  and  not  permitted  to  alight  from  his  car- 
riage. Deplorable  contrast  to  his  former  visit,  eight  years 
before ! 

At  Fontainebleau  Napoleon  and  Pius  met  once  again; 
and  the  resolute  energy  of  the  emperor  easily  obtained  all 
that  he  wanted.  It  is  said,  indeed,  that  he  used  threats 
and  unseemly  violence,  seizing  the  aged  Pope  by  his  hoary 
locks,  and  otherwise  expressing  his  anger.  But  this  could 
hardly  be  requisite  with  a  feeble  old  man,  already  more 
than  seventy  years  of  age.  When  afterward  deploring  the 
copcessions  he  had  made,  Pius  blamed  the  prelates  around 
him.  "  These  cardinals,"  he  would  say,  "  dragged  me  to 
the  table  and  forced  me  to  sign." 

Henceforth,  till  the  downfall  of  Napoleon,  the  Pope  was 
the  servant  of  the  emperor.  He  resided  at  Fontainebleau, 
like  a  captive  on  parole.  His  time  was  passed  in  no  very 
dignified  employment,  but  at  least  harmlessly.  He  chatted 
affably,  took  prodigious  quantities  of  snufF,  mended  his  own 
clothes  for  amusement,  and  sometimes  washed  them.  The 
vast  library  at  his  command  was  seldom  used,  and  except 
that  he  was  punctilious  in  observing  the  rites  of  the  Church, 
he  does  not  seem  to  have  concerned  himself  much  with  ec- 
clesiastical aflfairs. 

But  in  the  year  1814  the  Pontiff's  confinement  came  to 
a  close.  Reverses  had  fallen  thickly  on  the  emperor,  and 
the  defeat  of  Leipsic  had  thrown  Europe  into  the  hands  of 
the  allied  sovereigns.  On  the  24th  of  January  Pius  was 
set  at  liberty,  and  commenced  his  return  to  Rome.  His 
progress,  however,  was  slow,  and  not  until  the  23d  of  May 
did  he  gaze  with  tearful  eyes  on  the  walls  and  domes  of 
the  metropolis.     A  procession  of  the  people  met  him,  with 


THE   PAPACY  HUMBLED.  549 

young  girls  carrying  gilded  palms  in  their  hands,  chanting 
songs  of  triumph,  and  shouting  "  Hosanna  !" 

With  the  return  of  the  Pontiff  to  Rome  the  tide  of  cler- 
ical bigotry  and  selfishness  set  in  afresh.  Untaught  by  mis- 
fortune, and  deaf  as  ever  to  the  stern  demands  of  an  age  in- 
creasing every  day  in  enlightenment,  the  Romish  clergy 
brought  back  with  them  all  their  old  habits  of  self-seeking 
and  peculation.  By  the  system  of  finance  begun  under  the 
French  government,  pecuniary  prosperity  might  perhaps  have 
been  established  in  the  Papal  States.  But  now  all  was 
thrown  into  a  confusion  more  ruinous  than  ever.  There  were 
taxes  and  duties  in  the  French  fashion — general  administration 
in  the  Roman.  And  above  all  there  was  a  spirit  of  intestine 
strife  between  the  old  and  the  new  parties,  those  who  advo- 
cated reform,  and  those  who  would  have  replaced  everything 
on  the  former  footing ;  a  strife  which  neither  the  ability  of 
Consalvi,  the  Pope's  chief  adviser,  nor  the  high  and  martyr- 
like reputation  of  Pius  himself  was  able  to  allay. 

Nor  was  the  Pontiff  much  comforted  on  looking  at  the 
mutilated  domains  which  the  devotion  or  generosity  of  the 
allied  sovereigns  had  allotted  him.  If  France  had  with- 
drawn her  troops,  it  was  only  that  Austria  might  introduce 
her  own.  Henceforth  the  popedom  was  under  surveillance, 
and  Pius  found  that  all  his  zeal  for  the  cause  of  the  ancient 
monarchies  had  only  produced  him  an  exchange  of  masters. 

Determined  to  withstand  the  innovating  spirit  of  the  age, 
and  hopeless  of  doing  it  by  any  other  means,  Pius  VII.  re- 
solved on  reviving  once  more  the  order  of  Jesuits.  This 
order,  although  suppressed  by  pontifical  edict,  had  not 
ceased  to  exist;  for  when  expelled  from  France,  Spain, 
Portugal,  and  Italy,  they  had  found  a  refuge,  strange  to 
say,  in  States  that  did  not  acknowledge  the  supremacy  of 
the  Pope.  Prussia  first,  and  afterward  Russia,  had  not 
only  given  them  protection,  but  received  them  into  their 
service. 

The  Jesuits  were  not  only  teachers  of  Rome's  theological 


550  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

dogmas,  they  were  the  propagators  everywhere  of  Rome's 
absolute  and  tyrannical  spirit ;  and  this  spirit  it  had  now 
become  needful  for  the  Prussian  and  Russian  monarchs  to 
encourage  and  diffuse,  in  order  to  prop  up  the  authority  at 
home  which  they  saw  rapidly  failing  abroad.  Those  phil- 
osophical writings  which,  more  than  anything,  had  pro- 
duced the  revolution  in  France,  were  hastening  the  same 
results  in  other  lands ;  and  Frederic  the  Great,  perceiving 
this  tendency,  and  justly  dreading  a  revolt  of  his  subjects 
against  his  arbitrary  and  despotic  rule,  had  abandoned  his 
friendship  with  Voltaire  at  the  very  time  of  the  suppression 
of  the  Jesuits  in  Italy.  He  accordingly  welcomed  them  to 
Berlin,  hoping  by  their  aid  to  conquer  the  turbulent  spirit 
of  democracy ;  and  the  same  motives  prompted  Catha- 
rine II.  of  Russia  to  invite  them  to  St.  Petersburgh.  Thus, 
under  the  patronage  of  two  courts,  neither  of  which  had 
the  least  sympathy  with  the  Pope's  spiritual  claims,  were 
the  Pope's  most  devoted  and  faithful  servants  protected 
until  he  bid  them  return  to  Rome. 

And  within  three  months  of  his  own  restoration  did 
Pius  VII.  publish  the  bull  Solicitudo  omnium  ecclesiarum, 
recalling  the  Jesuits  to  the  side  of  the  Pontiff,  He  justified 
the  measure  by  the  exigencies  of  the  times;  *'for,"  said  he, 
"  on  the  stormy  sea,  and  every  moment  threatened  by  death 
and  shipwreck,  I  should  violate  my  duty  by  declining  the 
aid  of  powerful  and  experienced  mariners,  who  offer  them- 
selves for  my  assistance."  So  he  granted  them  all  their 
former  privileges,  reinstated  them  in  all  their  functions  of 
preaching,  confession,  and  instruction ;  and  earnestly  en- 
treated the  foreign  powers  to  extend  to  them  the  same  in- 
dulgence. 

Nor  were  those  powers,  at  least  those  of  southern  Eu- 
rope, reluctant  to  consent.  They  were  just  now  repenting 
that  they  had  ever  unchained  the  spirit  which  had  over- 
turned their  thrones.  They  erroneously  supposed  that  had 
they  retained  the  Jesuits  they  might  have  kept  down  the 


LEO  XII.,  PIUS   VIII.,    AND   GREGORY  XVI.  551 

spirit  of  insubordination,  which  eventually  changed  into 
revolution.  Their  mistake  was  the  same  as  the  Pope's, 
and  to  that  error  may  in  a  large  degree  be  attributed  the 
convulsions  which  have  since  that  time  distracted  France, 
Spain,  and  Portugal,  as  well  as  the  States  of  the  Church. 

Fearful  of  the  hberal  spirit  which  claimed  in  Italy  a  sim- 
ilar constitutional  and  representative  government  to  those 
which  had  been  established  in  the  western  nations,  Pius 
adopted  strong  measures  to  repress  the  growth  of  the  Car- 
honari  party,. to  which  that  spirit  had  given  birth;  and  in 
1817  he  began  to  condemn  them  to  severe  punishment,  im- 
prisoning some,  banishing  others,  and  putting  some  to  death. 
But  this  only  increased  the  rancor  of  party  spirit,  and  in- 
duced the  Carbonari,  for  the  sake  of  strength,  to  open  their 
ranks  to  every  rude  and  boisterous  spirit.  Party  conten- 
tions grew  higher,  day  by  day,  and  amid  the  turmoil  thus 
excited,  the  aged  Pontiflf  ended  his  unquiet  reign,  in  July, 
1823. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

PONTIFICATE    OF    LEO    XII.,  PIUS  VIII.,  AND    GREGORY   XVI. 

THE  JESUITS  AGAIN. A.   D.   1823-1846. 

The  successor  of  Pius  was  the  Cardinal  della  Genga,  al- 
ready sixty  years  of  age,  and  so  infirm  that  when  told  that 
his  friends  wished  to  raise  him  to  the  throne,  he  replied, 
pointing  to  his  swollen  limbs  and  pallid  countenance,  "  Don't 
think  of  me,  for  you  would  elect  a  corpse."  But  he  pos- 
sessed the  quahties  that  the  dominant  party  in  the  con- 
clave wanted  for  their  purpose,  and  he  was  accordingly 
elected. 

Leo  XII.  had  led  chiefly  a  political  life  as  nuncio  of  the 
Pope  at  Lucerne,  Cologne,  Florence,  and  Paris.  His  con- 
duct had  always  been  that  of  a  man  of  fashion ;  foremost 
in  all  sports,  fond  of  the  fine  arts,  and  proud  of  his  open 


652  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

licentiousness,  ^o  the  revolutionary  spirit  of  tlie  times  he 
was  bitterly  opposed,  belonging  to  that  fiery  party  of  the 
clergy  which  sought  to  restore  all  things  as  they  were  be- 
fore the  revolution.  The  harshness,  despotism,  and  intol- 
erance of  the  restoration  now  received  a  new  and  greater 
intensity. 

With  the  acquisition  of  the  tiara,  also,  Leo  seemed  to 
have  acquired  new  energy.  His  strength  was  so  revived 
that  he  appeared  like  another  man,  and  he  used  it  all  to 
enforce  the  coercive  measures  which  he  thought  necessary 
for  the  times.  His  first  blows  fell  upon  the  Jews.  In  the 
recent  disorders  they  had  left  their  quarters  called  the 
Ghetto,  and  were  carrying  on  a  flourishing  trade  in  Rome. 
As  if  eager  to  leap  back  at  once  into  the  dark  ages,  Leo  XII. 
forbade  their  dwelling  within  the  city,  and  many  honorable 
and  prosperous  merchants  removed  forthwith  to  Venice  and 
Trieste.  He  also  very  consistently  prohibited  the  practice 
of  vaccination,  restored  the  use  of  Latin  in  the  courts  of 
law,  and,  but  for  the  sturdy  opposition  he  met  with  from 
the  people,  would  have  gone  much  further  in  reviving  me- 
diasval  superstition,  ignorance,  and  barbarism. 

Next  came,  in  natural  order,  deeds  of  persecution  and 
cruelty.  Throughout  the  papal  states  the  Carbonari  party, 
or  liberals,  were  very  numerous,  and  although  most  of  them 
kept  their  principles  a  secret,  there  were  not  a  few  bold 
enough  to  avow  them,  and  to  stir  up  a  spirit  of  resistance 
against  Leo's  retrograde  policy.  To  exterminate  these,  and 
indeed  to  annihilate  the  whole  party,  became  a  leading  object 
with  the  Pope.  He  accordingly  sent  cardinals  into  the  pro- 
vinces, invested  with  full  power  to  seize  all  whom  they  sus- 
pected of  liberal  opinions,  and  to  punish  them  at  discretion. 
The  year  1825  was  thus  a  darkly-written  one  in  the  annals  of 
papal  cruelty.  Although  the  restored  Inquisition  was  more 
humane  than  its  prototype,  it  was  far  too  severe  for  the 
present  age.  No  fewer  than  five  hundred  individuals  were 
sentenced  to  various  degrees  of  punishment  in  that  year  for 


LEO  XII.,  riUS  VIII.,   AND   GREGORY  XVI.  553 

their  political  opinions  alone.  Some  were  put  to  death, 
others  were  imprisoned  for  life,  and  the  remainder  were 
subjected  to  milder  penalties. 

The  natural  result  was  the  rapid  increase  of  disaffection. 
Not  daring  to  speak,  the  subjects  of  the  Pope  thought  and 
felt  the  more ;  and  a  strong  spirit  of  anguish  and  disgust 
was  excited  even  in  devoted  papists,  when  they  saw  other 
nations  running  a  new  and  glorious  race  in  civilization,  re- 
finement, arts,  learning,  and  commerce,  and  themselves 
precluded  ^om  the  noble  strife — their  natural  energies 
forcibly  restrained  and  curbed. 

While  thus  laboring  to  control  the  aspiring  temper  of  the 
Italians,  Leo  XII.  was  not  unobservant  of  the  vast  revolu- 
tion which  had  passed  over  the  Churches  as  well  as  the 
nations  of  Europe.  He  saw  with  apprehension  that  a  new 
life  seemed  to  have  entered  into  the  Protestant  Churches, 
and  marked  with  an  anxious  eye  the  growth  of  those  Mis- 
sionary and  Bible  Societies,  which,  although  born  in  the 
present  century,  had  already  attained  to  a  magnificent  ma- 
turity, and  which  the  quick  eye  of  the  Pontiff  perceived 
would  prove  to  be  the  mightiest  assailants,  not  only  of 
philosophical  infidelity  and  pagan  idolatry,  but  also  of  papal 
superstition.  In  an  encyclical  letter  of  May,  1824,  Leo 
therefore  conveyed  to  his  bishops  and  clergy  the  fears  he 
entertained.  "  You  are  not  ignorant,"  says  that  memorable 
epistle,  "  that  a  society,  commonly  called  a  Bible  Society, 
is  audaciously  spreading  through  the  earth ;  and  that,  in 
contempt  of  the  traditions  of  the  holy  fathers,  and  against 
'the  celebrated  decree  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  it  endeavors, 
with  all  its  might,  and  by  every  means,  to  translate,  or 
rather  to  corrupt,  the  Holy  Scriptures,  mto  the  vulgar 
tongues  of  all  nations.  .  .  .  We  exhort  you,  venerable 
brethren,  to  remove  your  flocks,  with  care  and  earnestness, 
from  this  fatal  pasture.  ...  Let  not  your  courage  be 
cast  down.  You  will  have  with  you  (and  for  this  we  rely 
with  confidence  on  the  Lord)  the  poiver  of  the  secular  princes, 

24 


•  554  LIVES  OP  THE  POPES. 

who,  as  reason  and  experience   show,  defend  their  own 
cause  in  defending  the  authority  of  the  Church." 

The  last-quoted  sentence  received  a  partial  fulfillment. 
The  restored  sovereigns  were  manifestly  of  opinion  that  it 
was  mainly  by  flattering  the  priesthood,  or,  as  they  phrased 
it,  by  supporting  religion,  that  they  would  succeed  in 
bringing  back  a  spirit  of  loyalty,  and  in  firmly  establishing 
their  thrones.  Even  the  Jesuits  were  welcomed  at  first, 
but  only  to  repeat  their  intolerable  insolences,  and  to  re- 
ceive a  yet  more  ignominious  expulsion  than  before  from 
nearly  every  state.  Yet  the  priesthood  were  still  courted  in 
France,  Spain,  Portugal,  and  Austria;  and  the  detestation 
in  which  they  were  held  by  large  masses  of  the  people  was 
either  unseen  or  underrated  by  the  hoodwinked  rulers. 
For  a  while  it  seemed  as  if  a  new  career  of  glory  had 
opened  for  the  papacy. 

Perhaps  it  was  in  Protestant  Britain  that  the  Pope  ap- 
peared to  win  his  greatest  success.  The  laws  of  England 
from  the  days  of  the  Reformation  had  laid  heavy,  and,  as 
was  deemed  by  many,  unjust  restraints  on  the  Roman 
Catholic  inhabitants  of  this  realm.  In  Ireland,  where  the 
Papists  outnumbered  the  Protestants  in  the  proportion  of 
eight  to  one,  these  restraints  had  occasioned  more  than 
one  attempt  at  rebellion.  In  1828,  the  demand  for  an 
equality  of  civil  rights  had  risen  to  such  a  pitch  that  an 
insurrection  seemed  certain,  and  to  quiet  the  clamor  of  the 
people,  and  avert  the  threatened  danger,  the  "Roman 
Catholic  Relief  Act"  was  passed  by  the  British  parhament 
in  1829;;^  a  measure  which  many  deprecated  as  fraught  < 
with  peril,  while  others  regarded  it  as  a  just  and  equitable 
concession  of  indisputable  rights. 

Had  the  Romish  Church  in  Ireland  still  possessed  her 
primitive  vigor,  or  had  she  retained  only  a  moderate  por- 
tion of  spiritual  life,  this  event  might  indeed  have  proved  a 
great  victory.  But  the  unbinding  of  the  cerements  which 
surround  the  limbs  of  a  corpse  will  only  cause  it  to  fall  to 


LEO  XII.,  PIUS  VIII.,  AND  GREGORY  XVI.  655 

pieces  the  faster,  and  so  has  it  hitherto  seemed  with  the 
papal  system  in  Ireland.  At  the  hour  of  this  imaginary- 
triumph  Pope  Leo  died,  in  February,  1829. 

As  in  the  former  election,  so  now  again,  the  conclave  was 
chiefly  influenced  in  its  choice  by  the  will  and  policy  of 
Austria.  At  her  instigation.  Cardinal  Castiglione  became 
the  successful  candidate. 

Pius  VIII.  was  well  adapted  to  become  the  tool  of  a 
party,  and  of  the  Austrian  party  especially.  He  was  old 
and  infirm,  while  he  was  little  acquainted  with  public  aff'airs, 
and  his  religious  sentiments  were  of  the  gloomiest  cast.  He 
promptly  rewarded  the  Austrian  cardinal,  Albani,  whose 
zeal  had  secured  his  election,  by  making  him  Secretary  of 
State,  and  the  States  of  the  Church  immediately  sank  into 
entire  subserviency  to  Austria.  The  policy  of  the  preced- 
ing pontificate  was  steadily  carried  out;  liberal  opinions 
were  everywhere  violently  suppressed ;  and  when  the  second 
French  Revolution  of  1830  gave  the  Italian  patriots  the 
hope  that  the  time  was  at  length  come  for  their  emancipa- 
tion from  papal  thraldom,  the  strongest  measures  were 
taken  to  prevent  any  popular  outbreak.  In  the  midst  of 
this  excitement,  Pope  Pius  died,  chiefly  weighed  down  by 
the  infirmities  of  age. 

This  time  the  cardinals  were  not  long  in  deliberating. 
The  aspect  of  the  political  heavens  was  too  loweiing  to  ad- 
mit of  delay.  Already  there  were  signs  of  an  approaching 
revolution,  when  the  conclave  announced  the  election  of 
Cardinal  Capellari  to  the  tiara  and  the  throne. 

Gregory  XVI.  was  quite  as  unused  as  his  predecessor 
to  the  business  of  public  life.  He  had  been  a  Carmelite 
monk,  and  had  acquired  the  character  of  a  learned  theolo- 
gian ;  but  was  unfitted  for  government,  as  much  by  the 
habits  of  his  former  secluded  life  as  by  the  bigoted  and 
superstitious  disposition  which  such  habits  almost  neces- 
sarily create. 

Scarcely  had  the  accession  of  Gregory  been  published. 


556  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

when  revolts  occurred  in  several  of  the  papal  provinces. 
Bologna  took  the  lead,  pulling  down  the  Pope's  arms  from 
the  palace  of  the  legate,  and  replacing  them  with  the  tri- 
color flag.  The  commotion  spread  swiftly  from  Bologna 
throughout  Romagna,  then  reached  the  other  provinces,  and 
in  a  few  days  prevailed  in  all  parts  of  the  Pope's  dominions, 
except  the  metropolitan  city. 

The  avowed  intention  of  the  insurgents  was  to  put  an 
end  forever  to  the  temporal  sovereignty  of  the  Pope,  and 
to  unite  the  states  of  Italy  in  one  common  national  bond. 
But  the  movement  was  altogether  too  sudden,  and  too  pre- 
maturely contrived  to  insure  success.  There  was  little  or 
no  preparation  to  encounter  the  opposition  that  was  certain 
to  arise.  It  was  simply  a  spontaneous  burst  of  enthusiasm, 
excited  by  the  revolution  in  Paris,  which  had  expelled 
Charles  X.  and  placed  Louis  Philippe  on  the  throne. 

Yet  so  utterly  powerless,  so  universally  detested  was  the 
pontifical  government,  that,  left  to  itself,  it  could  not  have 
survived  the  shock  of  even  this  unorganized  insurrection. 
But  Austria  proffered  aid,  and  pouring  her  troops  into 
the  disaff'ected  provinces,  quickly  silenced  the  tumult  of 
revolt.  It  was  evident,  however,  that  agitations  like  these 
could  only  be  prevented  by  timely  concessions  to  the  people, 
and  the  powers  of  Europe  united  to  recommend  this  course 
to  the  Pope,  in  order  that  a  "  new  era"  (as  Cardinal  Ber- 
netti,  the  papal  secretary,  said)  might  commence  with  the 
popedom  of  Gregory  XVI. 

But  the  new  era  promised  by  Bemetti  was  slow  in  arriv- 
ing. The  papal  government,  with  its  usual  duplicity,  forgot 
its  promises  as  soon  as  the  danger  was  past.  Earnest  peti- 
tions came  up  from  the  provinces  to  be  coolly  ignored  at 
the  Vatican.  Indignant  remonstrances,  and  partial  attempts 
at  revolt,  rapidly  followed  by  confiscations,  imprisonments, 
and  exiles,  led  the  way  to  a  complete  relapse  into  the  old 
system  of  misgovemment  and  steady  suppression  of  free 
thought.     The  Papal  States  were  now  the  only  part  of 


LEO  XII.,  PIUS  VIII.,   AND   GREGORY  XVI.  557 

civilized  Europe  in  which  municipal  institutions  were  un- 
known, and  where  the  laity  were  wholly  excluded  from  the 
conduct  of  public  affairs. 

For  many  following  years  the  people  were  busy  in  plot- 
ting revolutions,  and  the  government  in  practicing  espionage 
on  the  largest  scale,  suddenly  searching  suspected  houses, 
punishing  the  suspected  without  trial,  and  every  way  em- 
bittering the  spirit  of  hostility.  Plans  were  formed  by  the 
exiled  patriots  to  unite  all  Italy  in  a  confederation  for  free- 
dom ;  but  these  plans  were  discovered  and  destroyed  by 
the  Austrian  police  before  they  were  ripe  for  execution. 
All  Europe  looked  on  with  pity,  but  no  State  offered  to  in- 
terfere, lest  commotions  in  Italy  should  lead  to  disturbances 
elsewhere.  The  banished  Italians  themselves,  in  a  mani- 
festo which  they  published  in  1845,  declared  that  the  enor- 
mities of  Gregory's  government  had  risen  to  such  a  height, 
"  that  each  one  of  them  more  than  sufficed  to  give  the  right 
of  loudly  protesting  against  his  breach  of  faith,  his  tram- 
pling upon  justice,  his  torturing  human  nature,  and  all  the 
excesses  of  his  tyranny." 

And  while  the  pontificate  of  Gregory  XVI.  was  one  of 
perpetual  domestic  unhappiness,  it  was  further  degraded 
by  the  ignominious  subjection  of  the  papacy  to  the  imperial 
sceptre.  That  sceptre  had  lost  its  majesty,  and  was  far 
less  potent  than  in  former  days,  yet  it  swayed  the  councils 
of  Rome  as  completely  as  those  of  Vienna.  How  great  the 
contrast,  how  humihating  to  modem  pontiffs,  between  the 
popedoms  of  the  seventh  and  the  sixteenth  Gregory ! 

Nor  was  there  much  in  the  aspect  of  affairs  abroad  to 
console  the  humbled  papacy  for  the  mortifications  she  en- 
dured at  home.  The  revival  of  the  Jesuits  had,  indeed, 
given  the  appearance  of  greater  vigor  to  papal  operations 
in  the  countries  they  were  permitted  to  enter.  But  from 
some  of  these  they  had  been  very  recently  ejected.  France 
drove  them  forth  in  abhorrence  when  she  banished  her  des- 
potic Charles  X. ;   and  Spain  also  rejected  then*  services 


558  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

with  disdain.  And  althougli  in  England  they  found  a 
quieter  home,  it  was  by  no  means  a  congenial  sphere  of 
labor.  They  were  neither  courted  by  the  rulers,  nor  viewed 
with  favor  by  the  people. 

Yet  it  was  in  England  that  Romanism  appeared,  during 
the  pontificate  of  Gregory  XVI.,  to  gain  its  most  signal 
triumph ;  no  such  triumphs,  indeed,  as  they  had  been  used 
to  in  other  lands,  no  wealthy  livings,  no  powerful  offices, 
but  so  large  an  apparent  increase  of  adherents  as  to  fill 
Protestants  with  alarm,  and  excite  great  rejoicing  among 
Romanists  themselves.  Tlie  increase  of  chapels  and  priests, 
and  the  erection  of  colleges  and  cathedrals,  were  much 
rather  apparent  than  real  signs  of  growing  strength.  That 
strength  had  hitherto  been  concealed,  for  to  discover  it  had 
been  contrary  to  law ;  and  now  that  the  restrictions  on  Ro- 
man Catholics  were  removed,  it  was  only  to  be  expected 
that  they  should  put  forth  their  utmost  might,  or  even  go 
beyond  it. 

Many  of  the  aristocracy,  and  much  of  the  wealth  of  the 
land,  belonged  still  to  the  apostate  Church,  and  the  Romish 
priesthood  have  never  wanted  the  skill  to  obtain  munificent 
gifts  from  either  the  remorseful,  superstitious,  or  misguided 
devotee.  Even  the  wretched  emigrants  from  Ireland,  who 
throng  the  great  cities  where  Roman  Catholic  chapels  are 
chiefly  to  be  found,  have  been  mercilessly  taxed  to  uphold 
that  pomp  and  splendor  which  the  Romish  Church  so  dearly 
loves.  There  seems,  therefore,  no  great  occasion  for  sur- 
prise or  for  alarm,  if  the  Romanist  chapels  have  increased 
from  one  hundred  to  six  hundred,  or  if  they  now  number 
ten  colleges  and  nineteen  convents  where  they  formerly  had 
none.  These  do  not  proceed  from  the  proselytism  of  Rome 
— they  are  simply  the  manifestations  of  a  strength  which 
had  before  kept  its  existence  a  secret.* 

*  The  above  statements  of  course  must  be  viewed  as  the  au- 
thor's individual  opinion.  It  is  a  question  on  whicli  public  senti- 
ment is  at  present  somewhat  divided. 


LEO  XII.,  PIUS  VIII.  AND  GKEGORr  XVI.  559 

From  another  side  proceeded  a  mucli  greater  danger  to 
evangelical  religion.  In  the  Church  of  England,  a  party 
had  risen  to  considerable  importance  which  sympathized 
far  more  with  the  principles  of  Rome  than  with  those  of 
the  Bible.  Calling  themselves  Anglicans,  they  claimed  for 
the  Episcopal  Church  of  England  a  similarity  of  creed  and 
discipline  with  that  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  The  doctrines 
of  the  Reformation  they  openly  renounced,  and  styled  that 
glorious  event  a  "misfortune,"  The  formularies  of  the 
Church  of  England  they  interpreted  as  teacliing  some  of 
the  most  anti-scriptural  doctrines  promulgated  by  Rome. 
This  party  was  of  course  vehemently  opposed  by  all  those 
who  held  fast  to  the  Scriptures,  and  who  refused  to  admit 
tradition  to  be  of  equal  authority  with  the  Bible.  A  long 
and  violent  struggle  ensued ;  and  at  lengtli  a  number  of  the 
Anglican  clergy  and  laity,  including  some  of  the  most 
learned  of  the  former,  and  some  of  the  most  distinguished 
of  the  latter,  wearied  and  fretted  by  the  protracted  contest, 
abandoned  altogether  the  Protestant  profession,  and  became 
avowed  members  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. 

While  these  events  were  agitating  England,  Gregory  XVI. 
died,  June  1,  1846.  His  career  had  been  one  of  vexation 
and  turmoil ;  a  useless  and  always  baffled  conflict  with  the 
enlightened  spirit  of  the  age.  Endeavoring  to  preserve  the 
old  and  the  obsolete  both  in  government  and  in  religion,  he 
was  always  hated  by  his  subjects,  and  overborne  and  bent 
down  by  the  strong  current  of  opinion.  In  so  unnatural 
an  effort  the  greatest  genius  must  have  failed ;  but  Greg- 
ory's was  a  mind  of  the  meanest  class.  He  made  a  favorite 
barber  first  groom  of  his  chamber,  decorated  him  with  the 
badges  of  nobility,  and  always  confided  in  his  judgment. 
Under  such  guidance,  it  can  be  little  wondered  at  that  the 
papal  finances  were  plunged  into  greater  embarrassment 
than  ever.  Accounts  were  badly  kept,  so  that  there  were 
absolutely  none  for  ten  years  of  the  sixteen  that  Gregory 
ruled.     At  the  end  of  his  reign  the  public  debt  had  mount- 


560  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

ed  from  one  million  and  a  half  to  nearly  twenty-nine  mill- 
ions of  crowns,  and  all  the  prisons  were  filled  with  suspected 
political  offenders.  The  papal  government  was  hated  at 
home,  and  despised  abroad  ;  all  parties  were  anxiously 
watching  the  darkened  firmament,  and  expecting  that  from 
the  ominous  clouds  a  tempest  would  shortly  burst. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

PONTIFICATE  OF  PIUS  IX. REFORM,  REVOLUTION,  FLIGHT, 

AND  RETURN. A.  D.  1846-1852. 

The  accession  of  Pius  IX.  was  eagerly  welcomed  by  the 
people ;  for  although  they  knew  little  about  him,  they 
thought  it  impossible  that  a  new  pontiff  should  neglect  to 
effect  reforms  that  were  become  so  palpably  requisite. 
Moreover,  the  new  Pontiff,  when  only  Cardinal  Mastai 
Ferretti,  had  acquired  a  reputation  for  benevolence  of  dis- 
position. And  when,  in  July,  1846,  he  published  an  act  of 
amnesty  for  all  political  offenders,  the  contrast  of  such  lib- 
erality with  the  stern  severity  of  the  preceding  pontificate 
seemed  to  the  Romans  like  a  sudden  gleam  of  sunshine 
from  thick  and  threatening  clouds.  **  Hosannas  were  count- 
less ;  the  ninth  Pius  was  hailed  as  a  deliverer ;  thousands 
upon  thousands  of  torches  blazed  at  even ;  no  human 
tongue  can  adequately  paint  that  festival  of  souls."  Thence- 
forth the  name  of  Gregory  was  used  as  a  by- word  of  abuse, 
and  that  of  Pius,  with  his  likeness,  and  the  colors  of  his 
shield,  became  the  prevailing  fashion. 

It  was  believed  by  all,  though  without  adequate  reason, 
that  the  act  of  amnesty  was  only  a  prelude  to  a  complete 
reformation  of  the  papal  government.  The  *'new  era," 
said  the  excited  people,  "  has  at  length  dawned,  inaugu- 
rated by  the  benevolent  Pius."  Those  who  still  labored  to 
maintain  the  old  and  detested  state  of  things  were  known 


PONTIFICATE   OF  PIUS   IX.  561 

as  Gregorians ;  and  all  the  friends  of  change,  of  reforms, 
and  of  the  benignant  Pontiff,  were  called  Pians. 

The  first  year  of  the  new  pontificate  seemed  hardly  to 
justify  the  sanguine  hopes  of  the  people.  Some  reforms 
were  accomplished,  and  others  were  promised  ;  but  it  was 
too  evident  that  either  the  Pope  was  not  greatly  in  earnest, 
or  else  that  he  had  opposition  to  overcome,  which  did  not 
meet  the  general  eye.  Perhaps  both  these  surmises  were 
coiTect ;  the  latter  certainly  was.  The  "  Gregorians  " 
tenaciously  clung  to  the  ancient  abuses,  and  were  by  no 
means  satisfied  of  what  was  sufficiently  obvious  to  all  but 
themselves,  that  the  temporal  power  of  the  popes  could  be 
no  longer  supported  on  its  decayed,  and  indeed  rotten 
foundation.  Alarmed  at  the  increasing  boldness  and  grow- 
ing demands  of  the  people,  and  irritated  at  the  partial  coun- 
tenance they  received  from  the  Pontiff,  they  not  only  in- 
trigued and  plotted  to  withstand  the  progress  of  reform, 
but  even  to  subvert  the  government  itself.  The  Romans 
were  roused  to  indignation,  and  riots  quickly  ensued.  It 
was  a  momentous  crisis,  and  Austria,  ever  watchful  for  an 
opportunity  to  interfere,  seized  the  occasion  to  reinforce  the 
garrison  of  Ferrara  with  a  fully  equipped  army,  and  to  in- 
crease the  rigor  of  police  government  in  her  own  Italian 
provinces.  *'  For  books  and  journals,"  says  an  eye-witness, 
"  her  astounding  remedy  was  the  censorship  ;  for  the  spirit 
of  freedom,  the  jail ;  and  for  the  spirit  of  independence,  the 
bayonet  y 

Other  events  quickly  occurred  to  urge  forward  the  halt- 
ing Pontiff  in  the  pathway  of  reform.  The  revolution  of 
Paris,  which,  in  February,  1848,  hurled  Louis  Phihppefrom 
the  throne  of  France,  spread  through  the  neighboring  coun- 
tries until  it  reached  Vienna,  and  afterward  Milan.  Great 
was  the  joy  at  Rome  when  the  news  of  these  occun-ences 
arrived.  The  citizens  believed  that  now  the  hour  of  their 
emancipation  had  certainly  come ;  and  the  Pope,  to  satisfy 
their  demands  and  so  avert  a  revolt,  granted  by  the  same 

24* 


562  LIVES   OF  THE  POPES. 

decree  a  constitutional  parliament  and  a  council  of  State,  in 
which,  for  the  first  time,  laymen  were  permitted  to  sit.  In 
this,  however,  Pius  did  but  follow  the  example  of  the  other 
absolute  monarchs  of  Italy,  who  hoped  to  save  their  thrones 
by  making  these  late  concessions  to  their  people,  and  he 
took  every  possible  precaution  that  the  privileges  of  the 
clergy  should  be  fully  sustained. 

Meantime  the  cry  for  national  freedom  grew  louder  day 
by  day  throughout  all  Italy.  The  shouts  that  rang  from 
the  Alps  and  Apennines  were  echoed  back  by  the  rocks  of 
Sicily.  In  March,  1848,  Milan  and  Venice  drove  out  the 
Austrian  troops ;  and  then  Charles  Albert,  King  of  Sardinia, 
hoping  to  turn  the  national  movement  to  his  own  advantage, 
proclaimed  war  against  Austria.  Multitudes  from  all  parts 
flocked  to  his  banners ;  the  grand  duke  of  Tuscany,  and 
even  the  king  of  Naples,  unwillingly  but  helplessly  carried 
away  by  the  strong  tide,  gave  in  their  adhesion  to  the  na- 
tional cause ;  and  last  of  all  the  Pope,  seeing  the  danger  of 
resisting  the  revolutionary  spirit  of  an  entire  people,  and 
hoping  that  a  league  of  Italian  States,  of  which  he  should 
be  president,  might  be  the  result  of  the  struggle,  sent  the 
papal  troops  to  support  the  king  of  Sardinia.  Thus  tlie 
tri-color  flag  bore  the  symbol  of  the  cross,  and  popular  en- 
thusiasm rose  higher  than  ever  in  favor  of  Pius  the  Ninth. 

Nevertheless,  Pius  IX.  was  far  more  a  priest  than  a  pat- 
riot, and  had  yielded  so  much  chiefly  because  it  seemed 
necessary  in  order  to  stave  off  the  dangers  which  threat- 
ened the  Church.  He  was  trying  the  experiment  whether 
it  was  possible  for  the  popedom  to  retain  its  temporal  sov- 
ereignty, by  establishing  a  constitutional  freedom ;  not  at 
all,  therefore,  because  he  desired  that  freedom,  but  because 
it  was  evident  that  only  on  this  condition  would  his  power 
be  suffered  to  continue.  And  now,  as  he  anxiously  watched 
the  rising  tide  of  revolution,  he  began  to  fear  that  he  had 
yielded  more  than  prudence  would  have  counseled;  so 
that  when  reports  reached  him  from  Austria  that  the  court 


PONTIFICATE  OF  PIUS  IX.  663 

of  Vienna  accused  him  of  being  the  fomenter  of  revolutions, 
and  even  spoke  of  forsaking  the  Roman  Church,  his  alarm 
prompted  him  to  publish  a  full  denial  of  the  charges  alleged 
against  him,  with  a  protest  that  he  had  never  intended  to 
engage  in  the  Italian  wars,  and  that  his  troops  had  crossed 
the  border  of  the  States  without  his  consent.  Unhappy- 
Pope  !  He  conciliated  Austria  indeed  by  these  assertions, 
but  at  the  costly  sacrifice  of  his  people's  affections.  The 
Romans  now  perceived  that  Pius  was  no  hearty  associate  in 
the  cause  of  Italian  nationality,  and  the  voices  which  had 
formerly  chanted  his  praises  now  loudly  denounced  him  as 
a  traitor. 

For  a  while,  however,  the  nation  suppressed  its  wrath. 
The  war  which  Charles  Albert  was  waging  with  Austria 
engrossed  all  their  anxieties  and  passions.  But  when, 
in  August,  1848,  after  a  most  disastrous  campaign,  the 
Sardinian  king  resolved  on  giving  up  Milan  to  the  Austrian 
troops,  all  confidence  in  princes  was  at  an  end ;  Charles 
Albert  and  the  Pope  were  both  of  them  objects  of  execra- 
tion ;  and  the  storm  which  had  hitherto  raged  on  the  con- 
fines of  Italy  was  now  e\adently  approaching  the  capital. 

Their  intense  vexation  and  disappointment  at  the  issue 
of  the  war,  the  Romans  wreaked  on  the  successive  minis- 
tries of  the  Pope.  That  of  Pellegrino  Rossi  was  especially 
unpopular  ;  and  while  many  threats  were  muttered  against 
Rossi  himself,  the  demands  of  the  people  were  chiefly  di- 
rected to  obtain  a  constituent  assembly  which  should  re- 
organize the  government  in  accordance  with  the  national 
wish.  The  agitation  grew  deeper  day  by  day ;  and  when, 
in  November,  1848,  the  parliament  of  deputies  assembled 
for  the  first  time,  the  excitement  had  reached  its  highest 
climax.  Crowds  daily  gathered  round  the  chambers,  and 
as  Rossi  was  one  day  passing  from  his  carnage  to  the  hall 
of  entrance,  a  dagger  from  an  unknown  hand  pierced  his 
neck,  and  laid  him  at  the  feet  of  the  populace.  The  Pope, 
in  a  wild  state  of  consternation  which  deprived  him  of  all 


564  LIVES  OF  THE  POPES. 

power  of  governing,  escaped  the  next  day  in  disguise,  and 
took  refuge  in  the  Neapolitan  dominions ;  while  the  Romans, 
triumphing  in  their  emancipation  from  the  detested  rule  of 
the  priesthood,  placed  the  tri-color  flag  on  the  capitol,  and 
proclaimed  the  commencement  of  a  Roman  republic. 

The  republic,  however,  was  not  sufiered  long  to  exist. 
Within  a  few  months  the  cannon  and  bayonets  of  France 
restored  the  Pontiff  to  his  slippery  throne,  and  there  con- 
tinue to  maintain  him.  Under  this  support  a  third  experi- 
ment has  been  tried  with  the  worn-out  papacy,  to  see 
whether  it  had  life  enough  left  to  recover  and  grow  again, 
if  for  a  time  it  was  screened  from  the  blasts  of  popular  ha- 
tred by  the  presence  of  an  overwhelming  military  force. 
But  here  also  the  experiment  fails,  and  all  that  seems  pos- 
sible is  to  keep  together  a  frail  and  lifeless  form,  which 
must  inevitably  fall  to  pieces  the  moment  the  protection  is 
removed. 

But  what  humiliations  and  depressions  will  ever  destroy 
the  proud  and  aggressive  spirit  of  the  Romish  priesthood — 
an  arrogance  which  will  last  as  long  as  the  papacy  itself? 
While  plunged  in  those  depths  of  distress  which  we  have 
just  described,  the  bold  effort  was  made  to  reestablish  in 
England  the  whole  hierarchy  of  Rome  in  all  its  ancient 
completeness  and  splendor.  In  1851  a  bull  was  issued  by 
Pius  IX.,  ordaining  that  the  ancient  bishoprics  and  arch- 
bishoprics of  the  Romish  Church  in  Britain  should  be  once 
more  restored.  As  we  have  already  seen,  these  proud  as- 
sumptions and  strenuous  efforts  do  not  by  any  means  prove 
that  Romanism  has  a  stronger  hold  upon  England  than  in 
years  gone  by.  The  general  shout  of  indignation  which 
was  raised  by  the  whole  people  at  the  pubhcation  of  the 
bull  is  a  further  illustration  of  the  fact.  All  parties  united 
in  denouncing  the  insulting  arrogance  of  the  Pope,  which 
was  rendered  almost  ridiculous  by  his  manifest  feebleness 
at  home.  One  delightful  truth,  however,  was  made  evident 
by  the  impudent  "papal  aggression"  of  1851 ;  it  was  dis- 


PONTIFICATE  OF  PIUS  IX.  565 

covered  more  plainly  than  had  ever  been  hoped  that  the 
population  of  England,  whatever  its  divisions  into  sects  and 
parties,  and  whatever  its  leanings  to  various  forms  of  error, 
was  vastly  more  Protestant  than  Popish,  and  was  little 
likely  to  be  seduced  by  the  mummeries  and  tinseled  bau- 
bles of  the  popish  ceremonial  into  a  second  allegiance  to 
Rome. 

Thus  have  we  traced  the  fortunes  of  the  Romish  Church 
from  the  first  to  the  present.  We  have  seen  her  rearing 
her  strangely-mingled  but  closely-compacted  authority  on 
the  ruins  of  the  old  Roman  empire ;  we  have  marked  her 
struggle  for  mastery  with  the  princedoms  which  arose  from 
the  barbarism  of  the  middle  ages ;  we  have  admired  the 
victory  which  she  gained  in  that  contest,  and  the  fearful 
supremacy  which  she  thenceforth  wielded  for  many  centu- 
ries over  the  mind  of  Europe,  until  the  Reformation  dis- 
solved the  fatal  spell ;  with  astonishment  we  have  viewed 
the  skill  with  which  she  recombined  the  fragments  of  her 
power,  shattered  well  nigh  to  atoms  by  that  mighty  shock, 
and  the  desperate  energy  with  which  she  vainly  strove  to 
seat  herself  once  more  on  the  throne  of  empire  ;  and  finally, 
we  have  witnessed,  not  without  joy,  her  decline  to  the  very 
verge  of  ruin,  amid  the  fierce  conflicts  of  a  revolutionary 
age. 

Abundant  evidence  have  we  found  that  the  spirit  of 
Rome  is  unchangeably  anti- scriptural,  exclusive,  and  intol- 
erant. Her  claim  of  universal  supremacy  is  as  unqualified 
in  this  nineteenth  century  as  it  was  in  the  twelfth.  Her 
denial  of  the  Bible  to  the  people  is  as  strenuous  as  ever. 
Her  hatred  of  civil  liberty  was  never  more  intense  than  now. 
To  all  these  charges  we  cite  the  most  recent  pontiflfs, 
Pius  VII.,  Leo  XII.,  and  Gregory  XVI.,  as  witnesses  at 
the  bar  of  truth.  Were  it  possible  for  Rome  to  regain  her 
ancient  power  she  would,  unquestionably,  bring  back  all 
the  intellectual  darkness,  the  social  barbarism,  the  priestly 
tyranny,  and  the  spiritual  serfdom  of  ages  long  passed  away. 


566  LIVES   OF   THE  POPES. 

But  the  power  of  Rome  is  shaken.  Even  in  her  own  Italy 
is  she  heartily  despised  and  loathed,  and  the  attempt  to  re- 
impose  her  hateful  authority  convulses  the  whole  nation  into 
anarchy.  There,  where  she  is  best  understood,  she  is  most 
unequivocally  condemned.  Only  with  the  ignorant  or  the 
interested  have  her  pretensions  any  weight,  and  her  decline 
keeps  equal  pace  with  the  progress  of  enlightened  and  Scrip- 
tural education.  ^ 

The  "  man  of  sin,"  some  think,  has  well  nigh  run  his 
eventful  course.  Yet,  as  he  existed  for  centuries  before  he 
possessed  regal  power,  so  it  is  possible  that  the  destruction 
of  the  papal  sovereignty  will  not  be  immediately  succeeded 
by  the  annihilation  of  the  Romish  error.  To  accomplish 
this,  how  great  an  obligation  rests  upon  the  Protestant 
Church !  Let  them  seek  to  maintain  the  highest  character 
for  intelligence  and  holiness.  Let  them  be  on  the  alert  to 
do  their  whole  duty,  especially  to  scatter  knowledge  and 
truth  in  every  direction.  Then  'shall  the  Church  of  Christ 
be  fully  prepared  for  a  decisive  and  final  combat.  Then 
shall  she  with  holy  confidence  march  to  the  conflict,  and  the 
towering  citadel  of  falsehood  shall  fall  down  like  the  walls 
of  Jericho.  "And  a  mighty  angel  took  up  a  stone  hke  a 
great  millstone,  and  cast  it  into  the  sea,  saying.  Thus  with 
violence  shall  that  great  city  Babylon  be  thrown  down,  and 
shall  be  found  no  more  at  all."  Rev.  xviii,  21. 


THE  END. 


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